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JtX kr 


This book is to be returned on or before 
the last date stamped below. 

128 OCTim 

23 JAii m^ 

25 JUL 1987 

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5 MAY 200 












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Aceeedon of CambyseiH-he inyades Egypt (ch. 1). Description of Egypt — 
Antiquity (2). Seats of learning (3). Inventions, &o. (4). Description 
of the ooontry (5-13). Agricoltnre (14). Bonndaries (15-18). The Nile 
— Manses of the inundation (19-27). Sonroes (28). The Upper Nile 
(29-31). The interior of Libya (32). Comparison of the Nile and Ister 
(33, 34). Castoms of the Egyptians— their strangeness (35, 36). Re- 
ligions cnstomB (37-48). Connection of the religions of Egypt and Ghreece 
(49.57). Egyptian Festivals (58-64). Sacred animals (65-67). The 
Crocodile (68-70). The Hippopotamus (71). Otters, fish, Ac. (72). The 
Phoenix (73). Sacred and winged serpents (74^ 75). The Ibis (76). 
Daily life of the Egyptians (77-80). Dress (81). Divination (82). Oracles 
(83). Practice of Medicine (84). Funerals (85-90). Worship of Perseus 
(91). Customs of the (92-95). Egyptian boats (96). Boutes 
in the flood.time (97). Anthylla and Archandropolis (98). History of 
Egypt — M^n (99). His successors— Nitocris—MoBris (100, 101). Sesostris 
—his expeditions — his works in Egypt (102-110). His son, Pheron (111). 
Ptoteua— story of Helen (112-120). Rhampsinitus (121, 122). Doctrine of 
metempsychosis (123). Cheops — his pyramid (124-126). Chephren (127, 
128). Mycerinus (129-183). His pyramid— history of Ehodfipis (134, 
135). Asychis (136). Anysis— Sabaco (137-140). Sethos— invasion of 
Sennacherib (141). Number of the kings (142, 143). Greek and Egyptian 
notiona of the age of the gods (144.146). The Dodecarchy (147-152). 
Psammetichus (154-157). Neco, his son (158, 159). Psammis, son of Neco 
(160). Apries, son of Psammis — his deposition (161.169). Tomb of Osiris 
(170). Egyptian mysteries (171). Beign of Amasis (172-177). His favour 

to the Greeks (178-182) Page 1 






1. The EgTptiaziB from Asia. 2. Egyptian and Celtic 8 Semitic character of 
l^gTPtitui. 4. Evidences of an older language than Zend and Sanscrit. 6. 
Ba or Pa, and Ma, primitive cries of infants, made into father and mother. 
6. m,for b. 7. Bek not to be prononnced hj an untutored child. 8. Bek, 
name of bread in Egypt. 9. Tlie story told to Herodotus. 10. Claim of the 
Scythians to be an early race Page 275 



[G. W.] 

1. The 12 months in Egypt. 2. Years of 360, 365, and 365i days. 3. The three 
sechsons. 4. Length of the year corrected. 5. Sothic year. 6. The year 
of 365 days. 7. The dates of kings' reigns. 8. The Square or Sothic year. 
9. The Lunar year. 10. The Arab year. 11. The Jewish year. 12. Liter- 
oalation of the Egyptians and Greeks 279 



1. Different orders of Gods. 2. The great Gods of the first order. 8. The 
second order. 4. Place of Be, or the Sun. 5. Classification of the Gods. 
6. Sabaism not a part of the Egyptian religion. 7. Pantheism. 8. Name 
of Be, Phrah, and Pharaoh. 9. Position of Be in the second order. 
10. Bank of Osiris. 11. Children of Seb. 12. The third order. 18. The 
other most noted deities. 14. Other Gods. 15. Foreign divinities. 
16. Chief God of a city and the triad. 17. Deities multiplied to a great 
extent — the unity. 18. Offices of the Deity— characters of Jupiter. 
19. Besemblances of Gods to be traced from one original. 20. Subdivision 
of the Deity 'local Gods. 21. Personifications — Nature Gods. 22. Sacred 
trees and mountains. 23. Common origin of religious systems. 24. Greek 
philosophy. 25. Creation and early state of the earth 284 



"WHEN MOBRis WAS KING," Ao. — Chap. 13. [G. W.] 

1. Bise of the Nile 16 onbitB. 2. Differed in different parts of Egypt. 8. Oldest 
Nilozneter. 4. The lowering of the Nile in Ethiopia hj the guying way of 
the rooks at Silsilis. 5. Ethiopia affected by it, but not Egypt below 
SilaiUB. 6. Other Nilometers and measurements. 7. Length of the Egyp- 
liazi cobit .•• ... ••• ••• ••• ••• •>• ••• Page 297 



1. Hieratic and Demotic, the two sorts of letters written from right to left. 
2. Hieroglyphics. 8. Three kinds of writing. 4. Hieratic. 6. Demotic, or 
enchorial. 6. The three characters. 7. First use of demotic. 8. Of sym- 
bolic hieroglyphics : the ikonographic. 9. The tropical. 10. The enigmatic. 
11. Symbolic also pnt with phonetic hieroglyphics. 12. DeterminatiYes after 
the word, or name of an object. 13. Initial letters for the whole words, to 
be called limited initial signs, 14. Distinct from other " mixed signs." 15. 
Syllabic signs. 16. Medial vowel placed at the end of a word. 17. Earliest 
nee of hieroglyphics. 18. Mode of placing hieroglyphics. 19. First letter 
of a word taken as a character. 20. Determinative signs. 2L They began 
-with representative signs. 22. The plural number. 23. Abstract ideas. 
24. Phonetic system found necessary. 25. Some parts of the verb. 26. 
Negative sign. 27. Invention of the real alphabetic writing Fhcenician. 
28. Greek letters. 29. Digamma originally written. 80. Sinaltic inscrip- 
tions not of the Israelites. 31. Tau used for the cross. 32. Materials used 
for writing upon. 33. The papyrus 301 


** 6TKNA8TIC CONTESTS." — Chap. 91. [Q. W.] 

1. Gymnastic contests. 2. Game of ball. 3. Thimble-rig and other games. 
4. Mora and draughts. 5. Pieces for draughts. 6. Dice. 7. Other 

• •• ... ••• ... ... ... ..• ••• «•• OXSI 



GBEECE."— Chap. 109. [G.W.] 

1. Greeks indebted to Egypt for early lessons in science. 2. Invention of geo- 
metry. 3. Surveying, geography. 4. Early advancement of the Egyptians 
in science. 5. Thales and others went to study in Egypt. 6. Pythagoras 


borrowed mnch from Egypt. 7. Heliocentric aystem. 8. EeviredbyCoper. 
nicos. 9. Pythagoras and Solon in Egypt. 10. Great genius of the Greeks. 
11. Herodotus unprejudiced. 12. The dial. 13. The twelre hours. 14. The 
division of the day by the Jews, Greeks, and Romans. 15. The Egyptians 
had 12 hours of day and of mght 16. The week of seven days in Egypt 
17. The Aztec week of nine days. 18. The seven-day division in Egypt. 
19. The number seven. 20. Division by ten. 21. Greek and Egyptian 
month and year of three parts Page 327 



I. Fabulous period of history— Rule of the Gods— Name of Menes; supposed 
to be Mizraim — Believed to be a real person by the Egyptians, and to have 
founded Memphis. 2. This and Memphis— Egyptians from Asia— Memphis 
older than Thebes. 3. Precedence of Upper Egypt. 4. Earliest notice of 
Thebes— Absence of early buildings. 6. Contemporary kings— Arrange- 
ment of the early dynasties. 6. Uncertainty of the early chronology— Date 
of the Exodus. 7. 1st, 2nd, and 3rd dynasties- Menes and his successors. 
8. In the second dynasty sacred animals worshipped ; and women allowed 
to hold the sceptre. 9. 4th and 5th dynasties. 10. Civilised customs in 
the early Pyramid period— Mount Sinai— Shajre built the 2nd pyramid. 
II. 6th dynasty- The prenomen of kings. 12. 7th, 8th, and 9th dynasties— 
The Enentefs, 13. llth dynasty— Contemporary kings. 14. 12th dynasty 
— Osirtasen HI. treated as a God. 15. The labyrinth. 16. The 13th 
dynasty in Ethiopia. 17. Shepherd dynasties— The Hyk-sos expelled. 
18. The 18th dynasty— The horse from Asia. 19. Thothmes I., 11., and III., 
and Queen Amun-nou-het. 20. Conquests of Thothmes III. — His monu- 
ments. 21. Amunoph III. and Queen Taia— The Stranger kings— Con- 
quests of Amunoph III. 22. Country and features of the Stranger kings 
— Related to Amunoph. 23. Expelled from Egypt. 24. King Horus. 
26. The 19th dynasty — Remeses, Sethos, and Remeses the Great— Attack 
and defence of fortresses — Pithom and Raamses — Canal to the Red Sea. 

26. 20th dynasty — Remeses III. — His conquests and wealth — His sons. 

27. 2l8t and 22nd dynasties— Priest kings. 28. 8hes7vmk, or Shishak— 
Conquers Judaea— Name of Vtulah Melchi (kingdom of Judah). 29. Kings' 
names on the Apis stelsD. 80. The 23rd dynasty — ^Assyrian names of the 
Sheshonk family. 31. The 24th dynasty— Bocchoris the Satte— Power of 
Assyria increasing. 32. The 25th dynasty of the Sabacos and Tirhaka. 
33. The 26th dynasty — Psammetiohus succeeded Tirhaka — Correction of the 
chronology — He married an Ethiopian princess. 34. War of Psanmietichns 
and desertion of his troops. 85. Succeeded by Neoo. 36. Circumnaviga- 
tion of Africa — ^Defeat of Josiah. 37. Power and fall of Apries — ^Probable 
invasion of Egypt and substitution of Amasis for Apries by Nebuchad- 
nezzar. 38. Amasis — Flourishing state of Egypt — Privileges granted to the 
Greeks— Treaty with Croesus- Persian invasion, 39. Defeat of the Bgyp- 


tians — Condnct of Cambjaes at first hamane. 40. Egypt became a 
Persian province — 27th or Persian dynasty — Revolt of the Egyptians. 
41. 28th and 29th dynasties of Egyptians. 42. 30th dynasty of Egyptians 
— Nectanebo 11. defeated. 43. Ochos recovered Egypt. 44. Doration of 
the Egyptian kingdom Page 335 

Not*. [G. E. 1875.] 394 



Canses of quarrel between Persia and Egypt — Nitetis story (1-3). Aid lent by 
Phanes (4). Passage of the Desert (5.9). Invasion of Eg^t — Psammeni- 
tns king (10). Harder of the children of Phanes — Battle of Pelusinm (11). 
Egyptian and Persian sknlls (12). Siege and capture of Memphis — snb. 
mission of the Libyans and Cyrenseans (13). Treatment of Psammenitns 
(14, 15). Treatment of the body of Amasis (16). Expeditions planned by 
Cambyses (17, 18). Phoenicians refuse to attack Carthage (19). Embassy 
to the Ethiopians (20-24). Expedition fails (25). Failnre of the expedi. 
tion against Ammon (26). Severities of Cambyses towards the Egyptians 
(27-29). His ontrageons conduct towards the Persians (30-35). His 
treatment of Crcesus (36). His madness (37, 38). History of Polycrates 
— ^his oonnection with Amasis (39-43). He sends ships to assist Cambyses 
(44). Berolt of the crews — Samos attacked (45). Aid sought from Sparta 
and Corinth (46, 47). Story of Periander (48-53). Siege of Samos (54.56). 
Fate of the rebels (57-59). Wonders of Samos (60). Bevolt of the Magi 
— ^usurpation of the Pseudo-Smerdis (61). The news reaches Cambyses — 
his wound, speech, and death (62-66). Beign of the Magus (67). His 
deteoti<m by Otanes (68, 69). Otanes conspires — ^arrival of Darius (70). 
Debate of the conspirators (71-73). Fate of Prexaspes (74, 75). Over- 
throw of the Magi (76-79). Debate on the best form of government 
(80-82). Decision of Otanes (83). Privileges of the Six (84). Darius 
obtains the kingdom (85-87). His wives (88). Division of the Empire 
into twenty Satrapies (89-93). Amount of the tribute (94-97). Customs of 
the Indians (98-105). Productiveness of the earth's extremities (106-116). 
The river Aces (117). Fate of Intaphemes (118, 119). Story of Orcotes 
and Polycrates (120-125). Punishment of Orestes (126-128). Democddes 
of CrotAna cures Darius (129, 130). His former history (131). His in- 
fluence — ^he cures Atossa (132, 133). Atossa at his instigation requests 
Darius to invade Greece (134). Persians sent to explore the coasts — 
Democ^es escapes (135-138). Persian expedition against Samos to estab- 
lish Syloson (139-149). Revolt, and reduction of Babylon by the stratagem 
of ZopyruB (150.158). Punishment of the rebels (159). Reward of Zopyrus 

yA^'vr^ ••. .*• ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ^AJL 





1. Alilat— Mylitta or Alitta, from weled, "to bear children." 2. Had different 
names in different countries. 8. A Natore.Goddess. 4. The Syrian God- 
dess. 5. The Paphian Yenus, or Urania, identified with Aatarte and 
Anaitis. 6. Tanat, or Anata. 7> Diana of Ephesns. 8. The mother and 
child. 9. Alitta and Elissa. 10. Grods of the Khonds. 11. Mant the 
mother. 12. Jnno-Lacina, Diana, and Astarte. 13. Enropa and Cadmus. 
14. Semiramis the dove. 15. Derceto or Atargatis. 16. Athara and 
Athor. 17. Inscription at Caervorran, and names of the Syrian Goddess. 
18. Figure of Astarte. 19. Baal, Moloch, and other deities of Syria. 20. 
Arcles, Melicertes, or Hercules. 21. Bimmon, and other Syrian deities — 
Some introduced into Egypt Page 537 



1. Ordinary theory on the subject — ^the, reyolution a Median outbreak. 2. 
Proofs to the contrary — (i.) from the inscriptions — (ii.) from the general 
tenor of ancient history. 8. Unsound basis of the theory — ^the Magi not 
Modes. 4. The revolution really religious. 5. Proof of this from the 
Inscriptions. 6. Religious ideas connected with the name of Darius 648 



1. Uniformity of Oriental Governments. 2. Satrapial system of Persia. 3. 
Danger of revolt — safeg^rds. 4. Power and wealth of the Satraps. 
6. Institution of Royal Judges. 6. Fixity of the royal revenue. 7. The 
border Satraps. 8. Extra-satrapial dependencies. 9. Satrapies not always 
geographically continuous. 10. Modes by which the subjection of the 
conquered races was maintained — (i.) Disarming — (ii.) Transplantation — 
(iii.) Maintenance of a standing army. 11. Position and power of the 
Monarch. 12. Privileges of the Persians. 13. Gradatiox>« of rank among 
tiiem ... ••• ••• •*• *** *** *** *** *** ooo 




1. Difficulties of the Bnbjeot. 2. Great extent of Babylon aooording to ancient 
writers. 3. No traces of original enceinte, 4. General plan of the existing 
nuns. 5. Their position on the left bank of the Euphrates a diflSonlty — 
modes of meeting it. 6. Canal between the northern and the central rains. 
7. lioand of Bctbil, the temple of Bolus — its present state. 8. Proofs of 
the idexLidty. 9. Mounds of the Ktisr and Anvrdm, the ancient palace. 10. 
Site of tlie great resexroir. 11. Palace of Neriglissar, and embankment of 
NabwTDit^ 12. Triangular enclosure, of the Parthian age. 13. The Birs- 
Nimrttdt — ^its present appearance. 14 Original plan of the Birs. 15. Its 
omazneiiitation. 16. The Birs rebuilt bj Nebuchadnezzar — his account of 
ilie reetoration ... ... Page 570 

KoTE A. — Standard Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar 587 

KoTS B. — Babylonian Researches of M. Oppert 588 

Note C. — The Qreat Inscription of Darius at BeMstun 691 

( X ) 


Western Asia at the time of Herodofcns ... ..• ... To face Title. 

Plan of HeliopoliB (ch. 8, Bk. ii.) ^ 

Bains of Babastis (ch. 138) i At ths end of 

Plan of Sals (ch, 170) I VoL II. 

The World of Herodotus ... / 


P. 13, ch. 10. 

Mftp of th« coontxy «bont the mooUi of th« River Achelolls. 

P. 18, ch. 14, note \ 

(1.) The owner oTerlooUiig the ploaghing and sowing of the land. A groom holds the 
hones of his chariot (^Thebet.) 

(2.) Ploughing scene. One man drives the oxen, the other holds the plough. Over the 
latter is the word Jiibi^ ** plough ; " and the other hieroglyphics seem to refer to the '* driving " 
of the oxen. (Comp. the woodcut on p. 21) (2V>fnb at the Pyramidt.) 

P. 19, ch. 14. 

(I.) Ploughing and hoeing. A small barrel stands at the end of the furrowB, either 
containing seed, or rather some beverage for the ploughmen, as in Hom. IL S. 541. 

(Bent Hatsai^) 
(2.) Ploughing, and sowing broadcast {T%tbe*,) 

P. 20, ch. 14. 

The main and lateral canals of an estate ., ... {Jh6bet^ 

P. 21, ch. 14, note •. 

(1.) Raising water by the ** Shadoof" or pole and bucket ... (7V6ei.) 

(2.) Driving sheep over the land to tread in the grain (^Tmb at the Pjframide.) 

P. 22, ch. 14, note ». 

(1.) The tritura, or treading out the com on the threshing-floor (7%e5e«.) 

(2.) The tritura^ and winnowing (Jhebe*.) 

P. 30, ch. 19, note ». 

Name of the God Nilus, **ffapi,*' 

P. 42, ch. 29, note ». 

The three-headed Lion-God of MeroS. 

P. 43, ch. 29, note \ 

Name of the Ethiopian king Srgamun, called by the Greeks Ergamenet, 
P. 44, ch. 30, note 8. 

Inscription of the Greek soldiers sent into iXhiopia by Psammetlchus. written on the left 1^ 
of the Colossus to the S. of the door of the great temple at AboosimbeL 

P. 48, ch. 32, note «. 

View in the Little Oasis, near Zubbo. 


P. 55, ch. 35, note *. 

(I.) Vertica] loom, (t) Uw loom on the frame with a coloured Mlvftge ; (e e) the man has the 
loom abore him as he works. The shuttle (K) is not thrown, hat draws the thread through 
backwards and forwards by a hook at each end, as is still done in weaving the Welsh whittle. 


(3.) Here the loom is below the women as they work. Figs. 6 and 6 making thread over the 
one who twirls the spindle ; at d is the word Sat, *«to twist" ^Beni ffaaan.) 

P. 56, ch. 35, Dote 1 

(No. L> A Queen making an offering with a King ^ ... Qf%ebet.) 

P. 57, ch. 35, ib. 

(No. XL) Women who held a hi^ office in the service of Amun ; — the Pallacides of Jupiter. 


(Ho. m.) Women holding a particular office in the funeral ceremonies ... {lM)ei.) 

P. 58, ch. a5, ib. 

(No. IV.) A ceremony performed by a man and a woman ... .• (77Ube«) 

P. 59, ch. 36, note «. 

Wheat cut with the sickle ; another gnin, probably DoorOt plucked up by the roots. (Iftebei.) 

P. 59, ch. 36, ib. 

(No. L) Kneading the dough with the hand (Tfubes.) 

(No. n.) Kneading don^ with Uie fbet (TJUbes, in the savM picture.) 

P. 60, 61, ch. 36, note*. 

Mode of writing nnmbers fh>m rl^ to left ; also in Indian and Hieratic, and Chinese. 
P. 62, ch. 37, note K 

(No. L) Dress of the priests {Uubet.) 

P. 63, ch. 37, ib. 

(No. n.) Leopard-skin dress of the hlgh-prtest called Sem 

(No. m.) Some priests officiating in a short kilt 

(No. IV.) Other dresses of priests 

P. 64, ch. 37, ib. 

(No. Y.) Wooden machine for gouffreylng linen dresses ... .^ (^Florence MuMum.) 

(Fig. 2.) The divisions of the same, of the real else. 

P. 65, ch. 37. note *. 

Two wooden head-pillows, or rests ^ ... ••• (^Thebee,) 

P. 67, ch. 37, note*. 

Title of the hl^-priest <* Bern." 
P. 68, ch. 37, ib. 

(Fig. 1.) A writer's palette; (fig. 2) the cubit of Justice; and (fig. 3.) the cup of libation, 
borne by the saored scribe. 

P. 69, ch. 38, note *. 

Hieroglyphics rignlfying ** to kill ; " probably similar to those on the priest's signet, or order 
iar slaying a victim. 

P. 69, ch. 39, note '. 

(No. I.) Hie Ibrelqs and other Joints. 

P. 70, ch. 39, ib. 

(Ho. II.) The fiireleg, the headt the heart, a whole goose, and other offerings of bread, 
flowers, fruit, kc (^Britiih MuHutn,/rom ThOee.) 

• •• 

• •• 



• •• 

• •• 



• •• 





P. 71, ch. 39, note K 

(No. in.) An animal offered with a head, the foreleg, heart, and ribs, and a water-bird. 
(No. IV.) The head giren to a poor Egyptian ^ (3%e6ct.) 

P. 73, ch. 41, nofce^. 

Cow-headed Goddess Eh& 
P. 75, ch. 42, note *. 

Vegetables. Figs. 5, 6, gourds ; 7, 8, raphanut otjigl ; 3 and 4 are sycamore figs. 
P. 77, ch. 42, note ». 

Name of Amon-di or Thebes. 

P. 82, ch. 44, note K 

(Part 1.) Glass-blowers (JBeni fiSMsem.) 

(Part 2.) Glass-blowers (l%ete«.) 

The same occnr at the tombs abont the Pyramids, of the Ume of Shafre, aboat 2400 b.c. 

P. 87, ch. 48, note*. 

Festoons supposed to be of ivy, but really of the Convolvuhu^ or of the Periflooa Seeamime, 

P. 87, 88, ch. 48, ib. 

(Fig. 1) The thyrsus and leopard-skin ; (2) the thyrsus alone ; (3) leaves supposed to be ivy ; 
(4) leaves having the character of those of the Periploca (JThebet.) 

P. 88, ch. 48, note ». 

(No. m.) Harp, guitar, double-pipe, lyre, tambourine ... ... (7%ebes.) 

P. 89, ch. 48, ib. 

(No. I.) Music : two harps, a flute, and a pipe, and voices ... {Tvmh at the Pyrmnidt.) 

(No. II.) Military band : (1) trumpet, (2) tomtom or hand-drum, (3 defaced), (4) clappers or 

V7 vMMIv ••• ••• ••• ■»« »«« ••• •«« »«• ««« 9^0 «0« ^ AnCU6««y 

P. 90, ch. 48, ib. 

(No. IV.) Woman playing the harp ., ... ... ... (r»e6e».) 

(No. V.) Two other kinds of harp. 

(No. VI.) Two others ; and a stringed instrument with a neck (^Pound at 1hd)ei) 

P. 100, ch. 58, note*. 

(No. I.) A sacred ark, shrine, or boat ... •«. •.. ... (TfUbet.) 

P. 101, ch. 58, ib. 

(No. n.) A sacred ark ... ., (JIhAe*:) 

P. 102, ch. 58, note \ 

Hi^-priest offering incense with sacred music, the harjs two flutes, and a guitar. 

(^Lejfden Jtftiseum.) 

P. 103, ch. 59, note •. 

Name of Pasht, Bubastis, and Buto (?) 

P. 105, ch. 61, note*. 

Hieroglyphics meaning ** Lord of the land of BAoL" 

P. 106, ch. 62, note ». 

Name of *« Neith lady of SaiS." 

P. 108, ch. 63, note*. 

A four-wheeled car ^, ... (On m%tmmy-bomdagett OolU. d* AthanatU) 

P. Ill, ch. 65, note \ 

(Fig. 1) Lock of hair on a child's head; (2 and 3) lock of hair on a prince's head appended 
to the wig ... .M CM ».. ••• ... ... ••. (^TMfet.) 



••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

{Tbmb at Bikkdra.) 

••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

(Aeni Eaaan,) 
(7b)n5 ai the JPjframidt.) 

•■• ••• 

••• ••• •!• ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• 

(Bmt* Biuian and Thebes.) 
{Unnb at the Pjframidt,) 


• •• 

• •• 

• •• 

• •• 

• •• 


• •• 




• •• 

• •• 


• •• 

■ •• 

• •• 

(^Beni Maetan.) 

P. 113,ch. 67, note*. 

The Jcbnwimoa 

P. 119, ch. 72, note \ 

(No. L) The oxyrhindiiu In bnmxe. 
(No. IL) The lepidotus in bronxe. 
(No. nL) Men fishing 

P. 120, ch. 72, ib. 

(No. IV.) Gfttching fidi ... 

P. 121, cK 72, ib. 

(No. y.) A gentlexnAn fishing, seated on a chair upon a boat 
P. 122, ch. 72, note". 

The Nile goose and a line, signifying **son.'' 
P. 122, ch. 73, note K 

(Figs. 1 and 2) The pnre soul ; (3) the Phoenix 
P. 126, ch. 77, note ^ 

Qlaaa bottles fi>r wine 

P. 127, ch. 77, note •. 

Drying and preparing fish 
P. 128, ch.77, note*. 

(No. I.) CUp>net0 

(No. n.; Net-traps for birds 

P. 129, ch. 77, ib. 

(No. m.) Catching and preserving geese 

Fig. 2. ei^Joins silence by putting bis hand over bis month. (The finger, as of Harpocrates, is 

not the sign of sUenoe, as generally supposed.) ... .„ {Thebee.) 

P. 130, ch. 78, note *. 

Figure of Osiris Introduced at a party. 
P.133, ch. 81, note«. 

(No. I.) Linen dress with a trin^ and two others. (No. II.) Various dresses. 
P. 134, ch. 82, note K 

The hours of day and night ... (^Sakkdra,) 

P. 136, ch. 84, note *. 

Ez'Totosofanarmandear {ThOtee.) 

P. 138, ch. 85, note ^ 

(No. I.) Women throwing dust on their heads in token of grief ... (^nebet.) 

(No. II.) Men beating themselves before a mummy in honour of Osiris (7%e6e<.) 

P. 140, ch. 86, note •>. 

Butchers sharpening their knives on a steel. (The same is represented at the tombs about 
the Pyramids of earlier times.) ... (2V6ei.) 

P. 141, ch. 86, note ^ 

Knives for killing a victim. 

P. 143, ch. 86, note 7. 

(No. L) liturgies performed to mummies (lV5et.) 

P. 144, ch. 86, ib. 

(No. n.) Other servioes, and ffemale relatioos weeping ^ .^ {Thebes.) 

••• ••• ••• 



P. 146, ch. 91,nDte*. 

Name of Egypt, Khem, or CbemL 
P. 149, ch. 92, note ^ 

Preflenting guests with necklaces of lotoi-flowen, as they sit on s mat ,„ •.. (7%ebes.) 
P. 150, ch. 92, note 1. 

The Nymphaa Xelunibo, or Indian lotus ... ... ... {Prom Roman Sculpture.) 

P. 154, ch. 96, note \ 

(No. L) Probable mode of securing the planks of andent NUe boats. 

P. 155, ch. 96, ih. 

(No. II.) Making a boat, and binding it with papynu bands ... (Tbmbt at the Pyramids.) 
(No. III.) Sail like that of a Chinese boat, with Uie double mast of early times. 

(JEom Akmar.) 

P. 156, ch. 96, note*. 

Boat, apparently of firwood, with the usual sail ... .^ »- (Tkebet.) 

P. 157, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. IV.) Boats with sails wrought with colours (^Thebes.) 

(No. V.) Cultivation of flax, and proceM of making ropes and linen cloth {Baii Hoisan.) 

P. 158, ch. 96, note *. 

(No. I.) Boat of the dead (7*«be«.) 

P. 159, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. II.) A gentleman in a boat with a cabin, towed by his servantA on a lake In his groands 

(No. m.) Large boat on the Nile {BiUltkyias.) 

P. 160, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. IV.) Boat of burthen ... ... •» ... {T%ebes.) 

P. 161, ch. 97, note ^ 

(No. L) Rescuing cattle from the inundation ,„ {Beni Hassan.) 

(No. 11.) A similar sutjeci ^ (<&•) 

P. 163, ch. 99, note \ 

Name of Menes. 
P. 165, ch. 100, note*. 

Two names of Nltocrla. 
P..170,ch. 104, note*. 

A negro fh>m the sculptures ... (^Thebes.) 

P. 174, ch. 106, note *. 

Supposed figure of Sesostris, near Smyrna ... (A'tn/l.) 

P. 175, ch. 106, note*. 

Name of N. Ethiopia and of Phut 

0pp. P. 176, ch. 107, note ». 

Statue on a sledge, 13 cubits in hei^t, according to the hieroglyphics ; In a tomb near El 
Bersheh, or rather near Dayr E* Nakhl. 

(Fig. 1.) The statue bound upon a sledge, with ropes i>as8ing over pieces of leather, or 
rather of lead, to prevent their injuring the stone. It is of an individual of rank, ** Thothothph, 
beloved of the king." — (2.) A man, probably beating time with his hands, and giving out a 
Terse of a song, to which the men responded. — (3. > Seems from the hieroglyphics to be offering 
incense. — (4.) Fours grease fh)m a vase upon the road, |irobably covered with wood, on which 
the sledge glided. The back of the sledge is cut so as to admit the points of levers, commonly 


fn "Egypt and Aisyria for moving large monaments, and mentioned In Herodot. II. 175. 
^5.) Egyptian eoldiers.— (6, 7, 8, 9.) Four rows of forty-three men each, dragging the 
ilitae. Some appear to be foreigners, others Egyptians, and soldiers.— (10.) Men carrying 
grease, or water.— (11.) Others carrying some implements.— (12.) Taskmasters or super* 
Intaidents.— (13» 14, 15, 16.) Superintendents and perhaps reliefs of men. In the columns 
of hiesttglypbics to the extreme right the noMs mentioned is the ** HisrmopoliU," and that 
part of it **(Ki the eatt " baolc, where this tomb is hewn in the limestone rock. 

P. 199, ch.124, note*. 

Flan of the Pyramids. 

P. 201, ch. 125, note ». 

If ode <a constructing a Pyramid. 

P. 2(H, ch. 127, note K 

Karnes of Shofo, Sinlki, Saphls, at Chec^ ; and of Nou-Shufu. 

P. 205, ch. 129, note *. 

Name <^ Mencheres, or Mycerinus. 

P. 209, ch. 134, note K 

Section of part of the third Pyramid, showing the original passage and chamber, and the 
later ooeA. 

P. 211, ch. 135, note*. 

^to en- skewers of bronze .. m. ... (C/resgrortan Jfioeum, A>me.) 

P. 213, ch. 136, note*. 
Brick Pyramid of Hawira. 

P. 214, ch. 136, note \ 

Brick-nuiking at Thebes, showing how they mixed the mud and made the talcs of bricks, 
overlooked by taskmasters, as described in Exodus. The workmen were foreigners, but not 
in this instance /nrj „ {Thebes.) 

P. 233, ch. 152, note *. 

Foreign auxiliaries in the time of Remeses III. ^ ^ ... {Thebet.) 

P. 236, ch. 155, note *. 

An Egyptian temple, surrounded by Its temenos planted with trees. A procession with 
a sacred shrine is entering the temenos from the hypaethral building before the entrance. 
Beyond are a Tilla, and Tillages in the plain, which is Intersected by canals from the liile. 

P.257,ch. 171, note 3. 

(So. T.) Tbe great serpent Apap or Aphophls, lying dead before the Qod Atmoo or Atum. 
(No. II.) Aphophls, in a human form, pierced by the spear of Horns. 
Legend of Atmoo, or Atum-Re, the Sun, and Aphophls killed. 

P. 261 ch. 175, note K 

(No. I.) The human-headed or andro-sphinz. 
(Na n.) The ram-headed sphinx. 

P. 262, ch. 175, ib. 

(No. in.) The hawk-headed sphinx. 

(No. rv.) The winged female sphinx. 

(No. V.) A fabulous animal. 

(No. VI.) Andro-sphinx representing a king presenting an offering. 

(No. YII ) Fire other &bulous animals {Beni Eattan,) 

P.266,ch. 177, note*. 

Men presenting tiiemseWes before the magistrates or scribca. 


P. 268, c1l181, note*, 

Nune of Tashot. 

P. 269, ch. 182, note*. 

ArUstfl painting on panel, and colouring a itatne ; date about 2000 B.C. {Beni Bdttan,^ 

P. 270, ch. 182, ib. 

Mode of drawing Egyptian figares in aqoane ^ (^Tfubes,^ 

P. 272, ch. 182, note K 

A corslet, probably of linen, worked witii yariona coloured devices .„ (^7%dtea.^ 


CHAPTER n. p. 279. 

The Twelve Egyptian Months, expressed in hiert^lyphics. 

CH. m. p. 288. 

Hieroglyphics signifying " prayer." 

CH. V. p. 303. 

The sentence ** in the 3rd year, 4th month of the wi^rs (jLe. Mesdr^ the 20th day, of Kin^ 
Ptolemy ; " in hieroglyphics, in hieratic, and in demotia 
Other hieroglyphics thronghout this chapter. 

CH. V. p. 315. 

Hebrew, Phoniclan, and Greek Alphabets. 

CH. VI. p. 320. 

(No. I.) Some of the nnmeroos attitudes of wrestlers {Beni EcutanS) 

(No. IL) Games of ball ^ (ib.) 

CH. VI. p. 321. 

(No. III.) Another game of ball (ib.) 

(No. IV.) Game with a hoop (ib.) 

(No. V.) Game apparently to try who shall rise first from the ground .. (ib.) 

CH. VI. p. 322. 

(No. VI.) Tumbling women (ib.) 

(No.Vn.) Raising bags of sand (ib.) 

(No. VIIL) Feats of tumbling, with the prize a neddace. They are, as usual, women. 


CH. VI. p. 323. 

(No. IX.) Thimble-rig, 2000 b.c. (ib.) 

(No. X.) Games ofmoro, and odd and even (ib.) 

(No. XI.) BuU-flght (ib.) 

(No. XII.) Game of draughts (ib.) 

CH. VI. p. 324. 

(No. Xin.) Games of draughts and fRom (ib. 

(No. XIV.) Pieces for the game of draughts. 

(No. XV.) Other pieces for draughts. 

(No. XVI.) Board of an unknown game, with the men in the drawer. 

(Dr. AbboU'8 CoUection.) 

CH. VI. p. 325. 

(No. XVn.) Another board (ib.) 

(No. XVIII.) An unknown game ; and a man standing on his bead .^ (Beni BoMsan.) 
(No. XIX.) Other unknown games ». (ib.) 


CH. vnL p. 338. 

Anangement of the first 19 dyiiMties, showliig the oontemporaneoosneis of some of them. 

CH, vm. p. 340. 

Anmngement of the 1st end Srd dynastiee. 

CH. vm. p. 364. 

Name of the King Resl'toti, or Resitot, who followed King Horns m. (Ap^ tdbkt. ) 

CH. vm. p. 380. 

Name of Psammetichns L 

Names of Tapesntapes (?), wife of Psammetlchas L, and of the Ethiopian Ung Peeonkh and 
fais qneen Amnnatis, her fftther and mother ... (JIhebes and OtbelJBerhd.) 

P. 411, ch. 13, note ^ 

Name of Memphis, **the white building," and ** Men-nofre, the land of the PjTamtd." 

P. 418, ch. 18, note«. 

Gooks potting geese into a boiler (^Jbm^ near the Pyramid.) 

Oboks roasting a goose and catting up meat (i6.) 

P. 420, ch. 20, note ». 

Tbe Bdix lantkina, 

Sutne of a Goddess found in Syria holding a shell in her hand. 

P. 426, ch. 26, note«. 

Name of HeU, the dty of the Great Oasis. 

P. 428, ch. 28, note «. 

Name of Apis or HapL 

P. 429, ch. 28, ih. 

figure of Apls-Osiris. 
BroDse figure of the Bull Apis. 

P. 438, ch. 37, note*. 

Two figures of the pigmy-god Pthah-Sokar-Osiris. 

P. 453, ch. 54, note 1 

Plaq of Samoa. 
P. 458, ch. 60, note 8. 

Oroand-plan of the Hereum, or temple of Juno, at Samos. 
P.466, ch. 68, note*. 

l^ew of the Great Mound of Sus, the andent Susa. 
P. 490, ch. 97, note*. 

(1.) Logs of ^Kmy and Ivoiy brought by Ethiopians as part of the tribute to the Pharaohs. 

(3.) i^hlopians with an ebony club like tiioee now used in Ethiopia. 
(3.) The modem ebony clubs of Ethiopia. 

P. 504, ch. 115, note 7. 

pig of tin ibimd in Cornwall, and now In the Truro Museum. 



Essay I. p. 540. 

(No. 1.) Ooddess with ft chOd, from IdAlinxn in Cjpns (/n Ou IStrtn JAimrai.) 

(No. 2.) Itif and Horns of EgypC 

P. 542. 

(No. 8.) SUtne found in M alU, snppoeed to be of Astarte, or Yenns, of Boman time. 

P. 644. 

(No. 4.) Figure of Aitarte, found in Etmria. 

P. 545. 

(No. 5.) Two heads found at Idallum in Csrp"^ (^ ^ Turin MutgHm.) 

Essay IV. p. 571. 

Chart of the ruins of Babylon .» {From Oapt. Setby** Survey.) 

P. 575. 

Restoration of a portion of ancient Babylon. 

P. 576. 

View of the mound of BdbH, or ancient temple of Belus. 

P. 579. 

Part of the JCour, or sndent palace of Nebuchadnezzar. 

P. 580. 

Fragment of a firlese from the above palace. 

P. 582. 

Original plan of the Birt-Nimrud^ according to the conjecture of Mr. Layard. 

P. 584. 

Elevation restored according to actual measurements. 

P. 589. 

General map of the country about Babylon, according to M. Oppert. 

P. 590. 

Restoration of the Royal Residence or Acropolis of Babylon, according to M. Oppert. 

The illustrations accompanying the notes signed (7. W. are tnm original drawings by Sir 
Ganlner Wilkinson. 




1. On the death of Cyrus, Cambyses his son by Cassandanfi 
daughter of Phamaspes took the kingdom. Cassandane had 
died in the hfetime of Cyrus, who had made a great mourning 
for her at her death, and had commanded all the subjects of 
his empire to observe the like. Cambyses, the son of this 
lady and of Cyrus, regarding the Ionian and ^oHan Greeks as 
Tassals of his father, took them with him in his expedition 
against Egypt ^ among the other nations which owned his 

^ The date of the expeditkm of 
CambTBes against Egypt oaimot be 
fixed with abiolate certaintj. Ha- 
netho, whose aathority is of the 
greatest importaDce, gave CambyseB, 
aocordiiig to Africanns (ap. Syncell, 
p. 141), a reign of six years in Egypt, 
which would place Ms invasion in 
B.C. 527. Ensebins, however (Chron. 
Can. Fiars i. p. 105), reports Manetho 
differently, and himself agrees nearly 
with Diodoms (L 68), who pnts the 
expedition in the 8rd year of the 63rd 
Olympiad, or B.o. 525. This date, 
which is the one ordinarily received, 
is, on the whole, the most probable. 

It is oorions ihab Herodotus, whose 
principal object, in Books i. to v., is 
to trace the gradnal growth of the 
Pera'an power, shonld say nothing 
daectly of the first fonr years of 
Oambysee, omittiiig thereby so im- 

TOL. n. 

portent an event as the snbjeotion 
of I^GBnioia, which was certainly ac- 
complished by him. (See below, iii. 
34, and comp. note to Book iii. ch. 19.) 
This period probably contained, be- 
sides the submission of Phoenicia, and 
of Cypms, the reduction or submis- 
sion of CiUoia, which lay in the same 
quarter. Gilicia which was inde- 
pendent of the great Lydian kingdom 
(snpr^, i. 28), and which was not 
reduced, so far as appears, by either 
Cyrus or Harpagus, — for the contrary 
s^tement of Xenophon (Cyrop. I. i. 
§ 4), who ascribes to Cyrus the con. 
quest of Cilicia, Cyprus, Rioenicia, 
and Egypt (!) deserves no credit — 
must have been added to the empire 
either by Cambyses or by Darius, 
and is most probably a conquest of 
the former. These events would 
serve to occupy Cambyses during his 



Book IL 

2. Now the Egyptians, before the reign of their king 
Fsammetichus, believed themselves to be the most ancient of 
mankind.' Since Psammetichns, however, made an attempt 
to discover who were actually the primitive race,® they have 
been of opinion that while they surpass all other nations, the 
Phrygians surpass them in antiquity. This king, finding it 
impossible to make out by dint of inquiry what men were the 
most ancient, contrived the following method of discovery : — 
He took two children of the common sort, and gave them over 
to a herdsman to bring up at his folds, strictly charging him 
to let no one utter a word in their presence, but to keep them 
in a sequestered cottage, and from time to time introduce goats 
to their apartment, see that they got their fill of milk, and in 
all other respects look after them. His object herein was to 
know, after the indistinct babblings of infoncy were over, what 
word they would first articulate. It happened as he had antici- 
pated. The herdsman obeyed his orders for two years, and at 

first four years, and explain the 
reason why he deferred the Eg^yptian 
expedition, already designed by Cyras 
(i. 153), till his fifth. 

^ This affectation of extreme anti- 
quity is strongly pnt by Flato in his 
TimoBus (p. 22. B), where the Greek 
nation is taxed by the Egyptians with 
being in its infancy as compared with 
them. According to the account 
which Herodotus g^yes below (ch. 
142), the priests in some places would 
seem to have pretended, in their dis- 
cussions with foreigners, to an anti- 
quity of above 11,000 years for their 
nation. The entire number of years, 
however, assigned by Hanetho to his 
80 dynasties of kings did not greatly 
exceed 6000, and Syncellus reports 
Manetho as claiming tor the monarchy 
no longer actual duration than 3555 
years before the conquest by Alex, 
ander. (See Hiiller's Fr. Hist. Qr., 
vol. ii. p. 584.) Even this view, how- 
ever, seems to be extravagant, for it 
places the accession of Menes in B.C. 
3887, which is considerably before 

the Deluge, according to the highest 
computation. Still the Egyptian 
numbers are moderate compared 
with those of some other nations. 
The Babylonians counted 468,000 
years from their first king Aloros to 
the conquest by Gyrus (Beroe. ap. 
Euseb. Ghron. Can. i. p. 5-18 ; com- 
pare Brandis, Rerum Ass. Temp. 
Emendata, pp. 16-17 ;) and the Indiana 
and Chinese trace their history for a 
still longer period. 

The Egyptian claims to a high rela- 
tive antiquity had, no doubt, a solid 
basis of truth. It is probable that a 
settled monarchy was established in 
Egypt earlier than in any other 
country. Babylonian history does not 
go back beyond B.C. 2286. Egyptian 
begins nearly 500 years earlier. 

'The disposition on the part of 
PsammetichuB towards scientific en. 
quiry is noticed again in ch. 28. Per- 
haps the contact with the Greeks, 
which began in his reign (ch. 154), 
caused the development of the Egyp- 
tian mind in this direction. 

Chap. 2, 8. 



the end of that time, on his one day opening the door of their 
room and going in, the children both ran up to him with 
outstretched arms, and distinctly said " Becos." When this 
first happened the herdsman took no notice ; but afterwards 
when he observed, on coming often to see after them, that the 
word was constantly in their months, he informed his lord, 
and by his command brought the children into his presence. 
Psammetichus then himself heard them say the word, upon 
which he proceeded to make inquiry what people there was 
who called anything "becos," and hereupon he learnt that 
" becos " was the Phrygian name for bread.* In consideration 
of this circumstance the Egyptians yielded their claims, and 
admitted the greater antiquity of the Phrygians. 

3. That these were the real facts I learnt at Memphis from 
the priests of Yulcan. The Greeks, among other foolish tales, 
relate that Psammetichus had the children brought up by 
women whose tongues he had previously cut out ; but the 
priests said their bringing up was such as I have stated above. 
I got much other information also from conversation with 
these priests while I was at Memphis, and I even went to 
Heliopolis and to Thebes,*^ expressly to try whether the priests 
of those places would agree in their accounts with the priests 

^ Tbe word $4kos has been thought 
oonnected with the German "backen" 
and ofor "bake." Ijassen, however, 
throws donbt on this connexion, and 
suggests ft formation from the Sanscrit 
root pctc, which becomes (he Bays) in 
Greek v^w-m, Latin, German 
coch-en, onr "cook," Servian pec-eUf 
Ac (See his Essay * Ueber die Lykis- 
chen Inschriften, nnd die Alten Spra- 
ctken Klein Asiens,' p. 869.) Bat this 
connexion, which may be allowed, does 
not prevent the other fromb eing also 
isaL See on this point, and on the 
general snbj^it of the Phrygian lan- 
guage, the Essays appended to Book i. 
Ssaay xL, " On the Ethnic Affinities 
of the Nations of Western Asia," § 12. 
If the story has any truth in it, the 
children probably (as Larcher ob- 

serves) were imitating the bleating of 
the goats. (See note in Appendix to 
this Book, CH. i § 1.) 

" The name of Thebes is almost 
always written in the plnral by the 
Greeks and Romans — QrifiaUf Theb»— - 
but Pliny writes, "Thebe portarum 
centum nobilis f ama." The Egyptian 
name of Thebes was Ap, or A'pe, the 
" head," or " capital." This, with the 
feminine article, became Tap^, and in 
the Memphitio dialect Thapi^, pro- 
nounced, as by the Copts, Thaba, 
whence Bij/Boi in Ionic Greek. The 
oldest known monuments in Western 
Thebes were of Amxm.m-he I. at 
Elamak, and of his successor Osir- 
tasen I., who ruled immediately after 
the 6th dynasty ended at Memphis, 
about B.C. 2080.— [G. W.] 



at Memphis. The Heliopolitans have the reputation of being 
the best skilled in history of all the Egyptians.^ What they 
told me concerning their religion it is not my intention to 
repeat^ except the names of their deities, which I believe all 
men know equally. If I relate anything else concerning these 
matters, it will only be when compelled to do so by the coarse 
of my narrative.^ 

4. Now with regard to mere human matters, the accounts 
which they gave, and in which aU agreed, were the follow- 
ing. The Egyptians, they said, were the first to discover the 
solar year, and to portion out its course into twelve parts. 
They obtained this knowledge from the stars. (To my mind 
they contrive their year much more cleverly than the Greeks, 
for these last every other year intercalate a whole month,^ but 
the Egyptians, dividing the year into twelve months of thirty 
days each, add every year a space of five days besides, whereby 
the circuit of the seasons is made to return with uniformity.^) 
The Egyptians, they went on to affirm, first brought into use 
the names of the twelve gods,^^ which the Greeks adopted 

^ Heliopolis was the great seat of 
leammg, and the imiversity of Egjpt; 
and that it was one of the oldest 
cities is proved by the obelisk of Osir- 
tasen I. of the 12th dynasty. See 
below note ' on eh. 8. — [G. W.] 

f For instances of the reserve which 
Herodotns here promises, see chapters 
45, 46, 47, 48, 61, 62, 65, 81, 132, 170, 
and 171. The secrecy in matters of 
religion, which was no donbt ei\joined 
npon Herodotus by the Egyptian 
priests, did not seem strange to a 
Greek, who was aocnstomed to it in 
the ** mysteries " of his own oonntry- 

^ Vide snprik, i 82, and see note ^ ad 

^This at once proves they inter- 
calated the quarter day, making their 
year to consist of 865^ days, without 
which the seasons oonld not retnm to 
the same periods. The fact of Hero, 
dotos not understanding their method 
of intercalation does not argne (as 

Gognet seems to think) that the 
Egyptians were ignorant of it. Their 
having fixed the Sothio period in 
1322 B.a, and ascertained that 1460 
Sothio were eqnal to 1461 vnlgar or 
"vague" years, as well as the state- 
ments of ancient authors, decide the 
question. But for the date of a king's 
reign they used the old year of 360 
days ; and the months were not reck- 
oned from his accession, but were part 
of the current year. Thus, if he came 
to the throne on the 10th of the last 
month of the year, or Me86r6, he 
would date in the 1st year, the 12th 
month, the lOth day ; and his second 
year would be in the following month 
Thoth, or 25 days after his accession. 
The Jews appear to have done the 
same. (See the Appendix to this 
Book, CH. ii.)— [G. W.] 

^^ Some suppose these to be the 
twelve Gods of Olympus, the same as 
the Consentes of the Bomans, given 
by Varro^ 

Chap. 3-5. 


from ihem ; and first erected altars, images, and temples to the 
Gods; and also first engraved upon stone the figures of animals. 
In most of these oases they proved to me that what they said 
was true. And they told me that the first man^ who ruled over 
Egypt was Men,' and that in his time aU Egypt, except the 
Thebaic canton, was a marsh,^ none of the land below lake 
Moeris then showing itself above the surfa^ce of the water. This 
is a distance of seven days* sail from the sea up the river. 
5. What they said of their country seemed to me very 

** Juno, Veeta, lOnerra, Ceres, Dlanft, Ventu, 
MercaiitiB, Jorl, Nepiuniu, Valcanua, 

and that they do not refer to anj ar- 
langement d the Egyptian Pantheon ; 
bat in oh. 145 Hcffodotns diBtinctly 
mentions the three orders of Egnrptian 
Gods, the first two consisting ox eight 
and twelve, and the third "bom of 
the twelve." He also shows how 
iDJuAk older some were considered in 
Egypt than in Greece ; Pan being one 
of the eight oldest, sjid Herotdes of 
the twelve; and says (ii. 48) that 
K^itone was a " Qod qnite unknown 
to the Egyptians.'* Again in ch. 4he 
distinctly states they had twelve 
Gods. The Etmscans had twelve 
Great Gods; the Bomans probably 
derived that nomber from them. — 
(See note in Appendix, CH. iii. § 1.) — 

[G. W.] 

} According to the chronological 
tables of the Egyptians the Gods 
were represented to have reigned 
fint, and after them Menes the 
Thinite; and the same is fonnd re- 
corded in the Turin Papyrus of Kings, 
ss well as in Manetho and other 
-writen. Manetho gives them in this 
order .—1. Vulcan (Pthah) ; 2. Helios 
(Be), the Sun ; 3. AgathodbBomon (Hor. 
Hat, or possibly Noum) ; 4. Chronos 
(Seb) ; 6. Osiris ; 6. Typhon (properly 
Seth); and 7. Horns. In the Papy- 
nis there remain only Seb, Osiris, 
Seth, Horns, Thoth, Thmei, (or Mei 
"Trath"), ^^^ apparently Horus 
Yaanger), who was "the last 

God who reigned in Egypt." (See 
n. « ch. 43, n. » ch. 99, and Tn. P. W., 
p. 7-11.) Menes (Menai) is repre- 
sented l^ some to have been a con- 
queror; but the Egyptians did not 
then obtain possession of the valley 
of the Nile for the first time ; for he 
was from This, and their early immi- 
gration from Asia happened long 
before. On the establishment of 
royalty, luxury appears to have been 
introduced into Egypt, and Tne- 
phachthus (Technatis of Plut. de Is. 
8), the father of Bocchoris of the 24th 
dynasty, put up a curse "against 
Meinis" (Menes) in a temple at 
Thebes for having led the Egyptians 
from their previous simple and frugal 
habits. Diodorus (i. 45) says 8^ 
that Menas was the first who intro- 
duced the worship of the Gods, and 
sacrifices, the use of letters, couches, 
and rich carpets. Gp. Cicero, Tusc. 
Disp. V. 85. See App. ch. viii — 
[G. W.] 

' Herodotus does not call this king 
Menes, or Menas (as Diodorus, i. 45), 
but M6n. The Egyptian form is j&fna 
according to Bunsen and Lepsius. 

' Note, besides the improbability of 
such a change, the fact that Menes 
was the reputed founder of Memphis, 
which is far to the north of this lake ; 
and that Busiris, near the coast (the 
reputed burial-place of Osiris), Buto, 
Pelusium, and other towns of the 
Delta, were admitted by the Egyp- 
tians to be of the earliest date. — 
[G. W.] 



reasonable. For any one who sees Egypt, without having 
heard a word about it before, must perceive, if he has only 
common powers of observation, that the Egypt to which the 
Greeks go in their ships is an acquired country, the gift of 
the river.* The same is true of the land above the lake to the 
distance of three days' voyage, concerning which the Egyptians 
say nothing, but which is exactly the same kind of country. 

The following is the general character of the region. In 
the first place, on approaching it by sea, when you are still a 
day's sail from the land, if you let down a sounding-line you 
will bring up mud, and find yourself in eleven fetthoms' water, 
which shows that the soil washed down by the stream extends 
to that distance.*^ 

■• Vide in£Hi, ch. 10, and note ad 
loo. The theory had been started by 
Hecatsens, who made use of the same 
expression. (See Arrian, Exp. Al. v. 6.) 

[Herodotus observes that the same 
might be said of the country above 
for three days' sail ; and exactly the 
same appearance might have struck 
him throughout the whole valley of 
the Nile. But though the depth of 
the soil has greatly increased, and is 
still increasing, in various ratios in 
different parts of the valley, the first 
deposit did not take place after man 
existed in Egypt ; and as marine pro- 
ductions have not been met with in 
baring to the depth of 40 feet in the 
Delta, it is evident that its soil was 
deposited from the very first on a 
space already above the level of the 
Mediterranean. The formation of the 
Delta of Egypt is not like that of 
some other rivers, where the land has 
been protruded far into the sea; on 
the contrary, the Nile, after pursuing 
its course through the alluvial soil, 
enters the sea at the same distance 
north of the Lake Moeris as it did in 
the age of the early kings of Egypt. 
The sites of the oldest cities are as 
near the sea.Bhore as when they were 
inhabited of old; and yet the period 
now elapsed since some of them were 
built is nearly double tiiat between 

Menes and Herodotus. I have already 
in another work explained the erro- 
neous notion of the Pharos I. having 
once been distant fix)m Egypt (At. Eg. 
W. vol. i. p. 7), by showing that the 
name AXyvrros in Homer signified 
(not the country, but) the " Nile ; " 
for the Pharos I. and the coast of 
Aleicandria being both rock, the dis- 
tance between them has always been 
the same. Another great reason for 
the Delta not encroaching on the sea 
is that the land is always sinking 
along the north coast of Egypt (while 
it rises at the head of the Red Sea) ; 
and there is evidence to show that 
the Mediterranean hcis encroached, 
and that the Delta has lost instead of 
gaining, along the whole of its extent 
from Canopus to Pelusium. — G. W.] 

' The distance you see the Mediter- 
ranean discoloured by the Nile during 
the inundation is very great, and the 
same takes place in a minor degree at 
the mouths of rivers on the Syrian 
coast, but without their forming any 
deltas ; nor is the shallow sea off the 
coast of Egypt more a part of the 
Delta of the Nile now than when 
sounded in Herodotus' time, about 
2300 years ago; and 11 orgyies (or 
fathoms) at a day's saQ from the 
coast would alarm a sailor even at the 
present day. For you only oome into 

Chap. 6-7. 


6. The length of the country along shore, according to the 
bonnds that we assign to Egypt, namely, from the Plinthinetic 
golf ^ to Lake Serbonis, which extends aJong the base of Mount 
Casius, is sixty schoenes.^ The nations whose territories are 
scanty measure them by the fathom ; those whose bounds are 
less confined, by the furlong; those who have an ample 
territory, by the parasang ; but if men have a country which 
is very vast, they measure it by the schcene.® Now the length 
of the parasang is thirty furlongs,^ but the schoene, which is 
an Egyptian measure, is sixty furlongs.^ Thus the coast-line 
of Egypt would extend a length of three thousand six hundred 

7. From the coast inland as far as Heliopolis the breadth 

II fathoms water at about 12 or 18 
milefi off the coast, about Abookir ; 
and at 25 or 30 miles you have 60, 70, 
80, and 90 fathoms, with sand and 
mnd. At 5 or 6 miles from the month 
of the Nile the water on the surface is 
nearlj £resh, and the bottom mostly a 
stifE mud. The longest day's sail, 
according to Herodotus (iy. 86), is 
700 sta^a, about 79i English miles, 
or (in£ri, ch. 9) 540 stadia, about 61 
miles, where the soundings would be 
at least the same number of fiithoms. 
[G. W.] 

' Flinthin^ was a town near the 
Lake Mareotis (Strabo, zvii. p. 1133 ; 
Ptol. iv. c. 5; Scylax. Perip. 105). 
From it the lake, as well as the bay, 
was sometimes called " Plinthinetan." 
The name " Arapotes,'' given in Pliny 
(t. 10) to this lake is evidently a false 
reading. It should be Bacotis, and 
applies to Alexandria. — [G. W.] 

7 The Bchoene, an Egyptian mea- 
sure, varied from 30 and 32 to 40 
stadia^ according to Pliny (v. 10, xii. 
14) ; and Strabo distinctly says (xvii. 
p. 1140) it was of various lengths in 
different parts of Eg^ypt. Herodotus 
says it was equal to 60 stadia, making 
the length of the coast 3600 stadia, 
which, at 600 feet to the stadium, 
would be more than 400 Eng. m. The 
real length of the coast from the Bay 

of Plinthin^ at Taposiris, or at Plin- 
thin^, even to the eastern end of the 
Lake Serbdnis, is by the shore little 
more than 300 Eng. miles. Biodorus 
estimates the breadth of Egypt by the 
coast at 2000 stadia; and Strabo 
gives only 1770 stadia from the 
Temple of Jupiter Gasius at the Ser- 
bonio Lake to Pharos, which, added to 
200 stadia to Taposiris, make 1970 
stadia. The real distance from Casius 
to Pharos is about 1944 stadia, and 
from Pharos to Taposiris or to Plin- 
thin^ nearly 260, being a total of 
about 2204 stadia.— [G. W.] 

^ Some might imagine this to be 
confirmed by modem custom : the 
English measuring by miles, the 
Fronch by leagues, the Germans by 
the " meile," of moro than four times 
our mile in length ; but this will not 
hold good generaJly, and the Bussian 
werst is only about two-thirds of an 
English mile, or 1167 yards.— [G. W.] 

' See note on Book v. ch. 58. 

1 This would be more than 36,000 
English feet, or nearly 7 miles. 

[The Greek crxolyos, " rope," is the 
same word which sigpiifies rush, of 
which ropes aro still made in Egypt 
and in other countries ; and it has been 
singularly transferred to the skein of 
our modem measuro for thread and 
silk.— G. W.] 




of Egypt is considerable ; the country is flat, without springs, 
and fall of swamps.* The length of the route from the sea up 

* Heliopolis stood on the edge of 
the desert, about 44 miles to the E. of 
the apex of the Delta ; bat the allu- 
vial land of the Delta extended 6 
miles further to the eastward of that 
dtj, to what is now the Birket>el- 
Hag. The mountains to the S. of 
Heliopolis closing in to the westward 
towaixls the Ni& make the yalley 
narrow in that part, and thronghout 
the rest of its course from the S. 
The southern point of the Delta ap- 
pears formerly to have extended fur- 
ther up the riyer (i.e. south) than at 
present, and to haye been nearly 
opposite the modem village of Shoo- 
bra (see H. Eg. W. voL i. p. 401.) 
At the time and long after Cairo was 
founded, the Nile ran more to the 
eastward, as Mr. Lane has shown* 
under its western walls. 

The accumulation of alluvial soil at 
the base of the obelisk of Osirtasen at 
Heliopolis, as around the sitting 
Colossi in the plain at Thebes, has 
been often appealed to for deter- 
mining the rise of the alluvial soil 
within a certain period, but as there is 
no possibilitj of ascertaining how far 
it stood above the reach of the inun- 
dation when first put up, we have no 
hose for any caXculatUm. The water 
of the inundation having been for 
ag^ kept out» according to Egyptian 
custom, from the enclosure in which 
the temple stood, the accumulation 
of deposit there was the more rapid 
when in after times the water was 
admitted, which readily accounts for 
" so great a thickness of one kind of 
sediment without any sign of succes- 
sive deposition," which seems to have 
presented a difficulty to Mr. Homer. 

I haye supposed the deposit to have 
been raised at Elephantine about 9 
feet in 1700 years, and at Thebes 
about 7; but this is very uncertain. 
The increase is of course much less 
the further you descend the valley, 
and at the mouth of the Nile it is 
very small; for it is there lessened 
{to more than in the same decreasing 

ratio as between Elephantine and 
Heliopolis, owing to the greater extent 
of land, east and west, over which the 
inundation spreads, so that in a section 
representing the accumulated soil and 
the level of the low Nile, the angle of 
inclination would be much smaller 
from the apex of the Delta to the sea, 
than from Thebes to the Delta. 
« Thus,'* as Mr. Homer says, *' while 
the rise of the river at the island of 
Boda is 24 f eet^ near Bamanyeh, about 
65 miles in a direct line N. <i the apex 
of the Delta, the difference between the 
highest and lowest water is about 18 
feet, and at Bosetta and Damietta 
not more than 42 inches." The Nile 
at Asouan is said to be 300 feet above 
its level at Cairo, and 866 above the 
Mediterranean. The distance from 
the Bosetta mouth to Cairo is 154 
miles, from Cairo to Asouan 578, fol- 
lowing all the bends of the river, 
which c^ves a total of 732 miles from 
the sea to the first Cataract. 

According to M. Linant, the volume 
of water poured during 24 hours into 
tho Mediterranean by the Nile, when 
low, ia— 


By the RoeetU branch . . 79,532,&S1.72S 
TSj the Damietta branch . tl,033,840,640 

Cubic metres 

When high 





At Sio<5t, which is about half-wav 
from Asouan to Teraneh, the French 
engineers found that in every second 
of time the mass of water that passes 
any one point is 678 cubic metres at 
low NUe, and 10,247 at high Nile; 
and, according to M. Linant, at Cairo 
414 cubic metres at low, and 9440, at 
high Nile. (See Mr. Homer's Memoir 
in Trans. Boyal Society, voL 146, 
p. 101-138.) 

The average fall of the river be- 
tween Asouan and Cairo is *' little 
more than half a foot in a mile, viz. 


to Heliopolis is almost exactly the same as that of the road 
which nuiB from the altar of the twelve gods at Athens ^ to the 
temple of Olympian Jove at Fisa.^ If a person made a 
calculation he would find but a very little difference between 
the two routes, not more than about fifteen furlongs; for 
the road from Athens to Pisa falls short of fifteen hundred 
furlongs by exactly fifteen^*^ whereas the distance of Heliopolis 
from the sea is just the round number.^ 

8. As one proceeds beyond Heliopolis^ up the country, 

0'54 feet, and from the foot of the 
Tirst Cataract to the sea is 0'524 feet 
in a mile;" bnt from Cairo to the 
Damietta month, according to the 
same authority (ib. p. 114), ''the 
aTerage &U is gbIj 8f inches in a 
mUe."— [C^. W.] 

' The altar of the twelve gods at 
AUiens stood in the Forom, and seems 
from this passage and from one or 
two inscriptions (Bose, Tab. xzziL p. 
251 ; cf . Boeckh, Corp. Ins. i. i. p. 32) 
to hare serred, like the gilt pill^ 
(mHUarium awreum) in the Fomm at 
Bome, as a central point from which 
to meaanre distances. It was origi- 
nally erected by Pisistratos, the son 
of liiB tyrant Hippias, bnt was after- 
wards enlarged and beantified by the 
Athenian people. (Thucyd. vi. 64.) 
Adjacent to this altar was the en- 
dorare where votes for ostracism 
were taken. (Leake's Athens, p. 168, 
note *.) 

* This mention of Pisa is carions, 
considering that it had been destroyed 
80 long before (b.c. 572) by the Eleans 
(Pftosan. VI. xzii. § 2), and that it had 
certainly not been rebuilt by the close 
of ihe Peloponnesian war {Xen. HelL 
m. ii. § 31, comp. vii. iv. § 28). Pro- 
bably Herodotns intends Olympia 
itself rather than the ancient town, 
which was six stades distant (Schol. 
ad Pind. 01. x. 65) in the direction of 
Harpinna (Plans, vi. xxi.-xxii.), and 
therefore donbtless in the vicinity of 
the modem village of Mirdka (see 
Leake's Mbrea, ii. p. 211), with which 
0oine are inclined to identify it. 

(Moor's Dorians, ii p. 463. E. T.; 
Eiepert, Blatt viL) 

' The correctness of this measure- 
ment, as compared with others in 
Herodotns, or indeed in the Gh:«ek 
writers generally, has b^n noticed 
by Colonel Leake (Journal of Oeo- 
graph. See. vol. ix. part i. p. 11). 
There is no reason to believe that the 
road was actually measured, but it 
was BO frequently traversed that the 
distance came to be estimated very 
nearly at its true leng^ 

* Fifteen hundred furlong^ (stades) 
are about equal to 173 English miles. 
[The real distance of Heliopolis from 
the sea, at the old Sebennytio mouth, 
is about 110 miles, or 100 in a direct 
line.— G. W.] 

7 The site of Heliopolis is still 
marked by the massive walls that 
surrounded it, and by a granite obe- 
lisk bearing iiie name of Osirtasen I. 
of the 12th dynasty, dating about 
3900 years ago. It was one of two 
that stood before the entrance to the 
temple of the Sun, at the inner end of 
an avenue of sphinxes ; and the apex, 
like some of those at Thebes, was 
once covered with bronze (doubtless 
gilt), as is shown by the stone having 
been cut to receive the metal casing, 
and by the testimony of Arab history. 
Tradition also speaks of the other 
obelisk of Heliopolis, and of the 
bronze taken from its apex. Pliny 
(36, 8) supposes that Mitres, the first 
king who erected an obelisk, held his 
court at Heliopolis, and that those 
monuments were dedicated to the 




Egypt becomes narrow, the Arabian range of hills, which has 
a direction from north to south, shutting it in upon the one 
side, and the Libyan range upon the other. The former ridge 
runs on without a break, and stretches away to the sea called 
the ErythrsBan; it contains the quarries^ whence the stone 
was cut for the pyramids of Memphis : and this is the point ceases its first direction, and bends away in the 

Snn; but that depended npon 'wh&t 
God the temple belonged to, the obe- 
lisks at Thebee being erected to 
Amnn, and in other places to other 
deities. The name of Heliopolis was 
di-h-re, " the abode of the Snn," from 
which the Hebrew On or AAn oor- 
mpted into Aren (Ezek. xxz. 17) was 
taken, and which was translated 
Beth-shemesh, "the honse of the 
Son" (Jerem. xliii. 18]. The Arabs 
called it A in Shems, *' fountain of the 
Snn," from the spring there, which 
the credulous Christians belieyed to 
haye been salt until the Virgin's visit 
to Egypt. The Arabic name of the 
neighbouring village, Matwri'eh, was 
supposed to signify ** fresh water," 
and to refer to the f contain ; but this 
is an error, as the masculine word Ma, 
"water," would require the name to 
be Ma-twree. (See M. Eg. W., vol. i. 
p. 295 ; and on the balsam of Helio- 
polis see my n. on ch. 107, B. iii.) 
In later times the artificial Amnis 
Trajanus ran a short distance to the 
northward of Heliopolis; and on that 
side of the city were lakes supplied 
with water firom the neighbouring 
canal. The large and lofty crade 
brick walls of Heliopolis enclosed an 
irregular area measuring 3750 feet by 
2870, having the hooses on the north 
side covering a space of 575,000 
square feet, to the south of which 
stood the temple of the Sun. This 
occupied a large portion of a separate 
enclosure, or temenos, at one side of 
the town; and a long avenue of 
sphinxes, described by Strabo, led to 
the two obelisks before the temple 
{isee plan). Some of the sphinxes 
may still be traced, as well as the 

rains of the houses, which, like those 
of Bubastis, stood on a higher level 
than the temenos, owing to their 
foundations having been raised from 
time to time, while the temple re- 
mained in its original site. In Strabo's 
time the houses were shown where 
Plato and Eudoxus lived while study- 
ing under the priests of Heliopolis; 
but the city, which had for ages 
been the seat of learning, lost its 
importance after the accession of the 
Ptolemies; and the schools of Alex- 
andria took the place of the ancient 
colleges of Heliopolis (see Strab. 
xvii.). The walls are in some places 
double, but throughout of great 
strength; and here and there the 
positions of the gates may still be 
traced. From one of these on the 
S.E. side a large road ran through the 
desert to the Bed Sea, and a smaller 
one led across the Mokuttum hills 
(behind Cairo) by what is called the 
"petrified forest," and rejoined the 
valley of the Nile near the quarries of 
" the Trojan hill." A stone gateway 
has lately been found at Heliopolis 
with the name of Thothmes III. — 
[G. W.] 

* The quarries firom which the stone 
for the casing of the pyramids was 
taken are in that part of the modem 
El-MokuttTmi range of hills called by 
Strabo the "Trojan mountain" (Tptti- 
Khv 6pos, xvii. p. 1147). and now Gebel 
Hasarah or Toora Hasarah, from the 
two villages below them on the Nile. 
Toora, though signifying in Ar. a 
"canal," is evidently the Troja of 
Strabo, which stood in this neighbour, 
hood, and which he pretends was 
built by and named after the Trojan 

Chap. 8. 



manner above indicated.' In its greatest length from east to 
west it is, as I have been informed, a distance of two months' 
journey; towards the extreme east its skirts produce frank- 
incense. Such are the chief features of this range. On the 
Libyan side, the other ridge whereon the pyramids stand, is 
rocky and covered with sand ; its direction is the same as that 
of the Arabian ridge in the first part of its course. .Above 
Heliopolis, then, there is no great breadth of territory for such 
a country as Egypt, but during four days' sail Egypt is 
narrow ; ^ the valley between the two ranges is a level plain, 
and seemed to me to be, at the narrowest point, not more than 
two hundred furlongs across from the Arabian to the Libyan 
hiUs. Above this point Egypt again widens.* 

captiTea of Menelaus. Bnt the pro- 
bability is that some Egyptian same 
was converted by the Cfreeks into 
Troja, and by the Arabs into Toora ; 
and we may perhaps ascribe to it the 
same origin as the ** Tynan camp " at 
Memphis mentioned by Herodotns 
(see note ^ on ch. 112). The employ, 
ment of the stone in the pyramids, 
and the names of the early kings 
found there, show that these qnarries 
were already nsed by the ancient 
Egyptians firom the time of the 4th to 
the 18th dynasty (as well as after 
that period), and consequently during 
the Sheph^^ occupation of Memphis. 
On one tablet was the representation 
of a large stone on a sledge drawn by 
oxen, having the name of Amosis 
(Ames), the first king of the 18th 
dynasty: and on others the date of 
the 42nd year of Amun.m-he III. (of 
the 12th dynasty) and the names of 
later kings. The quarries are still 
worked by the modem Egyptians, 
and this even-grained magnesian lime- 
stone is used for floors of rooms and 
for other building purposes. — [G. W.] 
* That is, towards the Erythrsaan 
Sea, or Arabian Gulf. [The bend of 
the mountain is really where Cairo 
now stands, whence it runs towards 
the Bed Sea. The notion of Herodo- 
tns respecting its extent to the E. was 

vag^e, and he evidently confounds, 
or connects, it with the peninsula 
of Arabia, the country of incense ; 
thoug;h he speaks of the mountain- 
range on the E. of the Nile extending 
southwards along the Bed Sea. Its 
breadth from the Nile to the Bed Sea 
direct is 82 miles in lat. 80°, increaa- 
ing to 175 in lat. 24*.— G. W.] 

^ That is, from Heliopolis south- 
ward ; and he says it becomes broader 
again beyond that point. His 200 
stadia are about 22} to 23 miles. The 
whole breadth of the valley from the 
Eastern to the Western hills is only 
from 12 to 15 miles. This must have 
appeared a very great change after 
leaving the spacious Delta, a level 
plain, without any mountains being 
seen to the E. or W. The four days, 
reckoning, as he does, 540 stadia to a 
day, woiUd be about 245 Eng. m., or 
to about the vicinity of Sio<5t ; but it 
cannot be the spot, where he thinks 
the valley " widens ; " for, according 
to his calculation of nine days to 
Thebes, that wider part would be less 
than half .way, or about Gebel Aboo- 
faydeh, and this last would agree still 
less with his description of the in. 
creasing breadth of the valley, which 
is there only 7 miles from the Eastern 
to the Western hills.— [G.W.] 

' Compare the description of Scylax 





9. From Heliopolis to Thebes is nine days' sail up the 
river ; the distance is eighty-one schoenes, or 4860 furlongs.^ If 
we now put together the several measurements of the country 
we shall find that the distance along shore is^ as I stated 
above, 8600 furlongs, and the distance from the sea inland to 
Thebes 6120 furlongs. Further, it is a distance of eighteen 
hundred furlongs from Thebes to the place called Elephantine. 

10. The greater portion of the country above described 
seemed to me to be, as the priests declared, a tract gained by 
the inhabitants. For the whole region above Memphis, lying 
between the two ranges of hills that have been spoken of, 
appeared evidently to have formed at one time a gulf of the 
sea.^ It resembles (to compare small things with great) the 
parts about Ilium and Teuthrania, Ephesus, and the plain of 
the Mceander.*^ In all these regions the land has been formed 
by rivers, whereof the greatest is not to compare for size with 
any one of the five mouths of the Nile.^ I could mention other 

(Feripl. p. 103), 'wHo Bays that Egypt 
is shaped like a double-headed battle- 
axe (ircX^Kvi or hipennis), the neck 
which joins the two heads being in 
the vicinity of Memphis. 

' The nine days' sail, which Hero- 
dotus reckons at 4860 stadia, would 
give about 652 £ng. miles; but the 
distance is only about 421, even foU 
lowing the course of the riyer. From 
the sea to Thebes he reckons 6120 
stadia, at the least computation — 
about 700 miles — ^but the distance is 
by modem measurement only 666 
noiileB ; and his distance of 1800 stadia 
from Thebes to Elephantine, at least 
206 miles, exceeds the truth by above 
700 stadia, being really 124 miles. — 
[G. W.] 

* See above, note * on ch. 6. Hero- 
dotus says, most of the country is 
** acquired by the Egyptians," and '' a 
g^ of the river ;" but as the same 
deposit continues throughout the whole 
valley, these remarks can only apply 
to the original formation of the land ; 
the soil since the time that Egypt was 
first inhabited being only deeper, and 

more extended E. and W. towards the 
mountains; and whatever form the 
valley may have had in the early 
ages of the world, it could not have 
been a gulf of the sea since Egypt 
was inhabited. — [G. W.] 

* In some of these places the gain 
of the land upon the sea has been 
very great. This is particularly the 
case at the mouth of the Msoander, 
where the alluvial plain has advanced 
in the historic times a distance of 12 
or 13 miles. (See note^ to Book L ch. 
142.) At Ephesus there is now a 
plain of three miles between the 
temple and the sea (Leake's Asia 
Minor, p. 259, note), which has been 
entirely created since the days of 
Herodotus. At the mouths of the 
Scamander and the Galicus (which 
drained Teuthrania, Strab. xiii. p. 883, 
Plin. H. N. V. 30), the advance of the 
land, though less, is still very percept, 

' This signifies the natural branches 
of the Nile ; and when seven are reck- 
oned, they include the two artificial 
ones, the Bolbitine and Buoolio or 


rirere also, &r inferior to the Kile in magnitude, that hare 
effected verjr great changes. Among these not the least is the 
Aeheloiis, vhich, after passing throngb Aoamania, empties 
itself into the sea opposite the islands called Echinadea,' and 
has already joined one-half of them to the oontinent.^ 

nutmetio, which HeTodotaa saja, 
wen the work of man. Boe note ' on 
tii. 17-— [G. W.] 

' Tbeae iolandB, which atiU bflnr tho 
nme nune among the ednoated 
Greeks, oonlist of two clnlUnns, linked 
together hj the baireii and rugged 
PttaUL The northern oluater oou- 
laini IE or 16 islands, the principal 
of which u DhTogoadra. The sonthem 
oontains onlj five oi six ; the most 
importaiit aie Omd, Makr<, and Vri- 
MONO. ^ley were till 1al«1y British 
dependencies, being included in the 
looian isluidSp Except Oxid^ they all 
lie north of the present month or the 
Acheloos (Aapro). See Leaha's Mcr- 
thera Oreeee, vol. ilL pp. 30, 31. 

* That the Achelods in andent 

time* formed fresh land at its mouth 
with very great rapidity is certain, 
from the teHtimony of yarions writers 
beddsB Herodotus. Thncydides (ii. 
lOa). Boylai {Peripl. p. 81), and 
Btrabo (i. p. 87), all spes^ in eqnaUy 
strong termd on the inbject. Thuoy- 
dides eyen conjectures that in a short 
space of time oil the Eohinadea would 
become portioas of the continent. 
This prediction has failed; and at 
present, owing probably to the projeo- 
tion of the coast and the sweep of the 
cmrent round it, the adyance of the 
land is vet7 slow and gntdnaL (Leake, 
iii. p. 570.) So for as appears, no 
island has been added to the ehare 
since the time of Strabo. Ooh Leake 
indeed says that he ooold only find 

ip oftbemBntrjfttunitUitinDiiUi of the RItr- AcbeloUs, cbleSj afln Ktepait. 




11. In Arabia, not far from Egypt, there is a long and 
narrow gulf rnnning inland from the sea called the Erythrsean,^ 
of which I will here set down the dimensions. Starting from 
its innermost recess, and using a row-boat, you take forty 
days to reach the open main, while you may cross the gulf at 
its widest part in the space of half a day. In this sea there is 
an ebb and flow of the tide every day.^ My opinion is, that 
Egypt was formerly very much such a gulf as this — one gulf 
penetrated from the sea that washes Egypt on the north,* and 
extended itself towards Ethiopia; another entered from the 
southern ocean, and stretched towards Syria; the two gulfs 
ran into the land so as almost to meet each other, and left 
between them only a very narrow tract of country. Now if 
the Nile should choose to divert its waters from their present 
bed into this Arabian gulf, what is there to hinder it from 
being filled up by the stream within, at the utmost, twenty 
thousand years ? For my part, I think it would be filled in 
half the time. How then should not a gulf, even of much 
greater size, have been filled up in the ages that passed before 
I was bom, by a river that is at once so large and so given to 
working changes ? 

two heights in this vicinity which 
seemed to him to haye once been 
islands, viz., the peninsula of KurtzO' 
laH (Strabo's Artemita), and a small 
hill opposite PeixUds but it may be 
qnestioned whether the representation 
ot Kiepert (Blatt ziii.) does not give a 
tmer idea of the actual growth of the 

• The Greeks generally did not give 
the name ErythreDan, or Bed Sea, to 
the Arabian Golf, but to all that, part 
of the Indian Ocean reaching tcom. 
the Persian Gulf to India (as in ii. 
102 ; and iv. 39). It was also applied 
to the Persian Gnlf (i. 1, 180, 189), 
and Herodotos sometimes g^yes it to 
the Arabian Gnlf, and even the 
western branch between Momit Sinai 
and Egypt (ii. 158). Even Taproban6 
(now Ceylon) was placed in the Eryth- 
reean S^^ towards the Golden Cher- 

sonesns. Agatharddes is oarefhl in 
distinguishing the *'Bed Sea*' from 
the Arabian Gnlf. Herodotus reckons 
the length of this g^ulf at 40 days' 
XMtssage in a rowing-boat, and its 
breadth at half a day in the broadest 
part ; but in this last he probably had 
in view the upper part of the Suez 
Gulf. The real length of the Bed Sea, 
or Arabian Gulf, finom the Straits of 
Bab-el-Mandeb to Suez, is 1400 Eng. 
m., and its gpreatest breadth, in lat. 
18^, is 175 ; and the broadest part of 
the Suez Gulf is 25 miles.— [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus is perfectly right in 
speaking of the tide in thiis gulf. At 
Suez it is from 6 to 6 feet, but mu6h 
less to the southward. — [G. W.] 

' The Mediterranean, called by the 
Arabs ''the White Sea" as well as 
"the North Sea."— [G. W.] 

Chap. 11« 12. 



12. Thus I give credit to those from whom I received this 
accoxmt of Egypt, and am myself, moreover, strongly of the 
same opinion, since I remarked that the comitry projects into 
the sea farther than the neighbouring shores, and I observed 
that there were shells upon the hills,^ and that salt exuded 
from the soil to such an extent as even to injure the pyramids ; 
and I noticed also that there is but a single hill in all Egypt 
where sand is found,^ namely, the hill above Memphis ; and 
farther, I found the country to bear no resemblance either to 
its border-land Arabia, or to Libya '^ — ^nay, nor even to Syria, 

* The shellfl imbedded in rooks have 
led to mnch abenrd reasoning till a 
Teiy late time; and the aocnracy of 
Stralx/B judgment is the more snr. 
prising since his mode of aooounting 
for the npheayings and sabsidings of 
the land, and the retirement and en- 
croachments of the sea, as well as the 
gradnal changes always going on 
from snbterraneoua agencies, accord 
with our most recent discoveries. 
" The reason," he says, " that one is 
raised and the other subsides, or that 
the sea innndates some places and re- 
cedes from others, is not from some 
being lower and others higher, but 
because the same g^und is raised or 
depressed . . • Thecause must there- 
fore be aflcribed either to the g^round 
under the sea, or to that inundated by 
it, but rather to tluEit below it. . . . 
and we ought to draw our conclusions 
from tilings that are evident, and in 
some degree of daily occurrence, as 
defaigee, earthquakes, and (volcanic) 
eruptions, and suddeni risings of the 
land under the sea . . . and not only 
islands but continents are raised up, 
and large and smaU tracts subside, 
some being swallowed up by earth, 
quakes." (Strabo, i p. 74 et seqq.) 
On Volcanos, see LyeU's Frinc. of 
Qeol. voL i. chs. 2 to 6.— [G. W.] 

''The onlj mountain where sand 
abounds is certainly the African 
range, and though there are some 
ktifty drifts in one place on the oppo> 
site side, juat below the modem Suez 
road, the eastern part of the valley of 

the Nile is generally free from it. It 
does not, however, encroach on the 
W. to the extent that some have 
imagined ; and if downs of sand have 
been raised here and there along the 
edge of the cultivated land, the 
general encroachment is greatly in 
favour of the alluvial deposit. In 
Ethiopia the sand has invaded the W. 
bank, but this is owing to the fall in 
the level of the Kile mentioned in 
n. \ ch. Ill and App. oh. iv. 4. — 
[G. W.] 

•It is perfectly true that neither 
in soil nor climate is Egypt like any 
other country. The soU is, as Hero, 
dotus says, "black and crumbly." 
The deposit of the Nile, when left on 
a rock and dried by the sun, re. 
sembles pottery in its appearance and 
by its fracture, from the sih'ca it con- 
tains ; but as long as it contains its 
moisture it has the appearance of 
clay, from its slimy and tenacious 
quality. It varies according to cir- 
cumstances, sometimes being mixed 
with sand, but it is generally of a 
black colour, and Egypt is said to 
have been called hence ** black," from 
the prevailing character of its soil. 
The analysis given by Begnault in the 
Description do TEgypte i 






oxide of iron. 


carbonate of magnesia. 

carbonate of linie. 





Book II. 

which forms the seaboard of Arabia ; but whereas the soil of 
Libya is, we know, sandy and of a reddish hue, and that of 
Arabia and Syria inclines to stone and clay, Egypt has a soil 
that is black and crumbly, as being aUuvial and formed of the 
deposits brought down by the river from Ethiopia. 

18. One fact which I learnt of the priests is to me a strong 
evidence of the origin of the country. They said that when 
Moeris was king, the Nile overflowed all Egypt below Memphis, 
as soon as it rose so little as eight cubits. Now Mceris had 
not been dead 900 years at the time when I heard this of the 
priests ; • yet at the present day, unless the river rise sixteen, 
or, at the very least, fifteen cubits, it does not overflow the 
lands. It seems to me, therefore, that if the land goes on 
rising and growing at this rate, the Egyptians who dwell below 
lake Mceris, in the Delta (as it is called) and elsewhere, will 
one day, by the stoppage of the inundations, suffer permanently 
the fate which they told me they expected would some time 
or other befaU the Greeks. On hearing that the whole land 
of Greece is watered by rain from heaven, and not, like their 
own, inundated by rivers, they observed — "Some day the 

That tHe Boil of Libya is red and 
sandy is tme, and the abundance of 
iron, especially at the Little Oasis, 
makes it in some parts like that of 
Deyonshire. — [G. W.] 

^ This would make the date of Mceris 
about 1355 B.C. ; but it neither agrees 
with the age of Amun-m.ha lU. of 
the Labyrinth, nor of Thothmes III., 
whom some have supposed to be 
Moeris, nor of Maire, or Papi (Apap- 
pus) of the 6th dynasty. The Moeris, 
however, from whom these dates oflre 
calculaiedy appears to have been Me- 
nophres, whose era was so remarkable, 
and was fixed as the Sothio period 
B.C. 1822, which happened about 900 
yeetrs before Herodotus* visit, only 
falling short of that sum by 83 years. 
It is reasonable to suppose thsX by 
Moeris he would refer to that king 
who was so remarkable for his atten- 

tion to the levels of the Nile, shown 
by his making the lake called after 
him; and who, from the records at 
Semneh, and from his name being 
again found in the Labyrinth (by Dr. 
Lepsius), is shown to have been 
Amun-m-he IIL ; but if his date is to 
be taken from Herodotus, it trill not 
accord with this king of the 12th 
dynasty, who lived about 1600 years 
before the historian ; and the Egyp- 
tians were not in the habit of di- 
minishing antiquity, nor of curtailing 
dates. Herodotus perhaps confounded 
two or more kings, to whom the name 
of Moans had been given by the 
Greeks; as the statue of Amunoph, 
and a palace and a tomb of two 
Bemeses, were ascribed to Memnon. 
See note • on ch. 100, note • on ch. 
142, and note » on oh. 148.— [G. W.] 



Greeks 'will be disappointed of their grand hope, and then 
they will be wretchedly hungry ; " which was as much as to 
say, " If God shall some day see fit not to grant the Greeks 
rain, bnt shall afflict them with a long drought, the Greeks 
will be swept away by a famine, since they have nothing to 
rely on but rain from Jove, and have no other resource for 
water/' ' 

14. And certes, in thus speaking of the Greeks the Egyp- 
tians say nothing but what is true. But now let me tell the 
Egyptians how the case stands with themselves. If, as I said 
before, the country below Memphis,® which is the land that is 
always rising, continues to increase in height at the rate at 
which it has risen in times gone by, how will it be possible for 
the inhabitants of that region to avoid hunger, when they will 
certainly have no rain,® and the river wiU not be able to over- 

^This reflembles tlie oommon re- 
mark of the Egyptians at the present 
day regarding tiiose conntries which 
depend for water on rain. — [G. W.] 

•This with the Delta Herodotus 
seems to consider the only part raised 
by the amnial deposit (d^^ri) ydp iari 
^ ab^iatnfUni), which is of oonrse erro- 
neous, as the allaviiim is left through- 
out the valley from Abyssinia to the 
sea.— [G. W.] 

*Fbmponia8 Kela calls Egypt 
** terra expers imbrinm ; *' and Proclns 
aays if showers f eU in Lower Egypt 
they were confined to that district, 
axkd heayy rain was a prodigy in the 
Thebald. Herodotns indeed afiSrms 
(iiL 10) that rain at Thebes portended 
■ome great calamity, and the oon- 
qaest of Egypt by the Persians was 
thonght to haye been foretold by this 
vnosoal phenomenon at that place. 
In Upper Egypt showers onlyoconr 
sbont five or six times in the year, 
bot erery fifteen car twenty years heavy 
rain falls there, which will account 
for the deep ravines ont in the valleys 
of the Theban hiUs, abont the Tombs 
of the Kings ; in Lower Egypt rain is 
more frequent ; and in Alexandria it 
is as abundant in winter as in the 

VOL. n. 

south of Europe. These ravines, and 
the precautions taken to protect the 
roofs of the temples at Thebes against 
rain, show that it fell there of old as 
now ; but a continuation of heavy rain 
in Upper Egypt, or even at Cairo, for 
two or three days would be considered 
a great wonder, tfnd would cause 
many houses to fall down, as in 1823. 
(Cp. Exod. ix. 18, where the hail- 
storm is not said to have been the 
only one, but such as was imlike any 
before it in Egypt.) The Eastern 
desert, between the Nile and the Bed 
Sea, where the mountains are higher, 
is frequently visited by heavy rain 
and thunderstorms in the winter, 
though the climate is drier than the 
valley of the Nile; and every four or 
five years the torrents run down to 
the Bed Sea on one side and to the 
Nile on the other. In less than a 
month's time after this the beds of 
those torrents are covered with green 
herbs and numerous small flowers, 
and the Arabs take their flocks to 
graze there till the Khamseen winds 
and the hot sun of May have dried 
them up, and nothing remains except 
a few acacia-trees and the usual hardy 
shrubs of those arid districts. There 




Book IL 

flow their corn-lands ? At present, it must be confessed, they 
obtain the fruits of the field with less trouble than any other 
people in the world, the rest of the Egyptians included, since 
they have no need to break up the ground with the plough, 
nor to use the hoe, nor to do any of the work which the rest 
of mankind find necessary if they are to get a crop ; ^ but the 

are scarcely any springB in the yalley 
of the Nile, and tiie few found there 
are probably caosed by the filtration 
of the Nile-water through the Boil.-^ 
[G. W.] 

^ That the labour for growing com 
was less in Egypt than in other conn- 
tries is certainly tme ; and in the low 

lands of the Delta, to which Hero- 
dotus here allndes, as well as in the 
hollows away from the river, near the 
edge of the desert, where the level of 
the land is the lowest, they probably 
dispensed with the plough, as at the 
present day, and simply dragged the 
mud with bushes after the seed had 

been thrown upon it, driving in a 
number of sheep, goats, or pigs, to 
tread in the grain ; but for other 
crops considerable labour was re- 
quii*ed in raising water to irrigate the 
land ; and during the summer and 
autumn few soils require more atten- 
tion than in the dry climate of Egypt. 
Though the fields were occasionally 
sown, as now, by casting the seed into 
the mud on the retiring of the waters, 
this was not the universal custom 
among the Egyptians, and the plough 
is always represented in the agricul- 
tural scenes, both in Upper Egypt 

and on the monuments about Mem- 
phis. The furrows were not deep : 
and Diodorus and Columella say that 
they were contented to " trace slight 
furrows with a light plough on the 
surface of the land," a mode of tillage 
resembling the scariflcatio of the 
Romans, continued in Egypt at the 
present day. After the plough fol- 
lowed the hoe to break the clods ; and 
the land having been prepared, the 
sower was sent in, who threw the 
seed broadcast over the field. The 
land was all open, having no hedges 
rows, but merely simple land.mark- 

Ca»7. 14. EGrPTIAN FAEMINQ. 19 

faasbaQdman waits till the river has of its own accord spread 

field, an witli tha Jewa (Dent. ■ 

I rated from ita neighbonr bj- r la^ 


itself over the fields and withdrawn again to its bed, and then 
BOWS Mb plot of ground, and after sowing turns his swine into 
it — the swine tread in the com' — after which he haa only to 

cui»I> from which uiibIIbt ohaimeU 
diBlTibiited the water in proper direc- 
tiona through tha fields. Whan the 
Nile wtia low, the water was nueed by 
the pole aod bncket, the ihoASof of 
modem Egypt, and bj other meani i 
end tMB attention to artificial irriga- 
tion, instead of depending for it on 
rain, iB alloded to in Deuteronomy 
ri. 10, There IB one inrtanoe, and oc - 
only, of m«n drawing the plorigh i 
Egypt. The painting, whi^ is froi 

ft tomb at Thebes, is preEerred in the 
LoDTre. Two men are at the end of 
the pole, and two others poll a rope 
attaohed to the base where the handle, 
pole, and ahare unite: another holds 
the plough as usual, and the rest of 
the Boene is like that in other agri- 
cultural snbjeotB, with the hoeing, sow. 
ing broadcast, and the harrest opera- 
tions. See Egt. under Pharaohs, p, 
73.— [G. W.] 

' Hufaroh, Siiaa (Nat. AnimaL z. 
IS, on the authority of Eudonu), and 
Flinj, mention this custom of tread, 
ing in the grain "with pigs" in 
E^pt t bat no ioitance occurs of it 
in toe tombs, though goats are some* 

times so represented in the painting*. 
It is indeed toore probable that pig* 
were turned in npcn the land to eat 
□p the weeds and rootsj and a pt^nt- 
ing at Thebes, where pigs are intto. 
duced with water-plants, seems to 


kU-miUd to benefit the farmer tlUt \ moizle etch pig, when goats or other 


await the harvest. The swine serre him also to thrash the 

grain,' which is then carried to the gamer. 

wiim a l a abonnded, would have betxi 
lost labour. In the district of Gower, 
in Sonth Walea, oom is trodden in by 
Bheep to this day,— [Q. W.] 

* The paintings ahow that oxen 
were oommonlj lued to tread ont the 
grain tima the ear at bairest-time, 
and ocoanonall;, though rarely, &Mea 
were HO amployed ; but pigs not being 
Bofficientl J heavy for tha pnrpose, are 
not likely to hava been iubslitnted 
for oien. Thii prooess waa perfonned 
tw it is Btill in Italy, Spain, and Other 
oonntries, by driring the oxen (horse* 
or mnleBj over tha oom strewod npon 
tha gioond, or upon a paved area 
near the field; aiid the Jews, who 
also adopted it, were forbidden to 
mnzzle the ox when treading oat the 
oom (Dent. xzv. 4). In Uter times 
the Jews appear also to have naed 
"threshing vrutrmnenta," and the 
word dtu, "treading," in the sentence 

been retained from the earlier cosUan 
□f triturating by oxen. Another more 
distinct mention of a "new sharp 
threshing instrument having teeth " 
is fonnd in Isaiah (xli. 16), which 
calls to mind the K6rig, or oom-diag, 
of modern Egypt, a name bloeely re- 
aetnbling the Hebrew ISoreg, applied 

Chap. lV-15. 



15. If then we choose to adopt the views of the lonians * 
concerning Egypt, we must come to the conclusion that the 
Egyptians had formerly no country at all. For the lonians 
say that nothing is really Egypt ^ but the Delta, which extends 

to the threshing mstnimeiits of Oman 

(as in Isaiah), and the oxen he offered 

to David were donbtless those that 

had been yoked to it. The modem 

Elgjptian If&reg is drawn by two oxen, 

and oonsiBts of a wooden frame, with 

three axles, on which are fixed cir. 

cnl^r ircm plates, the first and last 

having each four, the centre one 

three plates ; and these not only force 

oat the grain bat chop the straw as 

the machine is dragged over it. M. C. 

A. £., voL u. p. 55. It appears to be 

very tnTnilitr to the Mbulum of the 

Bomans mentioned by Yarro (de Be 

msticft, i. 52), who describes it as "a 

frame made rough by ston^, or pieces 

of iron, on which the driver or a 

weight was placed, and this being 

drawn by beasts yoked to it pressed 

oat the grain." The "plostemom 

PoBnieom" was donbtless introduced 

into Spain by the FhoDnicians. — 

[G. W.] 

* Under the general expression of 
" lonians " in this passage, Herodotas 
has been thought to mean principally, 
if not solely, Hecatseus. (Miiller ad 
Hecat. Fr^^. Fr. 295 and 296.) 
Col. Mure shows satisfactorily (Litera- 
ture of GJreece, vol iv. p. 148, note *) 
that this is not the case, since the 
persons here spoken of divided the 
world iato three parts (infr&, ch. 16), 
HecatsBUs into two. (See the map, 
note to Book iv. ch. 36.) Perhaps the 
aUusian is to Anaximander, who as a 
geographer had preceded Hecatseus. 
(Strab. i. p. 10 ; Agathemer, i. 1.) 

' There is no appearance of the 
name ** Egypt " on the ancient monu- 
ments, where the country is called 
"Chemi," represented in hieroglyphics 
by the tail of a crocodile. Chemi, 
" the black land," " the land of Ham," 
or of Khem (the Egyptian God Pan, or 
the Generative principle of Nature) is 
said- by Flataroh to have been so 
called from the "blackness of the 

soiL" Khem is singularly like the 
Greek x<¥^* Ham (Eham), the He- 
brew name of the patriarch, signifies 
also "soot," and is like the Arabic 
hem, hamif " hot ; " and the Hebrew 
hdm (or kh6m), signifying brown (or 
black), as in Gen. xxx. 32, 40, is also 
'* burnt up." ^gyptus was in old 
times the name of the Nile, which 
was so called by Homer (Odys. iv. 
477 ; xiv. 257) : and Strabo (xvii. p. 
691) says the same was the opinion of 
Nearchus. Manetho pretends that the 
country received the name from 
.^gyptus, a surname of King Sethos 
(or Sethi). Aristotle thinks that 
" ^gypt was formerly called Thebes," 
and Herodotus states, in opposition to 
the opinion of the ''lonians," that 
•* Thebes (i.e, the Thebatd) had of old 
the name of Egypt." And if this is 
not confirmed by the monuments, the 
word " Egypt " was at all events con- 
nected with Coptos, a city of the 
Thebaid. From Kebt, Koft, or Cop- 
tos, the modem inhabitants have been 
called Copts: its ancient name in 
hieroglyphics was Kebt-hor; and Mr. 
Poole is evidently right in supposing 
this to be the same as the Biblicfd 
Caphtor. He thinks the name "Egypt" 
composed of ATo, " land," and viiros ; 
and is to be traced in the Ai-Caph- 
tor, "land (or coast) of Caphtor," 
in Jeremiah (xlviL 4). The word Cop- 
titic is found in a Gnostic papyrus, 
supposed to be of the second century 
(see note' on ch. 88). Egypt is said 
to have been called originally Aetia, 
and the Nile Aetos and Siris. Upper 
Egypt, or the Thebatd, has even been 
confounded with, and called, Ethiopia; 
perhaps too by Pliny (vi. 36; see 
note* on ch. 110); Nahum (iii. 9) 
calls Ethiopia and Egypt the strength 
of No (liiebes) ; and Strabo says 
(i. p. 57) that Menelaus' journey to 
Ethiopia really meant to Thebes. 
The modem name Must or Misr is the 




along shore from the Watch-tower of Perseus,' as it is called, 
to the Pelusiac Salt-pans,^ a distance of forty schoenes, and 
stretches inland as far as the city of Cercasorus,® where the 
Nile divides into the two streams which reach the sea at 
Pelosiom and Ganobus respectively. The rest of what is 
accomited Egypt belongs, they say, either to Arabia or Libya. 
But the Delta, as the Egyptians affirm, and as I myself am 
persuaded, is formed of the deposits of the river, and has only 
recently, if I may use the expression, come to light. If, then, 
they had formerly no territory at all, how came they to be so 
extravagant as to fancy themselves the most ancient race in 
the world ? Surely there was no need of their making the 
experiment with the children to see what language they would 
first speak. But in truth I do not believe that the Egyptians 
came into being at the same time with the Delta, as the 
lonians call it ; I think they have always existed ever since 
the human race began ; as the land went on increasing, part 
of the population came down into the new country, part re- 
mained in their old settlements. In ancient times the Thebais 

same as the Biblical Mizraim, t.e. ''the 
two Misra " applied to Egypt, which 
corresponds to ^ the two regions " of 
the Boolptnree; but the word Misr 
does not occur on the monuments. 
Mr. Poole notices the meaning of the 
Arabic Hisr, "red mnd," and the 
name Bahab, "the prond," giTcn to 
Eg^Tpt in the Bible. On Caphtor, see 
Dent. ii. 23; Amos iz. 7. See note* 
on oh. 106.— [G. W.] 

* This tower stood to the W. of the 
Canopio mouth ; and, as Bennell sup. 
poses, on the point of Aboukir, not, as 
Strabo thinks, on a sandy point at the 
Bolbitine mouth. The Canopio was 
by some called the Heracleotic mouth, 
from the city of Hercules (see n.^ ch. 
118). The name Canopus, written 
more correctly by Herodotus Kdi^fios, 
said to signify xp^^of I5a^i, has been 
derived from katU tumb, "golden 
land." The term " Oanopic," applied 
to sepulchral rases with a human 
head, is quite arbitrary.— [G. W.] 

' The Greek, like the modem, name 
of Pelusium, is thought to hare been 
derived from the mud that surrounded 
it, wriXhs in Greek, and Teen in Arabic, 
signifying " mud.'* It is now called 
Teeneh. It is, however, very probably 
taken from the old Eg^tian name, 
and not Greek. Larcher considers the 
rapix^iou to be called from the em- 
balmed mummies preserved there; 
but the name evidently applies to 
the salt-pans, as in ch. 113, where 
Herodotus mentions others near the 
Canopic mouth. — [G.W.] Lepeius sug- 
gests that Pelusium means "Philis- 
tine-town" (Chronolog^e der ^gyp- 
ter, vol. i. p. 841), and regards it as so 
called because it was the last town 
held by the Hyksos, whom he believes 
to have been Philistines, before their 
final expulsion from Egypt. 

^ Or Cercasdrum. It is impossible 
to say which form Herodotus in- 

Chap. 15-17. 



bore the name of Egypt, a district of which the entire circum- 
ference is but 6120 furlongs. 

16. If, then, my judgment on these matters be right, the 
lonians are mistaken in what they say of Egypt. If, on the 
contrary, it is they who are right, then I undertake to show 
that neither the lonians nor any of the other Greeks know how 
to count. For they all say that the earth is divided into three 
parts, Europe, Asia, and Libya, whereas they ought to add a 
fourth part, the Delta of Egypt, since they do not include it 
either in Asia or Libya.® For is it not their theory that the' 
Nile separates Asia from Libya ? As the Nile, therefore, spUts 
in two at the apex of the Delta, the Delta itself must be a 
separate country, not contained in either Asia or Libya. 

17. Here I taJiie my leave of the opinions of the lonians, and 
proceed to deliver my own sentiments on these subjects. I 
consider Egypt to be the whole country inhabited by the 
Egyptians, just as CUicia is the tract occupied by the Gilicians, 
and Assyria that possessed by the Assyrians. And I regard 
the only proper boundary line between Libya and Asia to be 
that which is marked out by the Egyptian frontier. For if we 

* Though Egypt reallj belongs to 
the continent of Afrfta, the ix^abi- 
tant-s -were certainly of Asiatic origin ; 
and the whole of the vaUey of the 
Nile has been peopled by the primeval 
immigration of a Gancasian race. 
This seems to be indicated also by 
the Bible history, where the grand- 
eons of Noah are made the inhabitants 
of Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, and Canaan; 
and Jubia, according to Fliny, afSrms 
with reason that the people of the 
banks of the Nile from Syene to 
HeioS, were not Ethiopians (blacks) 
but Arabs. Till a later time half 
Egypt was ascribed to Africa, " which 
extended to the sources of the Nile " 
(Strabo, iL p. 170), and "the Tanais 
and Nile were the limits of Asia" 
(Plin. iii. Frocam.) ; bnt more reason- 
able people, says Strabo (i. p. 61), 
think the Arabian Gnlf tiie proper 
separation of the two oontinents 

rather than the Nile. Ptolemy gives 
both banks of the Nile to Africa 
(iy. 6). Herodotus justly blames 
the inconsistency of making Egypt 
belong to neither continent, and of 
considering the country and its people 
a new creation. In Book iv. chF. 
89 and 41, Herodotus does not mean 
to ezdnde Egypt both from Asia 
and from Libya, as he shows by 
mentioning the ships of Neoo sail, 
ing from the Arabian Gulf round 
Libya to the Mediterranean coasts of 
Egypt (ch. 42) ; he treats Libya as 
a distinct region, lying W. of Egypt, 
and makes Egypt itself the division 
between it and Asia. Bnt in a geo- 
graphical point of yiew his description 
is Tery unsatisfactory. Diodoma 
seems to think that Herodotus made 
the Nile the boundary of Libya.^ 
[G. W.] 




take the boundary-line commonly received by the Greeks,^^ we 
most regard Egypt as divided, along its whole length from 
Elephantine and the Cataracts to Gercasoms, into two parts, 
each belonging to a different portion of the world, one to Asia, 
the other to Libya ; since the Nile divides Egypt in two from 
the Cataracts to the sea, rmming as far as the city *of 
Cercasdrus ^ in a single stream, but at that point separating 
into three branches, whereof the one which bends eastward is 

1^ That is, the course of the Nile ; 
which is made the boundary by Strabo 
(ii. p. 170), Mehi (i. 1, 2, and 4), Dio- 
nysins Periegetes (1. 230), and, in one 
place, by Agathemer (i. 1). Scylaz 
(Peripl. p. 105) and Pliny (H. N. v. 9) 
agree with Herodotns in assigning the 
whole of Egypt to Asia. Ptolemy 
(G^g. i. 1) is the first extant geo- 
grapher who formally assigns the Red 
Sea and the Isthmas of Saez as the 
true boundary. In this he is followed 
by the Armenian Gteogpraphy (§ 16), 
and, in his description of the three 
continents, by Agathemer (ii. 6, 7). 

' Strabo calls it Cercesnra, others 
Gercasonun. It is noticed again in 
chs. 15 and 97. Strabo shows it to 
have been in the same parallel as 
Heliopolis ; and Herodotns considers 
the Delta to end at Heliopolis (ii. 7)) 
which brings the point of the Delta 
nearly opposite the present /S/ioobro. 
Here the river separated into three 
branches, the Pelosiao or Bnbastite to 
the £., the Canopio or Heracleotio to 
the W., and the Sebennytic, which 
ran between them, continuing in the 
same general line of direction north- 
ward which the ^ile had np to this 
point, and piercing the Delta through 
its centre. The Tanitio, which ran 
out of the Sebenn3rtic, was at first 
the same as the Bnsiritic, but after, 
wards received the name of Tanitio, 
from the city of Tanis (now San), 
which stood on its eastern bank; 
and between the Tanitio and Pelusiao 
branches was the isle of Hyecphoris, 
which Herodotus says was opposite 
Bubastis (ii. 166). The Mondesian, 
which also ran eastward from the 

Sebennytic, passed by the modem 
town of Mansoorahf and thence run- 
ing by Mendes (from which it was 
called) entered the sea to the W. of 
the Tanitic. The Bolbitine mouth 
was that of the modem Bosetta 
branch, as the Bucolic or Phatmetio 
was that of Damietta, and the lower 
parts of both these branches were 
artificial, or made by the hand of 
man ; on which account, though Hero- 
dotus mentions seven, he corses the 
number of the mouths of the Nile to 
five. These two artificial outlets of 
the Nile are the only ones now remain- 
ing, the others having either dis. 
appeared, or being dry in most places 
during the summer; and this fact 
seems to confirm an otherwise inex- 
plicable prophecy of Isaiah (xi. 15), 
thought by some to apply to the 
Euphrates — (He) "shall smite it in 
its seven streams, and make men go 
over dry-shod." Jiiost ancient writers 
agree in reckoning seven mouths, the 
order of which, beginning from the 
E., was — 1. the Pelusiao or Bnbas- 
tite ; 2. the Sattic or Tanitio ; 3. the 
Mendesian; 4. the Bucob'c or Phat- 
metio (now of Damietta) ; 5. the 
Sebennytic ; 6. the Bolbitine (now of 
Bosetta) ; 7. the Canopio or Hera- 
cleotio ; but eleven are mentioned by 
Pliny, to which he adds four others 
called ** false mouths." Most of those 
false months are described by Strabo 
as very shallow, being probably dry 
in summer; and there is reason to 
believe that the three great mouths 
were the Pelusiao, the Sebennytic, and 
the Canopio, which last was originally 
the only one (Herod, ii. 179) which 

€hap. 17, 18. 



called the Pelnsiac month,^ and that which slants to the west, 
the Canobic. Meanwhile the straight course of the stream, 
which comes down from the upper country and meets the apex 
of the Delta, continues on, dividing the Delta down the middle, 
and empties itself into the sea by a mouth, which is as 
celebrated, and carries as large a body of water, as most of the 
others, the mouth called the Sebennytic. Besides these there 
are two other mouths which run out of the Sebennytic called 
respectively the SaSttic and the Mendesian. The Bolbitine 
mouth, and the Bucolic, are not natural branches, but channels 
made by excavation. 

18. My judgment as to the extent of Egypt is confirmed 
by an oracle delivered at the shrine of Amnion, of which I 
had no knowledge at all until after I had formed my opinion. 
It happened that the people of the cities Marea^ and Apis, who 
live in the part of Egypt that borders on Libya, took a disUke 
to the reUgious usages of the country concerning sacrificial 
animals, and wished no longer to be restricted from eating the 
flesh of cows.* So, as they believed themselves to be Libyans 
and not Egyptians, they sent to the shrine to say that, having 

Btnngen were allowed to enter See 
note » on ch. 178.— [G. W.] 

* From the Greek word for "month," 
irr^yio, or from the Latin ostium^ the 
Arabs have given the name ostodm or 
oshtodm to each of the months of the 
Nile, with its regular plnral ashate^m. 
The o is prefixed from the repugnance 
of Arabic to words beginning with s 
followed by another consonant. Thus 
too the French has itable, ieole, 4taty 
the Spanish ispejOf and even the 
Italian places lo instead of H before 
gpecchio. — [G. W.] 

' The town of Marea stood near the 
lake, to which it gave the name Mareo- 
tis (see note ' ch. 6). It was cele. 
brated for the wine produced in its 
Ticinitj, which appears to be included 
in the " wine of the Northern conntry," 
so often mentioned in the lists of 
offerings in the Egyptian tombs. 
Strabo wj^ "in this district iB the 


greatest abundance of wine," which is 
confirmed by Athenrous, voAXj^ l\ 4i 
»€f>l r^v T^K raimiv Hfivtkos. Virgil 
(Georg. ii. 91) says, "Sunt Thasise 
vites, sunt et Hareotides albas ; " and 
the expression of Horace, " lymphatam 
Mareotico" meaning ** Egyptian wine," 
points it out as the most noted of that 
country. Athenasus says, " its colour 
is white, its quality excellent, and it 
is sweet and light, with a fragrant 
bouquet, by no means astringent, nor 
affecting the head ; " and Strabo gives 
it the additional merit of keeping to a 
great age. Athenieus, however, con- 
siders it inferior to the Teniotic ; and 
that of Anthylla appears to have been 
preferred to it and to all others. See 
boiow n.' on ch. 37, n.' on ch. 60, and 
n.* on ch. 77.— [G. W.] 

* Though oxen were lawful food to 
the Egyptians, cows and heifers were 
forbidden to be killed, either for the 




nothing in common with the Egyptians, neither inhabiting 
the Delta nor nsing the Egyptian tongue, they claimed to be 
allowed to eat whatever they pleased. Their request, however, 
was refused by the god, who declared in reply that Egypt was 
the entire tract of country which the Nile overspreads and 
irrigates, and the Egyptians were the people who lived below 
Elephantine,^ and drank the waters of that river. 

19. So said the oracle. Now the Nile, when it overflows, 
floods not only the Delta, but also the tracts of country on both 
sides of the stream, which are thought to belong to Libya and 
Arabia,^ in some places reaching to the extent of two days' 
journey from its banks, in some even exceeding that distance, 
but in others falling short of it. 

Concerning the nature of the river, I was not able to gain 
any information either from the priests or from others. I was 
particularly anxious to learn from them why the Nile, at the 
commencement of the summer solstice, begins to rise,^ and 

altar or the table, being consecrated 
(not as Herodotus states, ch. 41, to 
Isis, but as Strabo says) to Athor, 
who was represented under the form 
of a spotted oow, and to whose temple 
at Atarbechis, '* the city of Athor," as 
Herodotus afterwards shows, the 
bodies of those that died were carried 
(ch. 41). It is, however, yery excusa- 
ble in him to confound the two God- 
desses, as they often assume each 
other's attributes, and it is then 
di&cult to distinguish them without 
the hieroglyphic legends. See note ' 
on ch. S), and note' on ch. 41.^ 
[G. W.] 

* Byene and Elephantinl were the 
real frontier of Egypt on the S. ; 
Egypt extending "from the tower 
(Migdol) of Syene " to the sea (Ezek. 
xxix. 10). When the frontier was 
extended southward by the conquests 
of the Pharaohs, lower Ethiopia to the 
second cataract (the modem Nubia) 
was still considered out of Egypt, 
though part of its dominions; and the 
places there are often designated as 
"foreign."— [Q.W.] 

* By the *' tracts thought to belong 
to Libya and Arabia," Herodotus 
means the lands about the lake Mare- 
otis, and those on the canal which com- 
municated with the Bed Sea, as well 
as on the E. bank of the F^nsiao 
branch.— [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus was surprised that the 
Nile should rise in the summer solstice 
and become low in winter. In the 
latitude of Memphis it begins to rise 
at the end of June; about the 10th 
of August it attains to the height 
requisite for cutting the canals and 
admitting it into the interior of the 
plain ; and it is generally at its highest 
about the end of September. This 
makes from 92 to 100 days, as Hero- 
dotus states. At the Cataracts the 
first rise is perceived some time 
sooner, about the end of May or the 
beginning of June, which led Seneca 
to say that " the first increase of the 
Nile was observable about the islands 
of Philad." But in proportion as you 
go higher into Ethiopia, the inunda- 
tion is earlier, and at Ehartoom it 
begins about tha 2nd of May, or^ 




oontinnes to increase for a hundred days — and why, as soon as 
that number is past, it forthwith retires and contracts its 
stream, continuing low during the whole of the winter until 
the smnmer solstice comes round again. On none of these 
points could I obtain any explanation from the inhabitants,^ 
though I made every inquiry, wishing to know what was 
commonly reported — ^they could neither teU me what special 
virtue the Nile has which makes it so opposite in its nature to 


ftooordiiig to some, " early in ApriL 
But it sometimes happens that it 
rises a little and then falls again 
before the regular inmidation sets in, 
irhioh is owing to partial rains in 
the npper part of its oonrse. In 
"Egjpt die first change from the pre- 
▼ioQS clearness of the stream in May 
is observed in its red and turbid 
oolonr, and it soon afterwards assumes 
« green ^ypearanoe, when the water 
m no longer considered wholesome. 
For this reason a supply previously 
laid up in jars was then used by the 
ancient Egyptians until it reassumed 
a turbid bint wholesome red colour; 
which explains an exaggerated remark 
of Arntides (Orat. Egypt, yd. ii.) that 
the Cgyptians are itie only people 
i^io pre s e rve water in jars, and oal- 
cukite its age as others do that of 
wine. It was not loDg before the 
water of the river became i^holesome 
again, and the latter part of his asser. 
tion, respectingits improvement by]age 
when preserved in jar$, is only one of 
thoee antitheses in which the Greeks 
deHghted. In large resenmrs it may 
be l^pt two or three years, as in some 
houses of Cairo, but not improved like 
wine. Though yery wholesome, the 
water of the Nile sometimes disagrees 
for a few days with strangers, or with 
persons who have sojourned for a few 
months in the desert ; which accounts 
for the Persians having brought water 
into E^iypt fitnn Asia, and agrees with 
the lemarh of Athensens (Deipn. iL p. 
U), who attribntefl it to the nitre it 
contains. On the supposed causes of 
ioimdation, see Eur. HeL i 8 ; Athen. 
m^278 aeq. ed. Bip.| and IWmerius 

n. in Oudendorp's Lucan, b. x. 215 
seq.— [G.W.] 

" The cause of the inundation is the 
water that falls during the rainy sea. 
son in Abyssinia; and the rang^ of 
the tropic^ rains extends even as far 
K. as latitude IT* 43^. Homer was 
therefore right in giving to the Nile 
the epithet of 9iIvfr4os vorofwu), and 
the passages quoted from the Koran 
relating to 'Hhe water sent by God 
from Heaven,^ inscribed on the Nile- 
meter of the isle of Boda, show that 
the Arabs were at a very early time 
oorrectly informed respecting the 
oause of the inundation. In the high, 
lands of Abyssinia the rains continue 
from the middle of June to the middle 
of September, but at the sources of 
the VHiito river the rains seem to set 
in about the middle of March, and 
also to last three months. The Bahr- 
el-Azrek, together with the more 
northerly Atbiua, and their tributary 
streams, continue their supply of 
water from Abyssinia until the end of 
the inxmdation. The two main branches 
of the Southern Nile are the Bahr.el- 
Alnad and the Bahr^-Azrek, whidi 
unite at the modem £harto<5m, a new 
town on the point of land, about 160 
miles to the N. of Senn£r ; but though 
the latter is the smaller of the two, it 
is the one which possesses the real 
characteristics of the Nile, having 
the ssme black alluvial deposit, and 
the same beneficent properties when 
it inundates the land. The White 
river, on the contrary, has a totally 
diiferent character, and ito waters 
possess none of those fertilizing quali. 
ties for which the Nile is celebrated; 





all other gtreams, nor why, nnlike every other river, it gives 
forth no breezes • from its surface. 

20. Some of the Greeks, however, wishing to get a reputa- 
tion for cleverness, have offered explanations of the phenomena 

and this is probably tbe reason wby 
the source of the Abyssmian branch 
has been so often looked upon as the 
real <* fountain of the Nile." The 
names (Bahr el) Ahiad and Azreh ap- 
pear to signify the "white" and 
" black " rather than the " white " and 
"bine" (river). For though Aswed 
is commonly put in opposition to 
Ahiad (as "black" and "white"), 
Azrekf which is properly "bine," is 
also nsed for what we call "jet 
black ; " and Hossd/n Astrek is a "dsirk 
black," not a ** bine horse." It is 
trae that " bine " is applied to rivers, 
as Nil ab, « blue water" (or "river") 
to the Indus, and the Sutlej is still 
the " blue river ; " but the name 
Azreh seems to be given to the Abys- 
sinian branch to distinguish it from 
the Western or White NUe. Neel, or 
Nil, itself signifies " blue," and indigo 
is therefore " Neeleh ; " but the word 
is Indian, not Arabic, Nila in Sanscrit 
being "blue." Though the Greeks 
called the river " Nile," as the Arabs 
do, that name is not found in the 
hieroglyphi^ss, where the God Nilus 
and the river are both called " Hapi." 
That god, however, is coloured blue. 
The Hindoo Puranas also call the Nile 
" Nila; " but it was not an old Egyp- 
tian name, and those writings are of 
late date. It is called in Coptic taro, 
" river," or iom, " sea " (cp. *aiccay^f), 
analogous to the modem Arabic name 
hahr, "river," properly "sea" (see 
note ' on ch. III). Nahum (iii 3^ 
speaks of "populous No (Thebes) 
whose rampart was the sea,** The 
resemblance of the 
name Hapi, "Nilus,** 
and the bull-god Hapi 
or Apis (see ch. 28, . ^^ 

B. iii.) recalls the ^\ ^ ^^ 
Greek representation 
of a river under the form of a bull, 
like the AoheloUs and others (see 

.Snian, Tar. Hist. ii. 88). Nilus is 
not taken from Nahr or Nahl, " river ; " 
but Nahr, "river," is applied to the 
Euphrates, and Nahl to a ravine or 
torrent-bed, as (in 2 Kings xziv. 7) to 
the " torrens JEgypti," Nahl is not a 
"river," but, like Nullah, a "ravine,*, 
in India. Cp. Nahr, Nar, Naro, and 
other names of rivers, the Nereids, 
dbc. (See n. ' on ch. 60.) For hlack 
applied to water, cp. tiiXoM 08otp of 
Homer. The Nile was said to have 
received its name from King Nilus ; 
but this is doubtless a fable; and 
Homer calls it ^gyptus. The sources 
of the White Nile are still (1862) nn- 
known ; and recent discoveries seem to 
assign a different position from that 
conjectured by the explorers sent by 
Mohammed AM^ who brought it from 
the eastward, at the back or S. of the 
Galla mountains ; as did a very intel- 
ligent native of the Jimma country I 
met at Cairo, who affirmed that he had 
crossed the White river in going from 
his native land to Adderay or Hurmr 
and the Som&uli district, on his way 
to the port of Berbera. Seneca's 
description of the Upper Nile, "mag- 
nas solitudines pervagatus, et in 
paludes diffusus, gentibus sparsus" 
might suit the character of the White 
Nile, though he is wrong in supposing 
it only assumed a new one by forming 
a siugle stream " about Philsd." See 
Nat QusQst. b. iv. s. 2; cp. Flin. vi. 
80.— [G. W.] 

* If this signifies that breezes are 
not generated by, and do not rise 
from, the Nile, it is true ; but not if 
it means that a current of air does 
not blow np the valley. Diodoma 
(i. 88) is wrong in stating that <'the 
Nile has no clouds about it, does not 
engender cold winds, and has no 
fogs." The fogs are often very thick, 
though they disappear before mid** 

Chip. 19-22. 



of iho river, for which they have accounted in three different 
ways. Two of these I do not think it worth while to speak of, 
further than simply to mention what they are. One pretends 
that the Etesian winds ^ cause the rise of the river by prevent- 
ing the Nile- water from running off into the sea. But in the 
first place it has often happened, when the Etesian winds did 
not blow, that the Nile has risen according to its usual wont ; 
and further, if the Etesian winds produced the effect, the 
other rivers which flow in a direction opposite to those winds 
ought to present the same phencnnena as the Nile, and the 
more so as they are all smaller streams, and have a weaker 
current. But these rivers, of which there are many both in 
Syria' and Libya, are entirely unlike the Nile in this respect. 

21. The second opinion is even more unscientific than the 
one just mentioned, and also, if I may so say, more marvellous. 
It is that the Nile acts so strangely, because it flows from the 
ocean, and that the ocean flows all round the earth.^ 

22. The third explanation, which is very much more 
plausible than either of the others, is positively the furthest 
from the truth ; for there is really nothing in what it says, 
any more than in the other theories. It is, that the inundation 

^ The animal N.W. winds blow from 
the Siediterranean during the innnda- 
tioo ; bnt they are not the cause of 
the rise of the Nile, though they help 
in a Bznall degree to impede its oonrse 
northwards. For the navigation of 
the rirer they are invaluable, as weU 
as for the health of the inhabitants ; 
and a rery large boat conld scarcely 
ascend the river dnring the inundation 
unless aided by them. Nor can they 
be said to cause the inundation by 
drin'ng the clouds to Abyssinia, as 
the rise of the Nile beg^ins before they 
J&t in, though they may add to the 
water by later showers.— [G. W.] 

' It is possible to justify this state- 
ment, which at first sight seems un- 
true, by conaidering that the direction 
of the Etesian winds was north- 
vesierly rather than north. (Arist. 

was natural, as they are caused by the 
rush of the air from the Mediterra- 
nean and Egean, to fill up the vacuum 
caused by the rarefaction of the 
atmosphere over the desert lands in 
the neighbourhood of the sea, which 
desert lands lie as much in Syria and 
Arabia on the east, as in Africa on 
the south. Though Syria therefore 
has only a torrent-bed generally dry 
(the TTody el ArUht or Eiver of Egypt) 
which faces the north, it has many 
rivers which the Etesian winds might 
affect, aU those, namely, which face 
the west. 

'That the Nile flowed from the 
ocean, and that the ocean flowed aU 
round the earth, were certainly 
opinions of Hecatieus (Fr. 278). It 
is probable, therefore, that his ac- 
count of the inundation is here in- 




of the Nile is caused by the melting of snows.* Now, as the 
Nile flows out of Libya,* through Ethiopia, into Egypt, how is 
it possible that it can be formed of melted snow, running, as 
it does, from the hottest regions of the world into cooler 
countries ? Many are the proofs whereby any one capable of 
reasoning on the subject may be convinced that it is most un- 
likely this should be the case. The first and strongest argu- 
ment is furnished by the winds, which always blow hot from 
these regions. The second is, that rain and frost are unknown 
there,* Now, whenever snow falls, it must of necessity rain 

^ This was the opinion of Anax- 
agoras, as well as of hia pupil Eu- 
ripides and others. (Diodor. L 8S; 
Euripid. Helena, beg*. ; Seneca, Nat. 
QuEBst. iv. 2; Ptol. Oeog. iv. 9.) 
Herodotus and Diodorus are wrong in 
supposing snow could not be found on 
mountains in the hot dimate of 
Africa; perpetual snow is not con- 
fined to certain latitudes ; and ancient 
and modem discoveries prove that it 
is found in the ranges S. of Abys- 
sinia. Nor is the heat always there 
what Herodotus imagines; and the 
cold of winter is often sensibly felt in 
the plains of Ethiopia about Gebel 
Berkel, far distant from high moun- 
tains, though the thermometer does 
not range below freezing. ''The 
lower limit of perpetual snow is not 
a mere function of geographical lati- 
tude, or of mean annual temperature ; 
nor is it at the equator, or even 
within the tropics, that the snow-line 
reaches its gpreatest elevation above 
the level of the sea.** (Humboldt, 
Cosmos, i p. 828.) At the equator, 
on the Andes of Quito, the limit is at 
15,790 feet above the sea; on the 
southern declivity of the Himalaya it 
lies at 12,982 feet, and on the northern 
declivity at 16,630; and the volcano 
of Aconcagua in lat. 82? SC, which 
was found '' to be more than 1400 ft. 
higher than Chimboraso^ was once 
seen free from snow.'* (p. 829.) See 
also Lyell's Pr, of Geology, o. viL — 
[Q. W.] 
* That is from Central Africa^ which 

was and stiU is the opinion of some 
geographers. There appears more 
reason to place the source of the 
*' White Nile" to the 8. of the Abys- 
sinian ranges, between lat. T* and 8? 
N. ; though a branch does come from 
the W., called Adda or Jengeh, which 
seem to be two names of the same 
stream.— [G. W.] 

< Herodotus was not aware of the 
rainy season in Senn^r and the S.S.W. 
of Abyssinia, nor did he know of the 
Abyssinian snow. This is mentioned 
in the inscription of Ptolemy Fhila- 
delphus at Adulis, on the mountains 
beyond the Nile, ^ to the depth of a 
man*s kniee. " (See Plin. vi. 84, and 
Vincent's Periplns.) The tropioal 
rains do not extend as far N. as the 
Dar Sheg^h (Shaik^h) and the great 
bend of the Nile, where showers and 
storms only occur occasionally, gene- 
rally about the beg^inning of the inunda- 
tion, and where a whole year some- 
times passes without rain. The tropioal 
rains begin about the end of March or 
beginning of April on the White mie 
in lat. 4'' N., and both the White and 
Blue Niles begin to rise at Khartodm 
the first week in May. The olimate 
there is then Tory unhealthy, even 
for the natives. The rain falls for 
many hours, but with intervals of 
clear weathw and a strong sun, raising 
a vapour that causes a bad fever. The 
vegetation is very rapid and luxurious. 
That part of the valley immediately 
to the N. of the range of the rains is 
then infested with oloods of flies—* 

Chap. 22, 23. 



within five days ; ^ so that, if there were snow, there must 
be rain also in those parts. Thirdly, it is* certain that the 
natives of the conntry are black with the heat, that the kites 
and the swallows remain there the whole year, and that the 
cranes, when they fly from the rigours of a Scythian winter 
flock thither to pass the cold season.® If the»^ in the country 
whence the Nile has its source, or in that through which it 
flows, there fell ever so little snow, it is absolutely impossible 
that any of these circumstances could take place. 
23. As for the writer who attributes the phenomenon to the 

perfect plague — but thej do not ez. 
tend into the desert. Philostratos 
(Vit. ApoU. Tyan. ii. 9) says he does 
"not mean to gainsay the snows of 
the Ethiopians, or the hills of the 
Catadnpi;" but he evidently disbe- 
lieres the acconnts given of them. 
The canse of the two branches rising 
at the same time at Khartoom is the 
rain that falls at no great distance 
from that spot. The effect of the 
more southerly mins is felt after- 
wards. Callisthenes, the pnpil of 
Aristotle, and afterwards Agathar-' 
cides and Strabo, attributed the inun- 
dation to the rainy season in Ethiopia ; 
and correctly, for it is caused by this, 
and not by the melting of snow. See 
Athenseus, Epit. ii. 89 ; Diod. i. 41 ; 
Strabo, xvii. p. 1121.— [G. W.] 

' I have found nothing in any writer, 
ancient or modem, to confirm, or so 
much as to explain, this assertion. 
Anlns Gellius seems to have noticed it 
as an instance of " over rapid gene- 
ralization." (Epitom. lib. viii. c 3) ; 
but his remarks on the subject are 
lost. It does not appear that at 
present, either in Asia Minor or in 
Southern Italy, rain necessarily fol- 
lows snow within a certain number 
of ilays. But the meteorology of the 
countries bordering on the Mediter. 
ranean has no doubt undergone great 
changes since the time of Herodotus. 
In some parts of England there is a 
saying, that "three days of white 
frost are sure to bring rain." 

" Cranes and other wading birds are 

TOL. n. 

found in the winter in Upper Egypt, 
but far more in Ethiopia, and in 
spring immense flights of storks 
{Ciconia alba) collect together, which 
after soaring round in circles at a 
great height, return for the summer 
to the North. From the mig^tion of 
cranes to Ethiopia arose the fable of 
the Cranes and Pyg^es. The Ardea 
cinerea and g^rzetta, the platalea or 
spoonbill, the pelican, and some others 
remain the whole year in Egypt. 
The Grus cinerea (crane) winters in 
Ethiopia about Gebel Berkel. This 
last has been strangely mistaken for 
an ostrich at Beni Hassan, and is pro- 
bably the Grus undetermined by 
Pickering (p. 169). The Ibis is rar(»ly 
seen except near the Lake Menzaleh, 
where ducks, coots, and numerous 
water-fowl abound. The avocet was 
a native of Egypt as early as the 12th 
dynasty. The Numidian demoiselle 
(Anthropo'ides Virgo) is found, but not 
common, in Upper Egypt. Kites re- 
main all the winter, and swallows 
also, though in small numbers, even 
at Thebes. The swallow was alwavs 
the harbinger of spring, as in Greece 
and the rest of Europe ; and the sub- 
ject is represented on Greek vases, 
where a youth exclaims " Behold the 
swallow ! " and another answers 
" Then it is now spring." (See Pa- 
nofka's Bilder ant. Lebens, pi. xvii. 
fi<?. 6.) Boys (as Mr. Cumby observes) 
wont about in Khodes to collect gifts 
on the return of the swallcv, as for 
the " grotto *' at the beginning of our 



ocean,^ liis account is involved in such obscurity, that it is 
impossible to disprove it by argument. For my part I know 
of no river called Ocean, and I think that Homer, or one of 
the earlier poets, invented the name, and introduced it into 
his poetry. 

24. Perhaps, after censuring all the opinions that have been 
put forward on this obscure subject, one ought to propose some 
theory of one's own. I will therefore proceed to explain what 
I think to be the reason of the Nile's swelling in the summer 
time. During the winter, the sun is driven out of his usual 
course by the storms, and removes to the upper parts of 
Libya. This is the whole secret in the fewest possible words ; 
for it stands to reason that the country to which the Sun-god 
approaches the nearest, and which he passes most directly 
over, will be scantest of water, and that there the streams 
which feed the rivers will shrink the most. 

25. To explain, however, more at length, the case is this. 
The sun, in his passage across the upper parts of Libya, 
affects them in the following way. As the air in those regions 
is constantly clear^ and the country warm through the absence 

oyster season, though with greater 
pretensions, as AthensBus, quoting 
Theog^nis, shows (yiii. p. 360), since 
they sometimes threatened to carry 
off what was not granted to their re- 
qnest i — " We will go away if you 
give US something; if not, we will 
never let you alone. We will either 
carry off the door, or the lintel, or the 
woman who sits within ; she is small, 
and we can easily lift her. If you 
give any gift, let it be large. Open, 
open the door to the swallow, for we 
are not old men, but boys." — [G. W.] 
• The person to whom Herodotua 
alludes is HeoatsBus. He mentions it 
also as an opinion of the Greeks of 
Pontus, that the ocean flowed round 
the whole earth (B. iv. ch. 8). That 
the Nile flowed from the Ocean was 
maintained by Hecataaus, and by 
Buthymenes of Marseilles (Plut. de 
PL PhiL iv. 1), who related that, 


"having sailed round Africa, he 
found, as long as the Etesian winds 
blew, the water forced into the Nile 
caused it to overflow, and that when 
they oeased, the Nile, no longer re- 
ceiving that impulse, subsided again. 
The taste of the water of the sea was 
also sweet, and the animals similar to 
those in the Nile." This mistake was 
owing to another river on the coast of 
Africa having been found to produce 
crocodiles and hippopotami. The 
name ** Ocean " having been given by 
the Eg^tians to the Nile does not 
appear to be connected with the re- 
mark of Herodotus, as it is not 
noticed by him but by Diodoms (i. 
96), and Herodotus says he ** never 
knew of a river being called Ocean." 
We see from Plut. Plac. Ph. iv. 1, that 
Eudoxus knew that the summer and 
winter seasons were different in the 
N. and S. hemispheres. — [G. W.] 

Chap. 23-26. 



of cold winds, the sun in his passage across them acts upon 
them exa<;tly as he is wont to act elsewhere in summer, when 
his path is in the middle of heaven — ^that is, he attracts the 
water.^ After attracting it, he again repels it into the upper 
regions, where the winds lay hold of it, scatter it, and reduce 
it to a vapour, whence it naturally enough comes to pass that 
the winds which blow from this quarter — ^the south and south- 
west — are of all winds the most rainy. And my own opinion 
is that the sun does not get rid of all the water which he 
draws year by year from the Nile, but retains some about 
him« When the winter begins to soften, the sun goes back 
again to his old place in the middle of the heaven, and proceeds 
to attract water equally from all countries. Till then the 
other rivers run big, from the quantity of rain-water which 
they bring down from countries where so much moisture falls 
that all the land is cut into gullies ; but in summer, when the 
showers fail, and the sun attracts their water, they become 
low. The Nile, on the contrary, not deriving any of its balk 
from rains, and being in winter subject to the attraction of 
the sun, naturally runs at that season, unlike ail other 
streams, with a less burthen of water than in the summer 
time. For in summer it is exposed to attraction equally with 
all other rivers, but in winter it suffers alone. The sun, 
therefore, I regard as the sole cause of the phenomenon. 

26. It is the sun also, in my opinion, which, by heating 
the space through which it passes, makes the air in Egypt so 
dry. There is thus perpetual summer in the upper parts of 
Libya. Were the position of the heavenly regions reversed, 
so that the place where now the north wind and the winter 
have their dwelling became the station of the south wind 
and of the noon-day, while, on the other hand, the station 


^ Herodotas does not here allnde to 
the old notion of the sun being **fed 
hy water," but to' the moistare it 
attzBcte which is carried by the winds 
to the 6., and then returned in the 

form of rain by the soatherly winds. 
Compare Aristot. Meteor, ii. 2; Ana- 
creon, Od. xiz. vivu ... 6 8* fjXios 
BdXtunraof, Cio. Kat. Deor. b. ii.— 

[G. W.] 



Book n. 

of the south wind became that of the north, the consequence 
would be that the sun, driven from the mid-heaven by the 
winter and the northern gales, would betake himself to the 
upper parts of Europe, as he now does to those of Libya, and 
then I believe his passage across Europe would affect the Ister 
exactly as the Nile is affected at the present day. 

27. And with respect to the fact that no breeze blows from 
the Nile, I am of opinion that no wind is likely to arise in 
very hot countries, for breezes love to blow from some cold 

28. Let us leave these things, however, to their natural 
course, to continue as they are and have been from the begin- 
ning. With regard to the sources of the Nile,* I have found 

* The sonroes of the great eastern 
branch of the Nile have long been dis- 
covered. They were first visited by 
the Portuguese Jesnit, Father Lobo, 
and afterr^irds by Brace ; those of the 
White river are still (18<62) unknown 
(see above n. ^ on ch. 19). Herodotns 
afi&rms that of all the persons he had 
consulted, none pretended to give him 
any information about the sources, ex- 
cept a scribe of the sacred treasury of 
Minerva at Sats, who said it rose ftt)m 
a certain abyss beneath two pointed 
hills between Syene and Elephan- 
tine. This is an important passage 
in his narrative, as it involves the ques- 
tion of his having visited the Thebatd. 
He soon afterwards (ch. 29) asserts 
that *' as tor as Elephantine he was an 
eye-witness" of what he describes ; and 
yet, though so much interested about 
this great question, and persuaded 
that the hierogrammat of Sals was 
joking, he did not when at Elephan- 
tine look or inquire whether the Nile 
actually rose beneath the peaked hills 
of Crophi and Mophi, nor detect the 
&llacy of the story about the river 
flowing from the same source north- 
wards into Egypt and southwards into 
Ethiopia. Its course was as well 
known in his day at Elephantine as 
now. This, and the fact of his 
making so much of the Labyrinth, 

when the monuments of Thebes would 
have excited his admiration in a far 
greater degree, have been thought to 
arg^e against his having been at 
Thebes and Elephantine ; and any one 
on visiting Elephantine would be ex- 
pected to speak of it as an island 
rather than as a "city.** It is, how- 
ever, possible that his omitting to 
describe the monuments of Thebes, 
which to this day excite the wonder 
of all who see them, may have been 
owing to their having been fully 
described by Hecataeus. The names 
Crophi and Mophi are like the un- 
meaning woi*ds used in joke, or in the 
nursery, by Orientals, at the present 
day; the second repeating the sound 
of the first, and always beginning 
with w, as " fersh mersh," ** salta 
malta," &o. Crophi and Mophi do 
not, as has been supposed, signify 
** bad " and " good."— [G. W.] 

Colonel Mure (Lit. of Greece, voL 
iv. p. 387) compares the Crophi and 
Mophi of the Saitio scribe to the Gog 
and Magog " of our own nursery tny- 
thologyf** appai'ently forgetting that 
the words Gog and Magog come to us 
from Scripture (Ezek. xxxviii. 2; 
Rev. XX. 8). The formation of un- 
meaning or absurd words by means of 
a rhyming i-epetition, together with 
the change of the initial letter is com- 

Chap. 26-28. 



no one among all those with whom I have conversed, whether 
Egyptians, Libyans, or Greeks,^ who professed to have any 
knowledge, except a single person. He was the scribe* who 
kept the register of the sacred treasures of Minerva in the city 
of Sais, and he did not seem to me to be in earnest when he 
said that he knew them perfectly well. His story was as 
follows : — " Between Syen6, a city of the Thebais, and 
Elephantine, there are" (he said) "two hills with sharp 
conical tops; the name of the one is Cophi, of the other, 
Mophi. Midway between them are the fountains of the Nile, 
fountains which it is impossible to fathom. Half the water 
runs northward into Egypt, half to the south towards 
Ethiopia." The fountains were known to be unfathomable, 
he declared, because Fsammetichus, an Egyptian king, had 
made trial of them. He had caused a rope to be made, many 
thousand fathoms in length, and had sounded the fountain 
with it, but could find no bottom. By this the scribe gave me 

moa in our own language. With us 
the second word begins ordinarily, not 
with m, bnt with the labial nearest to 
m, Tiz. b, or with its cognate tennis 
^ Szomples of this nsage are— 
A«r?v.&itrlyy ^ous-jt)oeu9| TUggledhf-ptg' 
glediff hMhbub, niminy-piminy, namhy* 
pamby, Ac In hugger-mugger, and 
peU-meU, we keep to the Oriental 
nage, and employ the «n. In helter- 
skdter, hum^drum, and perhaps a few 
other words, we adopt an entirely 
different sonnd. 

*This was one of the great pro- 
blems of antiquity, as of later times ; 
and Cesar is even reported to have 
said: — 

M _ apes sit mfbl cerU vldendl 
NQiacoB footefl, bellnm drile relinqoam." 

— Lnc. IliarB. z. 191. Cp. Hor. iy. 

Od. xir. 46 :— 

•* Fontiom qnl oeUi orlglnes 

See abore, note' ch. 19.— [G. W.] 

^The scribes had different offices 
and grades. The sacred scribes held 
a hi^h post in the priesthood; and 
the royal scribes were the king's sons 

and military men of rank. There 
were also ordinary scribes or notaries, 
who were conveyancers, wrote letters 
on business, settled accounts, and 
performed different offices in the 
market. The sacred scribes, or hiero* 
grammats, had also various duties 
Some, as the one here mentioned, were* 
scribes of the treasury, others of the 
granaries, others of the documents 
belonging to the temple, &o. The 
scribes always had wiUi them a bag, 
or case having wooden sides, orna- 
mented with coloured devices grene- 
rally on leather, and a pendent leather 
mouth tied by a thong to hold the 
ink palette with its reed.pens, the 
papyrus-rolls, and other things they 
required, which was carried by an 
attendant slung at his back; but in 
the house a box was sometimes used 
in its stead. Lucian says (Macrob. 
8. 4) they were remarkable for lon- 
gevity, like the Brachmanes (Brahmins) 
of India, and others, owing to their 
mode of life. (Of their dress and 
daties, see note ^ ch. 87, figs. 8, 9, and 
woodcut note* ch. 177.)— [G.W.] 



Book IL 

to understand, if there was any truth at all in what he said, 
that in this fountain there are certain strong eddies, and a 
regurgitation, owing to the force wherewith the water dashes 
against the mountains, and hence a sounding-line cannot be 
got to reach the bottom of the spring. 

29. No other information on this head could I obtain from 
any quarter. All that I succeeded in learning further of the 
more distant portions of the Nile, by ascending myself as high 
as Elephantine, and making inquiries concerning the parts 
beyond, was the following : — As one advances beyond Elephan- 
tine, the land rises.^ Hence it is necessary in this part of the 
river to attach a rope to the boat on each side, as men harness 
an ox, and so proceed on the journey. If the rope snaps, the 
vessel is borne away down stream by the force of the current. 
The navigation continues the same for four days, the river 
winding greatly, like the Maeander,^ and the distance traversed 
amounting to twelve schcenes. Here you come upon a smooth 
and level plain, where the Nile flows in two branches, round 

* This fact slioald have oonyinced 
Herodotus of the improbability of the 
Btorj of the river flowing soathwarda 
into Ethiopia. That boats are obliged 
to be dragged by ropes in order to 
pass the rapids is true; and in per- 
forming this arduous duty great skill 
and agility are required, the men 
being often obliged to swim from rock 
to rock to secure the ropes and alter 
the direction of the draft. After 
passing the first cataract at Asonan 
(the ancient Sy6n^), which is done 
in about five hours, the boat sails 
unimpeded to the second cataract, a 
distance of 232 miles ; a rocky bed of 
the river called Batn-el-Hadjar, " belly 
of stone,'* continues thence about 45 
m. to Semneh, after which it is navi- 
gable here and there, with occasional 
rapids, as far as the third cataract of 
Hannek, below Tombos, about lat. 
1^ 40'. Beyond this is an unimpeded 
■ail of 200 m. (passing the modem 
Ordee and Old Dongola) to the fourth 

cataract, about 18 m. above G^bel 
Berkel. From thence to the N. end of 
the isle of Merod is a sail of about 240 
m., the river being open some way 
further to the S., beyond the site of 
the city of Merod and the modem 
Shendy. Between Mero6 and Dongola 
is the gn^^at bend or " elbow " of the 
Kile, where the course of the river 
changes from a northerly to a southerly 
direction, as described by Strabo (b. 
xvii. begS.) Part of the route firom 
Asouan to Merod may be performed 
by land, leaving the Nile at Korosko, 
below Derr the capital of Nubia, from 
which point is a caravan round to the 
g^reat bend at Aboo-Hamed above 
Gebel-Berkel, a journey of eight days 
with camels. — [G. W.] 

* The windings of the Meeander are 
perhaps at the present day still more 
remarkable than they were anciently, 
owing to the growth of the alluvial 
plain through which it flows. Chand- 
ler observes: ''The hver runs from 

Cbap. 28, 29. 



an island called Tachompso.' The country above Elephantine 
is inhabited by the Ethiopians, who possess one-half of this 

tlie moaih of the lake with many wind- 
ings, through groves of tamarisk, 
toward Miletns, prooeeding bj the 
right wing of the theatre f«i mazes to 
the sea, which ia in view, and distant, 
as we computed, abont eight miles." 
(TraTels, L ch. 53.) A good repre. 
sentation of these sinuosities will be 
found in the Ionian Antiquities (vol. 
L ch. ixi. plate 1). By the age of 
Augustus the word " Mseander " had 
oome to be used in its modem generic 
sense (Strab. zii. p. 835 ; Yirg. JEn, 
▼. 251). 

^ The distances given hy Herodotus 
are 4 days through the district of 
IXodecaschcDnus to Taohompso Isle, 
then 40 days by land, then 12 days 
by boat to Mero6, altogether 56 days. 
"Ae Nile, however, is not tortuous like 
the Mseander, nor is there any great 
bend before that near Korosko, and 
liis isle of Tachompso is uncertain; 
but as he speaks of its being inhabited 
partly by Egyptians, partly by Ethio- 
pians, it ia possible that he may 
have conf oanded it with Fhilas, which 
Strabo calls "an abode common to" 
those two people. Ptolemy places 
Metaeompso opposite Pselcis, where a 
laxge Egyptian fortress of very early 
date BtiU remains, and which must 
have continued to be a strong post 
in the time of the Bomans. It was 
at Pselcis that Petronius defeated 
the generals of Gandace, before he 

advanced to Napata, and the island 
mentioned by Strabo, to which the 
routed enemy swam for protection, 
was perhaps the Tachompso of Herod- 
otus. If so, that island has since 
been carried away. The large lakef 
said to have been in its vicinity, was 
merely the open Nile (a reach being 
probably called, as it now is, a '* lake " 
or hirkeh) ; and from thence was a 
march of 40 days by land to that 
part where the Nile was again navi- 
gable (at the island now called Tombos, 
on the frontier of Dongola). From 
this was a sail of twelve days more 
to MeroS. The omission of all men. 
tion of Napata, the old capital of 
Ethiopia, by the informant of Herod- 
otus, might at first sight lead us to 
suppose the land-journey was through 
the desert (to Aboo-Hamed) ; but the 
distance of 12 days thence to MeroS is 
far too much; and Herodotus evi- 
dently speaks of the journey by the 
river-side to the spot where the Nile 
was again navigable. Gebel Berkel 
is apparently the " sacred mountain " 
mentioned by Strabo (zvi.), and it 
is always so called in the hieroglyphics. 
The distances from Sydne to Napata, 
and from this to MeroS, do not agree 
with the position of Gebel Berkel, and 
if Napata was placed lower down at 
Old Dongola, that position would agree 
better with the ancient measiu^ments. 
They are — 


S^^ne to NapoU. . 614 
JiapdU to MeTo6 360 

nearly 474 
above 331 i 

874 . . Aboat 804} 

En*. ni1«* 

Asooan to Old Dongo.a 484 

Dongola to Gebel Berkel . SO ( Dongola to » ^» 
O. Berkel to Merod Island 257 ( Merue Ii»luQd S 



The Boman mile may be reckoned 

at 4860 feet : for though I found 4785 

to be its length, by measuring two, 

marked by milestones, on the coast of 

Syria, and other authorities give it 

4842 and 4828, or 4820 feet, Caval* 

Canina has shown it to be 4861 Eng- 

Hah feet, or metres 1487*730. The 

great remains at Gebel Berkel, and 

the many pyrami^ls near it, argue that 

it was the capital, unless indeed it 
was merely the " holy hill," like that 
of Sarabat el Khidem in the penin- 
sula of Mount Sinai, chosen by the 
Egyptians as early as the reign of 
Osirtasen I. If "the small city of 
Napata " stood at Old Dongola (for- 
merly called Dankala), which was evi- 
dently the site of an ancient town, 
and has long been the capital of that 



Book II: 

island, the Egyptians occupying the other. Above the island 
there is a great lake, the shores of which are inhabited by 
Ethiopian nomads ; after passing it, you come again to the 
stream of the Nile, which runs into the lake. Here you land, 
and travel for forty days along the banks of the river, since it is 

part of Ethiopiai this might account 
for Mero6 having a similar name, 
'' Dunkalah." On the other hand, the 
distance, 80 Boman miles, from Ter- 
gedom to Napata, agrees weU with 
that from Old Dongola to Gebel 
Berkel: and the large island (now 
Tangol or Tangos) jnst above Old 
Dongola might answer to the I. of 
Gagaudes. On the whole, there is 
good reason for placing Napata at 
Gebel Berkel ; and it is one of the 
greatest errors to suppose the ancients 
most always be right in their dis- 
tances, or in any other information. 
The name fi-ape.t seems to signify 
"of Ape-t" or " Tape," as if it were 
derived from or an offset ** of Thebes " 
(in Harris's Standards) ; and it was 
not nnnsual to give the names of 
Egyptian cities to those of Ethiopia, 
as was often done in Nubia. 

The Itinerary of Antoninus gives^ 
these names of places in Lower Ethi- 
opia (or Nubia) : — 


Contra*Syene to Parembole (^Dahdd) 




Tapbis (T^fi, TAyfee). 
Talmis (Kalabshee) . 
Tutzia (Gerf Hoasayn) 
Paelcis (Dakkeh) . . 
Corte (K6rte€) ; . . 
Helrasycaminon (Ma- 
harraka) .... 






(About T3f Engliftb miles; tbe real distance 
being about 71} by land, and by water about 

On the opposite bank : — 

Heirasycaminon to Contra-Psekis . 
Contra-Talmis . 
(Tontra-Taphis « 

Phile 24 

Syene ..... 3 













(About 66i English miles.) 

Pliny (b. xxix.) mentions the towns 

taken by Petronins on his way to Na- 

Pselcis. Primxi. 

Aboccis. Phthurls. 

CkimbuiiM. Attena. 

Stadysia, remarkable for its cataract. 
li'apata, plundered by him ; and he went 
870 u.p. above Syene. 

The distances given by Pliny are — 


From Syene to Heirasycaminon ... 54 

«t »• Tama 75 

„ „ the Ethiopian district 

of Euonymiton . . 120 
„ „ Acina ...... 54 

„ „ Pitara 25 

•, •, Tergedum (between 
-which two is the island 
Gagaudes) .... 106 
,• . . Kapata, a small city . 80 

Then to Mero^ island, the city being 60 
acp. from the beginning of the island . 360 

(About 8041 English miles.) 

Ptolemy (Greog. iv. 5, 7 & 8) omits 
the names of towns between Sydn^ 
and Pselcis; but opposite Pselcis he 
places Metacompso i and then, "after 
Pselcis and the great cataract (of 
Wadee Halfeh) he mentions Tasitia, 
Bodn (Bow), Autoba, Phthuri, Pier^, 
Ptemythis (nTc/*w(?/y), AbunciSf Cam- 
hysis CBTcmum, Erchoas, Satachtha, 
Mori (Vl6pov), Nacis, and Tathis, on 
the W. iMtnk; and on the opposite 
side Pnups, Berdthis, Grerb6, P^teata, 
Ponteris, Prtmw.porua, Arabis, Napaia, 
Sacold, SandacS, Orbadari, Primis- 
magna, and then the island forming 
the district of MeroS, lying between 
the Nile which flows to the W. of it, 
and the Astaboras which is to the E., 
beyond which is Sacolchd, Es^r, Doro- 
rum (A^pvi^) Yicus, and then the junc- 
tion of the Nile and Astapus. But 
his adding '*and then the junction 
of the Astaboras and the Astapus" 
tends to mislead; and he probably 
meant "of the AEtasobos and the 
Astapus."— [G.W.] 

p-ita: — 

C&AP. 29. 



impossible to proceed farther in a boat on account of the sharp 
peaks which jut out from the water, and the sunken rocks 
which abound in that part of the stream. When you have 
passed this portion of the river in the space of forty days, you 
go on board another boat and proceed by water for twelve days 
more, at the end of which time you reach a great city called 
Meroe, which is said to be the capital of the other Ethiopians.^ 

^ This 18 in contradistinction to the 
ro^Scs, which in this instance may 
have been merely a cormption of 
"Nobatee/* since an agricaltnral 
people could not have been nomade. 
For though late writers pretend that 
the NobatiB were a Libyan people, 
introduced into the valley of the Nile 
nnder the Boman Empire, it is evident 
that the name was of early date and 
Ethiopian, having been taken from the 
ram.headed deity, principally wor- 
shipped there, Nonb, Noam, or Non, 
who was the Grreat God of Ethiopia 
from the most remote periods (see 
next note, and App. ch. iii. § 2). 
AlBlo^ was evidently a cormption of 
the Egyptian name for southern 
Ethiopia or Nubia, "Ethaush" or 
"Ethosh,** the ps being substituted 
for shf a sound the Greeks could 
neither write nor pronounce. The 
Greeks (like the Arabs) often adopted 
a word having some signification in 
their own language, if it resembled a 
foreign one, and the Greek derivation 
of A«0^oifr is on a par with that of Isis, 
from cTo'ir, '' knowledge " (Flut. de Is. 
B. 2), and many others. The isle of 
Merod, formed by three rivers, as 
Stnibo and Josephus state, was the 
peninsula contained between the 
main branch of the Nile on the west ; 
the Astapus or the modem Abaweo 
Nile, or Bahr-el.Asrek, with its tribu- 
tary the Bahad (probably the Asta- 
•obas, on the south; and the Asta- 
boras, now the A'tbara on the east ; 
and according to Strabo (xvi. and 
xvii. pp. 1095, 1162) it had the form 
of an oblong shield, measuring 8000 
stadia (at least 841 miles) and 1000 
skidia (about 118f miles) in breadth 

(see Plin. vi. 29). The city of MeroS 
stood near the modem Dankalah, re- 
markable for its numerous pyramids, 
27 m. N.E. of the modem Shendy. 
Napata was also the capital of Ethi- 
opia, and that too at a very remote 
period; and Meroe was prolmbly the 
seat of an independent kingdom. The 
appearance of the pyramids of Dan- 
kalah indeed shows it to have been 
very ancient, and after the Egyptian 
kings of the 12th and 18th dynasties 
had established themselves at Napata, 
MeroS became the sole capital of the 
Ethiopian kings ; and though Napata 
was the royal seat in the time of the 
Sabaooe and Tirhaka, Mero@ was still 
the metropolis of Southern Ethiopia, 
as it was in the days of Herodotus 
and of the Ptolemies ; but it had lost 
all its importance in the time of the 
Boman Empire. The pyramids of 
Noon doubtless belonged also to Na- 
pata, the neighbouring ones at Gebel 
Berkel (Napata) itself being of a 
rather more recent date ; and though 
the pyramids of Dankalah have so 
great an appearance of age, the tro- 
pical rains have had an effect on them 
to which those of Noori were not sub- 
ject ; and no ruins of temples exist at 
Merod of an antiquity at all 00m- 
parable to that of the oldest ones at 
Gebel Berkel. The notion of Diodorus 
and Strabo that MeroS was built by 
Cambyses is too extravagant to be 
noticed. There are some curiously 
fortified lines on the hills about five or 
six miles below Gebel Berkel, oom- 
manding the approaches to that place, 
by the river and on the shore, appa- 
rently of Ethiopian time. I believe 
they have not been noticed; and I 




The only gods worshipped by the inhabitants are Jupiter and 
Bacchus,® to whom great honours are paid. There is an 
oracle of Jupiter in the city, which directs the warlike ex- 
peditions of the Ethiopians ; when it commands they go to 

was led to examine them by perceiv- 
ing their stone walls upon the irrega. 
larly indented cliffs they cover. They 
extend abont half-a-mile inland from 
the river, and from their following 
every projecting comer of the hills, 
the total nnmber of feet of wall is 
nearly 10,000 ; bat there are no ves. 
tiges of hoc 808 or other bnildings 
within the area they enclose. — [G.W.] 

MeroS is freqnently mentioned 
under the name of Mirukh in the 
Assyrian in8cription8. 

' Amnn and Osiris answered to 
Jnpiter and Bacchns ; and both the 
Amnn of Thebes and the ram-headed 
Nou (Nonm, Noub, or Kneph) were 
worshipped in Ethiopia. Bnt it is 
this last deity to whom Herodotus 
alludes ; for he says " tho Egyptians 
call Jupiter Ammon," and in later 
times the ram-headed Gk>d was also 
supposed to answer to Jupiter. This 
is shown by inscriptions at the Oasis 
and at Sy^n^, where he was wor- 
shipped under the name of Jupiter- 
Ammon-Cenubis, in company with 
Sate (Juno) and Anouk^ (Vesta), who 
formed the triad of the cataracts. 
(See note' ch. 42.) Osiris, the God 
of the dead, was worshipped in 
Ethiopia, as throughout Egypt, the 
religious rites of that country having 
been borrowed from the Egyptians; 
but it cannot be said that these two 
were the only Gods of Ethiopia. 
Strabo mentions the worship of Her- 
cules, Pan, and Isis, as well as a bar- 
baric God, at Meroe (xvii.p. 665) : and 
in the temples of that country, 
whether erected by Ethiopians or by 
Egyptian monarchs who ruled there, 
many other Gods shared in the wor- 
ship paid to the principal deity of the 
sanctuary. Besides many of the 
usual Egyptian deities are some of 
uncommon form peculiar to Ethiopia; 
and at Wady Owatayb is ono with 
three lion's heads and four arms, more 

like an Indian than an Egyptian God, 
though he wears a head.dres8 com- 
mon to Gods and Kings, especially in 
Ptolemaic and fioman times. He was 

perhaps the barbaric QoA mentioned 
by Strabo. The whole character of 
the temple is copied from Egypt, and 
the Amim of Thebes and the ram- 
headed Noum or Noub hold the most 
conspicuous places there. Indeed 
the ram-headed Qod. was the chief 
deity throughout Ethiopia; and though 
a lion-headed God is found at Am^ra, 
as well as at Wady Owatayb, there is 
no appearance of his having been of 
the same early age as Noum, and the 
king whose name occurs on both 
temples is of late time. It is to these 
two, Jupiter and Osiris, that Strabo 
alludes when he says, ** the Ethiopians 
acknowledge two Gods, one immortal, 
the cause of all things, the other 
mortal, who has no name," or more 
properly whose name was not uttered, 
the mysterious Osiris, who had lived 

Chap. 29, 30. 



war,^ and in whatever direction it bids them march, thither 
straightway they carry their arms. 

80. On leaving this city, and again momiting the stream, 
in the same space of time which it took you to reach the 
capital from Elephantine, you come to the Deserters,* who 

on earth, and, dying, had become the 
judge of men in a fntnre state. He 
also mentions other inferior Gods. — 
[G. W.] 

^ The inflnence of the priests at 
Mero@, through the belief that they 
spoke the commands of the Deity, is 
more folly shown by Strabo and Dio- 
doros, who say it was their custom to 
send to the king, when it pleased 
them, and order him to pnt an end to 
himself, in obedience to the will of 
the oracle imparted to them ; and to 
such a degree had they contrived to 
enslave the understanding 
l^t of those princes by super- 
stitions fears, that they 
were obeyed without op. 
position. At length a king, 
called Ergamenes, a con. 
temporary of Ptolemy Phil- 
adelphus, dared to disobey 
their orders, and having 
entered ' 'the golden chapel" 
with his soldiers, caused 
them to be put to death in 
his stead, and abolished 
the custom (Died. iii. 6 ; Strabo, xvii. 
p. 1163). Ergamenes had "studied 
the philosophy of Greece," and had 
the sense to distinguish between 
priestly rule and reUgion, knowing 
that blind obedience to the priests did 
not signify obedience to the divine 
will; but these vested rights on 
man's credulity seem to have been 
afterwards revived among the Ethio- 
pians, and the expedition sent by Mo- 
hammed AH up the White Kile learnt 
that the same custom of ordering the 
king to die now exists among some of 
their barbarous descendants. The 
name of Ergamenes is found in the 
temple of Dakkeh, inXubia. — [G. W.] 
' The descendants of the 240,000 
deserters from Psammetichus lived, 
according to Herodotas, 4 months' 

journey above Elephantine (ch. 81) 
&om which Mero6 stood half-way. 
He reckons (ch. 29) 66 days from 
Elephantine to Mero6, the double of 
which would be 112, instead of 120 
days; and MeroS being half-way 
would require the country of the 
Automoli to be in the modem Abys- 
sinia. They were called *Kfffidx$ in 
allusion to tiieir original post on the 
"left," not of the king, but of the 
Egyptian army, the cause of their 
desertion (see following note). This 
word may be traced in the shemal, 
"left," of the Arabic; and Esar, a 
city mentioned by Pliny, 17 days from 
MerqS, where the Egyptian deserters 
lived 800 years, is remarkable from 
having the same sigpiifioation in Arabic, 
yesdr being also "the left." Some 
have derived the name of Axum in 
Abyssinia from *Afff»dx' According 
to Strabo (xvii. p. 541) they were 
called Sembrites, or Sebritso, meaning 
"strangers," which may either be 
compounded of the Egyptian ahemmo, 
" strangfer,!* and heri (or mhen) 
" new ; " or be taken from the name of 
the country they inhabited, 8dba; 
for "Sembrites" is the same as 
" Sebrites," mh beingoften pronounced 
simply b. It is remarkable that 
Strabo places the country they in- 
habited, called Tenesis, inland from 
the port of Saba (xvii. p. 630). They 
lived in an island above that of Meroe, 
and in his time they were subject 
to one of the many queens who at 
various periods ruled Ethiopia: for 
there was a queen Candace in the time 
of Petronius; and this title, rather 
than name, passed, according to Pliny 
(vi. 29), from one queen to another 
for many years. The monuments of 
Gebel Berkel, and other places, also 
show that qaeens frequently held the 
sceptre in Ethiopia ; but the queen of 





Book II^ 

bear the name of Asmach. This word, translated into our 
language, means *' the men who stand on the left hand of the 
king. " • These Deserters are Egyptians of the warrior caste . 

Sheba in Solomon's time, claimed by 
fche Abyssinians, was evidently not 
from that coontry, for Sheba was pro- 
bably in the sonthem part of Arabia, 
and the Arabians, like the Ethiopians, 
were frequently governed by queens. 
(See note to Book iii. ch. 107). The 
name Saba may point oat a connexion 
with the country where the /ion-god 
was worshipped (sdba meaning "lion"); 
and JosephuB (Antiq. ii. 5) says that 
Saba was a name of MeroS. The with- 
drawal of the Egyptian troops to 
Ethiopia is readily explained by the 
intercourse that had so long subsisted 
between the two countries. The royal 
family of Ethiopia was often related 
by marriage to that of Egypt, which 
accounts for some princes of Gush 
having the title ''royal son" in the 
Thebfui sculptures (though these are 
mostly Eg^tian viceroys, and sons of 
Pharaohs) ; and the fact of the royal 
snocession having been maintained in 
the female line explains the reason of 
so many queens having ruled in Sthi. 
opia. This too gave the Ethiopians a 
claim on the throne of Egypt when 
the direct line failed, and accoimts for 
the Sabaoos and others occasionally 
obtaining the crown of Egypt by 
right and not by conquest. — [G. W.] 

* Diodorus says that the reason of 
the Egyptian troops deserting from 
Psammetichus was his having placed 
them in the ^ft wing while &e right 
was given to the strangers in his 
army, which is not only more pro- 
bable than the reason assigned by 
Herodotus,, but is strongly confirmed 
by the discovery of an inscription at 
Aboosimbel in Nubia, written appa- 
rently by the Greeks who accom- 

panied Psammetichus when in pursuit 
of the deserters. These Greeks wore 
the lonians and Carians taken into his 
pay, in order, as Herodotus was told 
(ch. 152), to aid in dethroning his 
coUeagues, though in reality from the 
advantage of employing the Greeks 
against the increasing power of his 
Asiatic neighbours (see note ' on ch. 
152). The first Greeks known to the 
Egyptians being lonians led to the 
name Ionian being afterwards used by 
them for all Greeks, as we find in the 
Bosetta stone, and other documents. 
The Asiatics, for a similar reason, 
called the Ghreeks "lonians,** "the 
race of Javan." Ionia in the Kakhsh- 
i-Bustam Inscription is ''Tavani," or 
Tuna, and the ancient Greeks are 
still known in Arabic as the "Tu- 
n&ni," or " lundni." The inscription 
states that Psammetichus himself 
went as far as Elephantine, the Greeks 
being sent forward with some of his 
adherents into Ethiopia; and the 
point where they had a parley with 
the deserters was apparently, from 
the inscription, near Kerkis, some dis- 
tance above Aboosimbel, where on 
their return they left this record of 
their journey. It is also curious from 
its style ; and from the early indica- 
tion of the long vowels, H and d (the 
latter apparently an O with a dot in 
the centre), which — as weU as other 
arguments — proves that they came 
gradually into use, and long before 
the time of Simonides, who was not 
bmn till 556 B.C. The reign of Psam- 
metichus dates in the middle of the 
7th century B.C. The inscription, of 
which the following is a transcript, is 
thus translated by Colonel Leake s^ 

r^VTA5rAAtAA/To/5vN>kAMATlXof TO I ® jEOKJA*^ 
ErAEoMBA® o N^EKE PK I o^KATvre^EvtJordTAMo 
AN I BA^o^Ao5o5o axEPoTA^/MToAirvrT/o^AEANAii^ 
ErpAt E A AMEAPXoNAMo / B'XOKAl PieAE9o50VAA^f^i 

Chap. SO. 



who, to the nmnber of two hundred and forty thousand, went 
over to the Ethiopians in the reign of king Psammetichns. 
The cause of their desertion was the following: — Three gar- 
risons were maintained in Egypt at that time,^ one in the 
city of Elephantine against the Ethiopians, another in the 
Pelusiac Daphnse,*^ against the Syrians and Arabians, and a 
third, against the Libyans, in Marea. (The very same posts 
are to this day occupied by the Persians, whose forces are in 
garrison both in Daphnaa and in Elephantine.) Now it hap- 
pened, that on one occasion the garrisons were not relieved 
during the space of three years ; the soldiers, therefore, at 
the end of that time, consulted together, and having deter- 
mined by common consent to revolt, marched away towards 

'*'Kmg Psamaiiohiis having oome to 
Elephantine, those who were with 
Pftanuitiohns, the son of Theocles, 
wrote this. They saQed, and came to 
above Kerkis, to where the river 
rises (?).... the Egyptian Amasis. 
The writer is Damearohon, the son of 
Amosbichns, and Pelephns (?) the son 
of Udamns" (?). (This Ph looks 
rather like the old K or Q.) In the 
same place are several other inscrip. 
tions, some of the same style and 
time, and others written by Phooni- 
cians in their language, the date of 
which is unknown. If this was the 
8rd, instead of the 1st Psammetichns, 
** the Egyptian Amasis " may have 
been the general, afterwards king of 
Egypt ; for Herodotus, who only men- 
tions one Psammetichns, may have 
been wrong in supposing the deser. 
tion of the troops took place under the 
eon of Neca This would bring the 
date of the inscription within 600 
B.C. (See note ^ on ch. 161, and hist, 
notice App. en. viii. § 34.) There is a 
coin of Thrace of date about 550 B.C. 
which has the A (in Millingen), thongh 
many much later have not the long 
vowels. Coins and vases are no 
authorities against their use, as the 
archaic style was imitated to a late 
time. Some inscriptions, as that of 
Potidea in the British Museum, as 

late as 432, have no H nor a The B 
is X^ and the Y is «2; and it has 
been supposed that there was no A 
in public documents till the archon- 
ship of Euclid, B.C. 403. But the 
long vowels were used earlier by the 
Greeks of Asia Minor. The A and 2 
were changed to i* and C in the age of 
the later Ptolemies, and were re-intro- 
duced in the reign of Adrian. — [G. W.] 
For a further notice of the Great In- 
scription of Aboosimbel, see Note at 
the end of this Book. 

* It was always the custom of the 
Egyptians to have a garrison stationed, 
as Herodotus states, on the frontier, at 
Elephantine, at Daphn» of Pelusium, 
and at Marea ; but in the time of the 
victorious kings of the 18th dynasty 
others were stationed at Semneh, 
above the second cataract, and also 
further south in Upper Ethiopia, as 
well as in various parts of Asia, where 
they had extended their conquests, 
which last were only finally taken 
from them in the time of Neco II., 
the son and successor of this Psam- 
metichns. — [G. W.] 

* Daphnas, Daphn^, or Daphnes was 
16 Roman miles from Pelusium, ac. 
cording to the Itinerary of Antoninus. 
It was the Tahpanhes of Scripture. 
See Jer. zliii. 8; Ezek. xxz. 18.— 
[G. W.] 



Ethiopia. PBammetichus, informed of the movement, set 
out in pursuit, and coming up with them, besought them with 
many words not to desert the gods of their country, nor 
abandon their wives and children. **Nay, but," said one 
of the deserters with an unseemly gesture, " wherever we go, 
we are sure enough of finding wives and chDdren.** Arrived 
in Ethiopia, they placed themselves at the disposal of the 
king. In return, he made them a present of a tract of land 
which belonged to certain Ethiopians with whom he was at 
feud, bidding them expel the inhabitants and take possession 
of their territory. From the time that this settlement was 
formed, their acquaintance with Egyptian manners has tended 
to civilise the Ethiopians.® 

81. Thus the course of the Nile is known, not only through- 
out Egypt, but to the extent of four months' journey either by 
land or water above the Egyptian boundary; for on calcu- 
lation it will be found that it takes that length of time to 
travel from Elephantine to the country of the Deserters. 
There the direction of the river is from west to east.*^ Beyond, 
no one has any certain knowledge of its course, since the 
country is uninhabited by reason of the excessive heat. 

32. I did hear, indeed, what I will now relate, from certain 
natives of Cyrene. Once upon a time, they said, they were 

This would be a strong argnment, 
if Teqnired, against the notion of 
civilization having come from the 
Ethiopians to Egypt ; but the monu- 
ments prove beyond all question that 
the Ethiopians borrowed from Egypt 
their religion and their habits of civi- 
lization. They even adopted the 
Egyptian as the lang^uage of religion 
and of the oourti which it continued 
to be till the power of the Pharaohs 
had fallen, and their dominion was 
again confined to the frontier of 
Ethiopia. It was through Egypt too 
that Christianity passed into Ethiopia, 
even in the age of the Apostles (Acts 
viii. 27), as is shown by the eunuch of 

queen Candace (see note' on this 
chapter). Other proofs of their early 
conversion are also found, as in the 
inscriptions at Farras, above Aboo- 
simbel, one of which has the date of 
Diocletian, though the Nobata) 'are 
said not to have become Christians 
till the reign of Justinian. The er- 
roneous notion of Egypt having bor- 
rowed from Ethiopia may perhaps 
have been derived from the return of 
the Egyptian court to Egypt after it 
had retired to Ethiopia on the invasion 
of the Shepherds.— [G. W.] 

7 This only applies to the white 
river, or western branch of the Nile. 
— [G. W.] 

Chap. 3(V-32. 



on a visit to the oracular shrine oi Ammon,^ when it chanced 
that in the course of conversation with Etearchus, the 
Anunonian king, the talk fell upon the Nile, how that its 
sources were unknown to all men. Etearchus upon this 
mentioned that some Nasamonians^ had once come to his 
court, and when asked if they could give any information con- 
.ceming the uninhabited parts of Libya, had told the following 
tale. (The Nasamonians are a Libyan race who occupy the 
Syrtis, and a tract of no great size towards the east.^) They 
said there had grown up among them some wild young men, 

* This was in the modem Oasis of 
See-wah (Siwah), where remainB of 
the temple are still seen. The oracle 
lon^ continued in great repnte, and 
though in Strabo's time it began to 
lose its importance (the mode of 
divination learnt from Etmria having 
superseded the consultation of the 
distant Ammon), still its answers 
were sought in the solution of difficult 
questions in the days of Juvenal, 
'* after the cessation of the Delphic 
oracle." In consulting the God at the 
Oasis of Ammon, it was customary, 
says Quintus Cnrtius, " for the priests 
to carry the figure of the God in a 
gilded boat, ornamented with nume. 
rons silver paterro hanging from it on 
both sides, behind wluch followed a 
train of matrons and virgins singing a 
certain uncouth hymn, in the manner 
of the country, with a view to propi- 
tiate the deity, and induce him to 
return a satisfactory answer." See 
the boat or ark of Nou (Nef) in the 
Temple of Elephantine in PI. 66, 57 of 
Dr. Tonng and the Egyptian Society. 
Of the appearance of the GkKl he says, 
" id quod pro Deo oolitur, non eandem 
effigiem habet, quam vulgo Diis arti. 
fioes, accommodaverunt, umbriculo 
mazime similis est habitus, smaragdis 
et gemmis coagmentatus ; " but the 
word unibrieulo has perplexed all 

All the cultivable spots, abounding 
with springs, in that desert, are called 
Wah ; the chief of which are the See- 

wah, the Little Oasis, the Wah sur. 
named e' Dakhleh, i.e., ''the inner," 
or western, and the Wah el Khargeh, 
"the outer Oasis," to the east of it, 
which is the Great Oasis. The others, 
of £1 Hayz, Fardfreh, and the Oases 
of the Blacks, in the interior, to the 
westward, are small, and some of them 
only temporarily inhabited ; but those 
above mentioned are productive, and 
abound in palms, fruit-trees, rice, 
barley, and various productions. They 
are not, as often supposed, cultivated 
spots in the midst of an endless level 
tract of sand, but abrupt depressions 
in the high table-land, portions of 
which are irrigated by running 
streams, and, being surrounded by 
cliffs more or less precipitous, are in 
appearance not uulike a portion of 
the valley of the Nile, with its palm- 
trees, villages, and gardens, trans- 
ported to the desert, without its river, 
and bordered by a sandy plain reach- 
ing to the hills that surround it, in 
which stunted tamarisk bushes, 
coarse grasses, and desert plants 
struggle to keep themselves above the 
drifted sand that collects aroimd 
them.— [G. W.] 

• This word seems to be " Nahsi 
Amun," or " Negroes of Ammonitis," 
or Northern Libya; Nahsi being the 
Egyptian name for the Negroes of 
Africa. See my note on ch. 182, Book 
iv.— [G. W.] 

» Vide infra iv. 172, 178. 


Cba?. 82. 



the BOBS of certain chiefs, T^ho, when they came to man's 
estate indnlged in all manner of extravagancies, and among 
other things drew lots for five of their number to go and ex- 
plore the desert parts of Libya, and try if they could not pene- 
trate farther than any had done previously. (The coast of 
Libya along the sea which washes it to the north, throughout 
its entire length from Egypt to Gape Soloeis,^ which is its 
farthest point, is inhabited by Libyans of many distinct tribes 
who possess the whole tract except certain portions which 
belong to the Phoenicians and the Greeks.^ Above the coast- 

' This 18 supposed by Rennell to be 
Cape CoMttR, near Hogador, on the W. 
coast of Africa ; but, with great defer- 
ence to so high an authority, I am in- 
clined to think it Cape Spartelf near 
Tangier, as the Persian Sataspes, con- 
demned by Xerxes to undertake the 
Towage round Africa, is said, after 
saOing through the Straits of Gib- 
raltar (Pillars of Hercules) and dou- 
bling the Libyan promontory called 
Soloeis, to have steered sonUiwards, 
for here the southerly course evidently 
begins (see Book ir. ch. 42). Hero- 
dotus, too, measures the breadth of 
Libya frcHu Bgypt to the extreme end 
of the northern coast, not to the most 
westerly headland to the south of it, 
which too he is not likely to have 
known ; and Aristotle (De Mundo, 3) 
shows the Greeks measured the ex. 
tent of Africa £. and W., only along 
the northern coast, by saying *' it ex- 
tends to the Pillars of Hercules." — 
[G. W.] 

' That is, the Cyrenaica, and the 
poseessions of the Phoenicians and 
Carthaginians, or more properly the 
Pceni, on the N. and W. coasts. Poeni, 
Pkinici, and Phoenices were the same 
name of the race, oi, or cs, and u 
having the same sound in Greek. 
Garthaginian signified properly the 
people of Carthage, as Tyrians did the 
''Phceoicians of Tyre ; '* for the Phami- 
ciaos called themselves from the name 
ci their towns, Tyrians, Sidonians, Ac. 
CartJba, the " city," was first applied 
to Tyre, from which Hercules ob- 

YOL. n. 

tained the title of Kelcarthus, or 
Melek-Ksrtha, " Lord of the City," 
corrupted into Melicertes or Meli- 
cartus, '*who,*' Sanchoniatho says, 
" was Hercules," and who in a Phoe- 
nician inscription at Malta is called 
Adonin Melkarth Baal Tznra, M*ur 
Tpa rrpho ]r» "our Lord Melkarth, 
Baal of Tyre." 

Carthagena (Carthagina, Carthage) 
was Kartha Yena, the "new city" 
(iroiK^ ir6\is), in opposition to the 
parent Tyre, or to Utica, t.o. Atfka, 
the "old" (city), which was founded 
before by the Phoenicians on the 
African coast about B.C. 1520, or ac- 
cording to Velleius Paterculns (i. 2), 
at the same time as Megara, B.C. 1131. 
Utica was probably not so called till 
after the building of Carthage (as 
Musr-el-Atika received that name 
after the foundation of the new Musr, 
or Cairo). The " new town," Cartha- 
gena, was the "nova Carthago" of 
Dido (Ovid, Ep. Dido to -^n. j Virg. 
.^n. i. 366) ; but it was founded B.C. 
1259, long before Dido's supposed 
time. Some think it was built more 
than two centuries after Gades and 
Tartessus in Spain, and Velleius 
Paterculns says Gades was a few 
years older than Utica. He dates 
the building of Carthage by Elisea, 
or Dido, 60 years before Bome, or 813 
B.C. (i. 6) ; but his authority is of no 
weight. (Cp. Justin, xviii. 5.) Car. 
tha is the same as' Kiriath, common 
in Hebrew names. Some object to 
the above derivation of Cartha-jena, 





line and the country inhabited by the maritime tribes, Libya 
is full of wild beasts ; while beyond the wild-beast region there 
is a tract which is wholly sand, very scant of water, and 
utterly and entirely a desert.* The young men therefore, de- 
spatched on this errand by their comrades with a plentiful 
supply of water and provisions, travelled at first through the 
inhabited region, passing which they came to the wild-beast 
tract, whence they finally entered upon the desert, which they 
proceeded to cross in a direction from east to west. After 
journeying for many days over a wide extent of sand, they 
came at last to a plain where they observed trees growing; 
approaching them, and seeing fruit on them, they proceeded 
to gather it. While they were thus engaged, there came upon 
them some dwarfish men,^ under the middle height, who seized 

becanse jena or yena, " new," is not a 
Semitic, bat a Turk or Tartar word, 
and is properly yengi or yeki; and 
they prefer the Greek Carchedo as 
the name of the city, deriving it from 
Caer or Car, and hedish or hedith, 
*' new." The latter word is found in 
Bezetha, "New-town" (Joseph. Bell. 
Jnd. Y. 4). Bat whether jena is ad. 
missible or no, Cartha is the sabstan* 
tive, as in Melkarth, or Melek Kartha, 
**Lord of the City" applied to Her- 
coles in Phoenician inscriptions, and 
found in Carteia and Kiriath. The 
resemblance of the name of its citadel 
Byrsa (said to have been called from 
the hide) to those of Borsippa, or Birs- 
Nimroud, and the Arab Boorsa near 
Babylon, is mngular. 

A record seems still to be preserved 
of the Phoenician trade on the western 
coast of Africa, in the peoaliar glass< 
beads found there, which are known to 
be ancient, and are now highly prized. 
The Venetians send out a modern im^ 
perfect imitation of them to Africa. 
They |tre also said to have been found 
in Cornwall and in Ireland. — (G. W.] 

^ Vide inf dl, iv. 181, for the division 
of Africa into three regions ; and for 
the true character of the desert, see 
note on ir. 185. 

' Men of diminutive size really exist 

in Africa, but the Nasamones probably 
only knew of some by report. Those 
to the S.W. of Abyssinia are called 
Dokos. Dr. Krapf says they have 
dark olive complexions, and live in a 
completely savage state, having 
neither houses, temples, nor holy 
trees, like the Gallas ; yet with an 
idea of a higher Being called Ter, to 
whom they pray with their head upon 
the ground and their feet supported 
upright against a tree, or a stone. 
They have no laws, and no arms, but 
feed on roots, mice, serpents, honey, 
etc. They are about 4 feet high. 
They are not Negroes. (See Ethno- 
logical Journal, No. 1, p. 48, and No. 
2.) Some have thought tiie Simia 
Sylvanus of Africa gave rise to the 
story, agreeing as it does with their 
description by Photius (Cod. iii. Bibl. 
p. 8) : " ^h 8i rpix^ Sc^oovfi^rovf 9iik 
vamhs Tov v^ftaros^ The pigmies 
are mentioned by Homer (D. iii. 6) 
and others, and often represented on 
Greek vases. Homer and AristoUe 
(Hist. An. viii. 12) place them near 
the sources of the Nile, which might 
agree with the Bokos. Pliny (vi, 
19J, Philostratus (Vit. Apoll. Ty. iii. 
47), and others, place them in India 
(see Ctesias Ind. § 11). Strabo (L 
p. 50} says the fable was invented by 



them and carried them off. The Nasamonians could not 
understand a word of their language, nor had they any 
acquaintance with the language of the Nasamonians. They 
were led across extensive marshes, and finally came to a town, 
where all the men were of the height of their conductors, 
and black-complexioned. A great river flowed by the town,* 
running from west to east, and containing crocodiles. 

83. Here let me dismiss Etearchus^ the Ammonian, and 
his story, only adding that (according to the Gyrenaaans) he 
declared that the Nasamonians got safe back to their country, 
and that the men whose city they had reached were a nation 
of sorcerers. With respect to the river which ran by their 
town, Etearchus conjectured it to be the Nile ; ^ and reason 
favours that view. For the Nile certainly flows out of Libya, 
dividing it down the middle, and as I conceive, judging the 
unknown from the known, rises at the same distance from its 
mouth as the Ister.^ This latter river has its source in the 

Homer, who represented them living 
by the Boorces of the Nile, whither 
the cranes retiring £rom the winter 
and snowB of the north brought 
alanghter and death on the PygmsBan 
race. He thinks that certain little 
men of Ethiopia were the origin of the 
fable (zrii. p. 1162), as Aristotle does 
(H. An. Tiii. 12), who calls them Tro- 
glodytsB. Pomp. Mela (iii. 8) places 
them very far sonth, and speaks of 
their fighting, with the cranes, ** pro 
satis fmgibns." (Cp. Strabo i p. 53 ; 
ZYii. p. 1162.) ^lian (Hist. An. 
XT. 29) has a fable of Juno turning 
their qneen '* Qerana ** into a ciane.-^ 
[G. W.] 

* It seems not improbable that wa 
have here a mention of the river 
Niger, and of the ancient representa- 
tire of the modem citj of IHmbuctoo, 
See Blakesley ad loc 

7 If Etearohas was not a oormption 
of a native name, he most have been 
ft Greek, probably from that Oasis 
liaving been conquered bj the Cy« 
rensBans. — [G. W.] 

* This large river, which traversed 

the centre of Africa^ and abounded in 
crocodiles (oh. 22), probably repre- 
sented more than one of the rivers 
which run to the . Atlantic from 
Central Africa ; and the marsh or 
lake it traversed was in like manner 
not confined to the Tchad, or any par- 
ticular one of those regions. One of 
Strabo's lakes, from which the Nile 
comes in the East (zvii. p. 1116), as 
well as his large lake PsebAa, above 
Meroe, was evidently the modem 
Dembea of Abyssinia, the Goloe Pains 
of Ptolemy*s Astapus^ through which 
the Blue (or Black) Nile runs. See 
Plin. viii. 21, " Lake Nigris," and v. 9 ; 
and compare Strabo, xvii. p. 1162,^- 
[G. W.] 

' The meaning of this passage has 
been much disputed, but Schweig« 
hsBuser's final decision upon it (Lex. 
Herod, ad voo. fUrpoy), which is here 
followed, may be accepted as fairly 
satisfactory. Herodotus does not in. 
tend any such exact correspondency 
between the Nile and the Danube as 
Laroher (noteod loc), much less such 
as Niebuhr (Soythia, p. 40, Engl. 



Book II. 

country of the Celts near the city Pyrene, and nms through 
the middle of Europe, dividing it into two portions. The 
Celts live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and border on the 
Cynesians/ who dwell at the extreme west of Europe. Thus 
the Ister flows through the whole of Europe before it finally 
empties itself into the Euxine at Istria,^ one of the colonies of 
the Milesians.^ 

Trans.) and Dahlmann (Life, p. 65) 
imagined. He is only speaking of 
the oomparative length of the two 
streams, and conjectures that they are 
eqnal in this respect. Herein no 
doubt he exhibits his over-love of 
symmetry (see note to Book iv. ch. 
181) ; but it is quite unnecessary to 
suppose, with Niebuhr, that he con- 
sidered the two streams to corres- 
pond in all pointSf and because the 
Nile made an angle in its course above 
the country of the Deserters (ch. 31), 
regarded the Danube as making a 
similar angle in the upper parts of 
Thrace. There is absolutely no indi- 
cation of his having entortnined any 
such notion. His placing the sources 
of the Danube in the country of the 
Celts, near the city Pyrdn^ implies 
no doubt a considerable error as to 
the region from which that river 
flows, but it is interesting as exhibit- 
ing a dim acquaintance with the name 
and position of the Pyrenean range, of 
which not only Hecatseus, bat even 
Scylaz (Feripl. pp. 8-4), seems to 
have been ignorant; and which is (I 
believe) first mentioned by Folybius 
(in. xxxix. § 4, &o.). 

^ The Cynesians are mentioned 
again in iv. 49 as Cynfttes. They are 
a nation of whom nothing is known 
but their abode from very ancient 
times at the extreme S.W. of Europe. 
Herod6rus of Heraolda, a contempo- 
rary of Socrates, who appears to have 
possessed a fair knowledge of the 
Spanish Peninsula, spoke of them 
(Fr. 20) afl dwelling the fmrthest to 
the W. of all the Spanish nations, 
and said they were bordered upon to- 
wards the N. by the Gletes (r\i7T<'» 

query ? Takirout Celts.) By the later 
g^eographers (Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy) 
they are ignored altogether, yet 
curiously enough they re-appear in 
Avienus, a writer of the fifth century 
after Christ, nearly in their old settle- 
ments, on the banks of the Anas or 
Ouadia/na. (Ora Maritim. 202-223.) 

' If the Danube in the time of 
Herodotus entered the Euxine at 
Istria, it must have changed its course 
very greatly since he wrote. Istria, 
Ister, or Istriopolis (as we find it 
variously called) was situated near 
the modem Kost-endje, 60 miles below 
the most southerly of the Danube's 
present mouths. The name undoubt- 
edly remains in the modem WiaUri, 
on the road from Kostendje to Baha. 
daghf but the ancient town must have 
been nearer the coast— perhaps at 
Kwraglak, (See Strab. vii. p. 461-2; 
Anon. Peripl. Pont. Eux. p. 157; 
Ptolem. iii. 10 ; Itin. Ant. p. 14, Ac) 
It is perhaps conceivable that the 
Danube may once have thrown out a 
branch from the angle in its course 
near Bassova to the Black Sea near 
Kostendje, in the line of the projected 
ship-canal ; but if so, great altera* 
tions in the height of the land must 
have taken place within the historic 
period, since at present the Black Sea 
is separated from the valley of the 
Danube by a range of hills, whose 
elevation is at the lowest point 200 or 
300 feet. 

' According to Scymnus Chins (Fr. 
21) Istria was founded about the time 
of the Scythian invasion of Asia (B.C. 
633). Plioy calls it a most beautiful 
city C'urbB pulcherrima," H. N. iv. 




34. Now as this river flows through regions that are 
inhabited, its course is perfectly well known; but of the 
sources of the Nile no one can give any account, since Libya, 
the country through which it passes, is desert and without 
inhabitants. As far as it was possible to get information by 
inquiry, I have given a description of the stream. It enters 
Egypt from the parts beyond. Egypt lies almost exactly 
opposite the mountainous portion of Cilicia,* whence a lightly- 
equipped traveUer may reach Sm6p6 on the Euxine in five 
days by the direct route.* Sinope lies opposite the place 
where the Ister falls into the sea.^ My opinion therefore is 
that the Nile, as it traverses the whole of Libya, is of equal 
length with the Ister. And here I take my leave of this 

85. Concerning Egypt itself I shall extend my remarks to a 
great length, because there is no country that possesses so 
many wcHiders,*^ nor any that has such a number of works 

* Cilicia was divided into two por- 
tions, the eastern, or "Cilicia cam- 
pestris," and the western, or ** Cilicia 
aapeza.** (Strab. ziv. p. 954.) Egypt 
does not reallj lie " opposite " — that 
is, in the same longitude with — the 
Wter region. It rather faces Pam- 
phjlia, bat Herodotus gives all Africa, 
as far as the Lesser Syrtis, too 
easterly a position* (Vide infr4, iv. 
179, note.) 

* Snpriyi. 72, sab fin. 

* This of conrse is neither tnie, nor 
near the tmth ; and it is difficult to 
make out in what sense Herodotus 
meant to assert it. Perhaps he at- 
tached no very distinct geog^raphical 
meaning to the word " opposite." 

7 By this statement Herodotus pre. 

pares his readers for what he is about 

to relate; but the desire to tell of the 

wonders in which it differed from 

ali other countries led Herodotus 

to indulge in his love of antithesis, 

BO that in some cases he confines to 

one sex what was done by both (a 

nnguJar instance being noted down 

by him as an invariable custom), and 

in others he has indulged in the mar- 
vellous at a sacrifice of truth. If, 
however, Herodotus had told us that 
the Egyptian women enjoyed greater 
liberty, confidence, and consideration 
than under the hareem system of the 
Greeks and Persians (Book i^ch. 136), 
he would have been fully justified, for 
the treatment of women in Egypt 
was far better than in Greece. The 
assertion of Nymphodorus that Se- 
sostris, fearing the people, who had 
become very numerous, might revolt 
against him, obliged the men to adopt 
the occupations of women (in order to 
enervate the whole race during his 
reign), is too ridiculous to be woi*th 
contradicting. In many cases where 
Herodotus tells improbable tales, they 
are on the authority of others, or mere 
hearsay reports, for which he at once 
declares himself not responsible ; and 
he justly pleads that his history was 
not only a relation of facts, but the 
result of an *» iaropioj** or " inquiry," 
in which all he heard was inserted. 
We must, however, sometimes regret 
that he did not use his own judgment 




which defy description. Not only is the climate different from 
that of the rest of the world, and the rivers unlike any other 
rivers, but the people also, in most of their manners and 
customs, exactly reverse the common practice of mankind. 
The women attend the markets® and trade, while the men sit 
at home at the loom ; ^ and here, while the rest of the world 
works the woof up the warp,* the Egyptians work it down ; 

and discard what mnst have shown 
itself nnworthj of credit and of men- 
tion. For we gladly allow that when 
he does offer his own reflections thej 
are sound ; and too much credit can- 
not be given him for being so far 
above prejudice, and superior to many 
of the Greeks, who were too apt to 
claim the honour of orig^inating things 
they borrowed from others, or to 
derive from Greece what was of older 
date than themselves ; as, for instance, 
Thoth (Mercury) having gone from 
Arcadia "to Egypt, and given laws 
and learning to the Egyptians" (Cic. 
Nat. Deor. iii.) ; and Aotinus, the son 
of Sol, being an astronomer who went 
from Greece to Egypt, where he 
, founded the city of Heliopolis. Hero- 
dotus also shows more fairness and 
judgment than those who claim for 
the Greeks many inventions and ideas 
evidently borrowed from the country 
they visited for instruction, and who 
forget to attribute to the Greeks 
some of their gi'eat merits : — as the 
emancipation of the human mind from 
the trammels of fixed and unvarying 
rules, which cramped genius and pre- 
vented improvement ; the invention of 
real history ; the establishment of taste 
in arts and literature; and that de- 
velopment of the mind for which 
modem nations are so much beholden 
to them. In art, too, Greece was un- 
rivalled, and was indebted for it to her 
own genius ; nor from the occasional 
adoption of some hints in architecture 
and ornamental des'gos, as well as 
certain branches of Imowledge, at an 
early period, can the origin of Greek 
taaie be ascribed to Egypt or any 
other country.— [G. W.] 

* The market-place was originally 
outside the walls, generally in an open 
space, beneath what was afterwards 
the citadel or the acropolis ; as we 
see in the old sites of Greek and also 
Roman towns, as at Bome itself, 
whence perhaps called Forum. The 
same is still the case in some countries 
at the present day, as at Cattaro, in 

This first antithesis is an instance 
of Herodotus confining to one sex what 
applies to both ; and the sculptures 
show that sedentary occupations were 
more followed by women than by men. 
— [G. W.] 

^ This is one of the passages in our 
author where his wordJa so closely re- 
semble those of Sophocles as to raise 
suspicion of plagiarism on the one 
side or the other. See note "^ B. i. ch. 
32; and vide in&i, iii. 119.) The 
ancients generally seem to have be- 
lie Ted the charge of effeminacy brought 
by Herodotus against the Egyptians. 
Various writers repeat it, and one 

fNymphodorus) declares its origin. 
See the Scholiast on Soph. CEd. Ck>l. 
837 ; and compare the advice said to 
have been given by Croesus to Cyrus, 
supr^, i. 155.) 

^ The foregoing remark, that a 
general conclusion is drawn from par- 
ticular and rare cases, applies also to 
this, as the Egyptians sometimes 
pushed the woof upwards, sometimes 
down ; and also to their mode of 
carrying burthens, for men almost 
always carried them on their shoulders, 
or on a yoke, like that now in use 
in Europe (see woodcut fig. 4 in note ^ 
on ch. 136), and rarely on their heads, 
except bakers, as in other countries ; 



the -women likewise carry barthenB upon their shoulders, while 
the men carry them upon their heads. They eat their food 
oat of doors in the streets," hut retire for private purposes to 
their houses, giving as a reason that what is unseemly, but 
necessary, ought to be done in secret, but what has nothing 
unseemly about it, should be done openly. A woman cannot 

while Tory few instancea oocnr of a 
womBQ betkriTi^ a burtheii od her 
shonMere.— [G. W.] 

■Dtl conld I 

x> a Greek cnatom. The 

a generally dined at a smalt 

round table, having 

oDS log (eimilar tu 

the monopodinin), at 

which ODe or moro 

peraone sat, and they 

ate with their fingers 

like the Greek* >nd 

the modern Amba. 

Bereral dishes were 

placed DpoQ the table, 

and before eating it 

wai their cnstom to 

■ay grace. (Joseph. 

Antiq. zii. 2. 12 s see 

I At. Eg. W. voL ii. 

■' p. 992 to 415.) Athe- 

nains {Deipn. iv. p. 

l&O) speaka of the 

BuraptuooBDesB of an 

J , '' EKTptian ietust, and 

gays they had one 

'That they sometimes ate in the | kind of dinner or sapper "at which 

street ia not to be donbted; bnt this there was no table, the dishes being 

was only the poorer class, as in other brongfat round." — G. W.] 

pvtB of ancient and modern Europe, | 


serve the priestly office,* either for god or goddess, bat men 
are prieetB to both; sons need not support their parents 

* TLoagh men held the prieBthood 
ID EgTpt;, Kfl in other oonntries, women 
were not excluded from cerliuD impor. 
tiuit datiei in the tompleSj as Hero- 
dotos also shows (cbs. 61, 56) ; the 
qaeens made offecings with the kings) 

and the rooDnments, as well a« Dio* 

doTOB, ahow that an order of wooibd, 
ohosen from the priacipal families, 
were employed in the service of the 
gods. It is of these that Diodoms, 
and eren Herodotna (i. 1B2), hare told 
stories the abinrditj of which is snffi- 
oientlj evident when we consider that 
qneens and women of the highest r&nk 
held the office in the temple of Amun j 
and it is probable that these were 
members of a saored college, into 
which thej entered oq the death of 
their hushuida, in order to devote 
themselves to religious dnUes. It 
was perhaps then that they received 
the title of "divine wife," or "god's 
wife;" whiohtrom the following for- 
mnla— "the royal daQRhter, the royal 
wife, the divine (god's) wife, the god's 
truther," wooid refer to her relation- 
ship to a kiogi M DO office could moke 

any one the moOwr of Amnn. Tha 
widow of Ames, however, seems to be 
called " Qoddess wife of Amaai" 
which wo^ld show them to be spouses 
of the deity. They were also styled 
".god's hand," and "god's (the divine) 
Btar," Their chief office in the reli- 
gions oeremoniee was to ting the 
praises of the deity, playing on va- 
rious instruments ; in the temple the 
highest of their order, as qoeens and 
princesses, held the sistra; and tt 
ThebQ« the; wei« oaQed the minstrels 
and chiefs of the women of Amun. 
(On the Pallaoides, tee At. Eg. W. 
vol. iv. p. 203.) A sort of mouaatic 
institution seems to have originated 
in Egypt at an early time, and to 
have boen imitated afterwanlB when 
the real conventual system was set 
on foot by the Christians in the same 
country. Cp. the Vestal virgins at 
Rome. (See woodcnt No. II., next 

Herodotus (ii. 64) spealcs of two 
women, belonging to the Temple of 
Jupiter at Thebes, who founded the 
oracles of Ammon and Dodona g and 
priestesses are mentioned on tlie Bo. 
setta st«ae, knd in the papynis of 
D'Anastasy. (See At. Eg. W. vol. i. 
p. 261.) Nor can this be ascribed to 
innovations, among a people sojealoua 
as the Egyptians of the interference 
of foreigners in their religion. It 
most, however, be observed that no 
woman, except the qaeen, attended in 
the grand processions of a king's ac>n>* 
nation, or on similar occasions; and 
there is no ceremony in which women 
took the part they did at the Fana- 
thenaic festival of Athens. The monn- 
ments, however, show they did atlMid 
in processions in honour of Athor, as 
well as of BnbMtis (infri, oh. 60) ; 
and in the funeral pageants women 
performed a great part, being the 
mourners Tor the dead, independenttj 
of those hired, as at the present day. 
Two, indeed, held an important oflica 
on that occasion. (Woodoat No. Ill, 
figs. 1, 2.) 



unless they choose, bnt danghterB moBt, whether they chooee 
or no.' 
86. In other conntries the prieeta have long hau:, in Egypt 

Tfcere wm also a ceremoDj per- I pointed ead of which they Btmofc 

[atnK^ by h woman luid a man. each agaiiuC the groand ; and this appeai^ 

holding the end of a rope tied in t> also to have been of a leUgioal cba. 

biDt roDDd ■ wooden pillar, the I lacter connected urith the dead. (No. 


58 FOOD. Book n. 

their heads are shaven ; ' elsewhere it is customary, in mourn- 
ing, for near relations to cut their hair close ; the Egyptians, 
-who wear no hair at any other time, when they lose a relative, 
let their beards and the hair of their heads grow long. All 
other men pass their lives separate from animals, the 
Egyptians have animals always living with them;' others 
make barley and wheat their food ; it is a disgrace to do so in 
Egypt,^ where the grain they live on is spelt, which some call 

rT.) Women were not therefore ei. 
clnded from the eerrice of religion ; 
and the tnct of qaeena holding tbe 
aoeptro snffloeB to piore it, every mo- 
nHroh being privileged, and obliged, 
to b'-como a member of the biei-u-ohj. 

Mb. IV. 
&nd to be initiated in the mfsteriee. 
DiodoroB also describes Atbyrtis, the 
daughter of Sesoatrig, » well versed 
in divination that she foreUild to her 
father the fatnre encceM of his arms. 


* Of the danghten being forced to 
support tbeir parents instead of the 

milt to decidi 

It the 

improbability of the CDstom is glaring. 
It is the Bon on whom tbe dntj fell of 
providing for the services in honoor 
of his deceaBed parent ; anil tbe law 
of debt mentioned by Herodotna (in 
ch. 136) contradicts his aaseition here. 
-[G, W.] 

' The caslom of shaving the head a« 
well aa beard was not confined to the 
pries ts in Egjpt, but was geaeral among 

all olassea ; and all the men wore wigs 
or oaps fittiog close to their heads, 
eioept some of the poorest olaaa. In 
this the Egyptians were Dniike tbe 
" tapnnaiiiarrat 'Axaialli:" bnt the 
costom of allowing the hair to grow 
in moaming was not confined to 
^^P^i oo'l Platareh (Op. Mor. p. 
267) says that in misfortune the OT««k 
women out off their hair, and the men 
let it grow, contrary to their ordinary 
costom. He probably moana long and 
negligently I for in most states the 
Greeks wore their hair moderately 
long ; yoDDg men and athletes short. 
Beards began first to be shaved in 
Greece in the time of jUciander. 
(Flat. Lysand. 1.) The habit of 
making a baldness betireen the ejrea 
for the dead (Dent, xiv. 1), which was 
forbidden by the Uosaic law, was not 
Egyptian, bnt Syrian.-[0. W.] 

'' Their living with animals not onlj 
contradicta a previous assertion <^ 
their eating in the streets, bnt is con- 
trary to fact J and if Herodotna really 
associated with any who were so badly 
lodged, he must have kept very bad 
company daring bis stay in Egypt. — 

• Their considering it a " ditgraet" 
to live on wheat and barley is equally 
extravagant ; and though they also 
caltivated the holcit) lorghum (or 
doora), and poor people may hare 
used it. as at the present day. when 
thoy could not afford wheaten bread, 
it does not follow that the onstom waa 
obligatory, or ever adopted by an 
Egyptian of rank) and the assertion 
of Herodotus is much on a par with 
Dr. Johnson's definition of " oats." 



lea. Doagh they knead with their feet ;* bat they mix mad, 
and even take np dirt, with their hands. They are the only 
people in the world — they at least, and such as have learnt the 

It ia not known what the oljra 
mlljr was ; PUny sbowB it was not 
rice, nor the BamB as leo, as Hero- 
dotna BQppoeed, and it was probablj 
the dboT-o of modem Egypt, which is 
tbe only grain besides wheat and 
barley reprcaented in tbe scolptDrea 

(tboDgh thii haa bsen tbongbt to be 
" flai "), (See At. Eg. W. vol. ii. p. 
897.) PUny (iviii. 7) saya, " tarina 
.£gypto ei olyri conlioilar," bat not 
of couTBB to tbe Biclnsion of other 
gtain, as he notices wheat and barley 
Uiere, and adds (iviii, 8), ".^gyptos 

rimilaf^em oon licit e tritico sua." 
Both wheat and barley are noticed in 
Lower Egypt long before Eerodotos' 
time (Biod. ix. 31, 32). and the pajnt- 
ingi of the Tbebaid prove tbat they 
were grown ejctanrively in that part 
of the conntry ; tbey irere among the 
crffcringB ia the teiaplea ; and the 
king, Bt Ilia coronation, catting some 
eara of wheat atlcm-ards offered to 
the gods as the staple production of 
Et;7pt, shows bow f(rpat a vaiae was 
set on a grain which Herodotus wonld 
Isad OS to (appose woa held in abhor- 
rence. It is remarkable that thoDRh 
Data are nnknown in Egypt the wild 
oat grows there,— [G. W.J 



•That ihey trod the dongh with 
ttpir feet is tme, fashioning it after- 
wards with tlie luwd into cakes; bat 

as also mixed with the feet, 

•r having been broken ap with the 

eee in the reproseotation of 

the brickniakers at Thebes. 
cut, flg». 11, 13, i 



Book IL 

practice from them * — ^who use circumcision. Their men wear 
two garments apiece, their women but one.* They put on 
the rings and fasten the ropes to sails inside ; ® others put 
them outside. When they write* or calculate/ instead of going, 
like the Greeks, from left to right, they move their hand from 
right to left ; and they insist, notwithstanding, that it is they 

1 Vide inM, ch. 104. 

' The men having two dresses, and 
the women one, gives an erroneous im- 
pression. The usual dress of men was 
a long upper robe and a short kilt be- 
neath it, the former being laid aside 
when at work ; while women had only 
the long robe. When an extra upper 
garment was worn over these the men 
had three, the women two ; so that, 
instead of limiting the latter to one, 
he should have given to men alv^^ays 
one more garment than the women. 
See woodcuts in notes on ohs. 35, 37, 
and 81.— [G. W.] 

^ The Greek iccUot generally* corre- 
sponded to our " stays " of the mast, 
inr4pai to " braces," ir6S€s to ** sheets," 
and Ktpovxoi to " halliards ; " but He- 
rodotus only speaks of " the ropes and 
rings of the sails;" and the ancient 
custom of fastening the braces and 
sheets of the sails to rings within the 
ganwale fully agrees with that still 
adopted in the NUe boats. (See notes 
1, 2, ch, 96.— [G. W.] 

* The Egyptians wrote from right 
to left in the hieratic and demotic (or 
• enchorial), which are the two modes 
of wriiing here mentioned. The Greeks 
also in old times wrote from right to 
left, like the PhGsnicians, from whom 
they borrowed their alphabet. This 
seems the natural mode of writing ; 
for though we have always been 
accustomed to write from left to 
right, we invariably use our pencil, in 
shading a drawing, from right to left, 
in spite of all our previous habit ; 
and even our down-strokes in writing 
are all from right to left. The Arabs 
say *'it is more reasonable to see 
where the pen is coming, than not to 
see where it is going." It was con. 

tinned by the Etruscans, the early 
imitators of the Greeks, to a very 
late period. Dr. Brugsch very inge- 
niously observes (Gram. Demot. pp. 
15, 16), that though in Demotic the 
general direction of the writing was 
from right to left, each individual 
letter was formed from left to ri^ht, 
as is evident in the unfinished endd of 
hori7X)ntal letters when ths ink failed 
in the pen. — [G. W.] 

' In writing numbers in Hieratio 
and Enchorial they placed the units 
to the left, that is last, ac- 
cording to their mode of 
writing from right to left. 
Thus 1851 would stand 
1581. In 18 they would 
first come to the ten, and 
in 13,432 they would begin 
with the thousands. The same mode 
of beginning with the largest number 
is followed in hieroglyphioa (224. 31), 

whether written , ^ ^^ 

in 9>S> 
10 6)^ 

mil I 



•J? t 

from right to left, 

or from left to 

light. This is like 

our arrangement 

of the thousand 

first and the unit 2 3 4. 

last, in our writing from left to nght. 

The Arabs, from whom we borrowed 

this, think we ought to have changed 

the arrangement, as we write in an 

opposite direction. But they borrowed 

their numerals from India (hence 

called by them "Hindee," "Indiaji"), 

and there the arrangement is as in 

our own, 133 being 


lodUn, 133. 

Chap. 36» 87. 



"who go to the right, and the Greeks who go to the left. They 
have two quite different kinds of writing," one of which is 
called sacred, the other common. 

87. They are religious to excess, far beyond any other race 
of men,'' and use the following ceremonies : — They drink out 
of brazen cups,® which they scour every day: there is no 
exception to this practice. They -wear linen garments, which 
they are speciaDy careful to have always fresh washed.^ They 

whichaie bingnlarlj like the ordinal 
nmnben of the Hieratic in Egypt — 


Hientic, 133«* 
Both these resemble the Chinese, and 
the origin of the three nnmbers was 
evidently from simple lines. 

conrerted into 

Tippoo Snitan, seeing the inconsis. 
tency of following the arrangement 
used in a langoage read from left to 
right, altered it on some of his late 
coins, and placed the nnit to the right. 
There is no representation on Egyp- 
tian monuments of an abacas for cal- 
cnlating, like that of the Greeks.-^* 
[G. W.] 

* See note in Appendix, CH. t. 

' The extreme religious views of 
the Egyptians became at length a 
gross sapenitition, and were naturally 
a subject for ridicule and contempt. 
Lucian makes Momns express his sur- 
prise that so many persons were al- 
lowed to share divine honours, but is 
indignant at the Egyptian crew of 
apes, ibises, bulls, and other ridicu- 
lous creatures who intruded them- 
selves into heaven, and wonders how 
Janiter can allow himself to be cari- 

catured with rams' horns. Jupitei 
gives an answer worthy of an Egyp* 
tian priest, that they were mysteries 
not to be derided by the uninitiated 
(Deor. Concil. s. 10). Juvenal and 
others take advantage of the same 
opening for ridicule. — [G. W.] 

^ This, he says, is the xmiversal cus- 
tom, without exception; but we not 
only know that Joseph had a silver 
drinking-cup (Gen. xliv. 2, 5) but the 
sculptures show the wealthy Egyp- 
tians used glass, porcelain, and gold, 
sometimes inlaid with a coloured 
composition resembling enamel, or 
with precious stones. That persons 
who could not afford cups of more 
costly materials should have been 
contented, with those of bronze is very 
probable ; and Hellanicns (quoted by 
Ath. Deipu. xi. p. 470 d) mentions the 
phiald (saucer), cyathus, (upright 
handled cup), andethanion (strainer), 
in Egypt of bronze; but, as in Etrnria, 
Greece, and Bome, many drinking, 
cups were also of other materials. 
The bronze is often g^lt, and long 
ladles (simpula) and other utensils 
are often found with the gilding still 
visible ; and fragments of glass, por- 
celain, and other cups are common 
in Egypt as in Italy. The custom 
then was not universal either in the 
time of Herodotus, nor before, nor 
afterwards. See note ' on ch. 151. — 
[G. W.] 

' Their attention to cleanliness was 
very remarkable, as is shown by their 
shaving the head and beard, and re- 
moving the hair from the whole body, 
by their frequent ablutions, and by 


practise circumcision for the sake of cleanlinesB, considering 
it better to be cleanly than comely. The priests Bbave their 

the strict TuleH instituted to onsare it. 
HerodotoH soon ofterwaniB bbjh the 
priests washed themselTestirice every 
day and twioa BTory night in cmld 
water i and Porphyry (de Abstin.iv. 7), 
boridea three ablations evory day, 
and BB occasional one at night, men- 
tions a grand oeremODy of parifloa. 
tion previoos to their fasts, many of 
-whicti lasted forty -two days, or even 
longer, during which time they ab- 
stained entirely from animal food, 
from herbs, and regetables, and above 
all, from the indulgence of the pas- 
sions. The same motive of oleanlineBS 
led them to practise oircnmciRion, 
which Herodotus afterwards mentions. 
Nor waa this oonflned to the prieatg, 
as we learn from the mnmmies and 
from the soalptnres, where it is made 
a distinotire mark between the Egyp- 

tians and their enemies ; and in later 
timea, when Egypt contained many 
foreign settlers, it was looked upon as 
a distinctivB sign batwoen the ortho- 
doi Egyptian and the stranger, or the 
noo -conform iBt. None tborefore were 
allowed to Btody all the secrete of 
Egyptian knowledge Dniesa they had 
enbmittad to this rite : and this pro- 
bably led to the notion that the 
priests alone were cironmcised. Its 
Egypt reaches t 


a find it 

isting at the earliest period of which 
any monnmenta remain, more than 
24D0 years before our era, and there 
is no reason to donbt that it dated 
still oarliBr.— [Q. W.] 

' The dreaa of the priests oonsiated, 
aa Herodotus stales, of linen (ch. 81)i 
but he does not say they were con- 


■whole body every other day, that no lice or other impure thing 
may adhere to them when they arc engaged in the aerrice of 
the gods. Their drees ie entirely of linen,' and their ehoes of 

I (M 

9 have snppoied) to ft 
■ingle Tobe ; nod whether walking 
abroad, or offluiating in the temple, 
thej were permitted to have mora 
than one gnnneut. The high-priest 
atjled Sam always wore a leopacd-ekin 
placed OTCT the linen drees as his 
costume of office. (No. II.) Plutarch 
(de Is. 8. 4) agrees with Herodotna 

in stating that their dress wM of linen 
and not of wool ; for, he adds, it 
would be incousistcnt in men who 
take ao ranch pnins to remove the 
bair from their bodir, to wear clothea 
made of the wool or hair of Bnimalsj 
•nd no Egyptian was allowed to enter 
a temple withont taking off his outer 
woollen clo&k (Her. ii. 81), nor could 
he be buried in clothes of that ma- 
terial. Bnt thoagh their ander-gar- 
ment was of linen, it did not prevent 
their wearing an upper one of cotton. 
Pliny (lii. 1) affirms that oottou 
dresses were particntarly agreeable to 
the priests; and the Roeetta stone 
states that "cotton garments" ware 
■applied bj the goTeniment for the 

Dse of the temple. But these were 
probably the sacred rabes for the 
statues of the gods (Plat, de Is. s. 
7p) ; and the priests may only bave 
befln forbidden to Wear cotton gar. 


menta while in the temple. The 
votaries ol lais at Rome ware snb- 
jsct to the same prohibition, and lineu 
dresaea were adopted by those who 
bad been initiated into the mysteriet 

No- IV- 
(Plat de Ts. a. 3 ; Apul. Uetam. lib. 
xi.). The Ef^ptian and Jewish prieata 
were the only ones (eicept perhaps 
thoee of India) whose dresses were 
ordered to be of linen, That won 
by the farmer was of the Qneat teitora, 
and the long robe with full ■leeTea, 



Book IL 

the papy!ras plant : * it is not lawful for them to wear either 
dress or shoes of any other material. They bathe twice every 

which oovered the body and descended 
to the ankleSy was perfectly trans- 
parent, and placed over a short kilt 
of thicker quality reaching to the 
knees. Some wore a long robe of 
linen, extending from the neck to the 
ankles, of the same thick substance, 
and some officiated fh the short kilt 
alone, the arms and legs being bare. 
Some again had a long thin dress, like 
a loose shirt, with full sleeves, reach- 
ing to the ankles, over which a 
wrapper of fine linen was bound, 
covering the lower part of the body, 
and falling in front below the knees ; 
the hieraphoros, while bearing the 

sacred emblems, frequently wore a 
long fall apron, tied in front with long 
bands, and a strap, also of linen 
passed over the shoulder to support 
it; and some priests wore a long 
smock reaching from below the arms 
to the feet, and supported over the 
neck by stn^s. (No. L fig. 4.) Their 
head was frequently bare, sometimes 
covered with a wig or a tight cap; 
but in all cases the head was closely 
shaved. They had a particular 
mode of goufbreying their linen 
dresses (also adopted in Greece, to 
judge from the ancient statues and the 
vases, aa well as in Etruria), which 


impressed upon them the waving lines 
represented in the paintings, and this 
was done by means of a wooden 
instrument, divided into segmantal 
partitions 14 inch broad on its upper 
face, which was held by the hand 
while the linen was pressed upon it. 
One of them is in the Museum of 
Florence (fig. 2 gives the real size <^ 
the divisions). 

The fine texture of the Egyptian 
linen is fully proved by its trans- 
parency, as represented in the paint- 
ing^, and by the statements of ancient 
writers, sacred (Gen. xli. 42 ; and 
2 Chron. i. 16) as well as profane, 
and by the wonderful texture of a 
piece found near Memphis, part of 
which is in my possession. In general 
quality it is equal to the finest now 
made; and for the evenness of the 
threads, without knot or break, it is 

far superior to any of modem 
manufacture. It has in the inch 540 
threads, or 270 double threads in the 
warp, and 110 in the woof, — a dis- 
parity which, as Mr. Thompson ob- 
serves, belonged to the Egyptian 
" system of manufacture.*' (See At. 
Eg. W. vol. iii. p. 120, Ac.) Pliny 
mentions four kinds of Unen particu- 
larly noted in Egypt, the Tanitio, the 
Felusiac, the Butine, and the Ten- 
tyritic ; and the same fineness of tex- 
ture was extended to the nets of 
Egypt, which were so delicate that 
they could pass through a man's ring, 
and a single person oould carry a 
sufficient number of them to surround 
a whole wood. (Plin. xix. 1. On the 
Byssus, see note^ ch. 86.) The trans, 
parent fineness of the linen dresses of 
men and women in the Egyptian 
paintings reoallB the remark of Seneca 


day in cold water, and twice each night ; hesides which they 
observe, so to speak, thonsands of ceremonies. The; enjoy, 
however, not a few advantages." They consnme none of their 

(de Benef. vii. 9) on " wricaB Testefl," 
•o thin tb&t & woman appealed as if 
Mked.— [G. W.] 

■ TIieiT Buidals were made of Uie 
{apyma, or ol othor kinda of Cypema ; 
an inferior quality being of matted 
palm.leaTea ; and they either slept on 
a simple skin stretched on the grooud 
(Enat in Homer. II. iri. ^5), or on 
a wicker bed made of palm-bisncbeB 
whioh Farphyry very jiiatly uja were 
called hat (de Abrtin. ir. 7). On this 
bedstotd, which was aimilar to the 
cagcu of modem Egypt, made of the 

tpread tor a mattress, and thsir head 
was sopported by a halt ojlinder of 
wood in Uen ef tt pillow. These 

pitlowa ai« frequently tonnd in the 
tfmb^ made of acacia, sycamore, or 
tamaiiak wood, or sometmiea of ala. 
baiter; and ^sy are represented 
"wmg. the fnmitiire of an Egyptian 
manaion, in the Tombs of the Kings, 
together with the richest sofaa and 
faoteidls. They are still need in 
BtliioptB, and also in places distant 
fmn the Nile, in JepKn, Chimh the 
We«tem Coast of Africa, in Otsheite 
(Tahiti), and other places. Bat soft 
pillows and lofty conches were also 
adifited in Egypt, to which lost they 
VOL. n. 

monnted by steps. Cp. 2 Eii^ !. 4 ; 
Ps. cmii. 3 ; Prov. vii. 16.— [G. W.] 

' The greatest of these was the pare. 
mount inflaenoe they exercised over 
the spiritnal, and consequently over 
the temporal, concema of the whde 
oommnni^, whioh was seonred to 
them throngh their HUperior know- 
ledge, by the dependence of all classes 
on them for the instraotion they choie 
to impart, and by their eiclnsive 
right of poesesaing all the seorets of 
religion which were tbonght to place 
them far abore the rest of mankind. 
Nor did their power orer an individoal 
cease witti tus life j it woald even 
reach hJTn alter death ; and t^ir veto 
oaali prevent bis being buried in hie 
tomb, and consign his name to lasting 
infamy. They thns asnrped the 
power and place of the Gode, whose 
will thay affected ts be commissioned 
to prononnce; and they acted aa 
thongh the oommnnity bad been made 
for t£e>r rnle, and not their own office 
for the benefit of the commnnity. 
Priestcraft indeed is always odions, 
bnt eepeoially when people aie 
tanght to believe what the priests 
themselveB know to be mere fable; 
and the remark of Cato, " It appears 
straikge that one priest (aognr) can 
refrain from langbing when he looka 
at another," might well apply to those 
of Egypt. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 26; 
de DiT. iL) It mnat however be 
admitted that they did not make a 
show of great sanctity, nor set them. 
selves above the cnstoms of sodety, 
in order to increase their power over 
it ; they were good hnabands and 
fathers, and they Hbowed the highest 
regard for all social dutiea. llan- 
hind too, had not then been en- 
lightened by Christianity; and the 
Egyptian hierarchy had the merit of 
having enjoined, practised, and en. 
sored morality, and contribnted great- 
ly to the welfare of the people Uiey to 
long governed.— [Q. W,] 




own property, and are at no expense for anything ; ^ but every 
day bread is baked for them of the sacred com, and a plentiful 
supply of beef and of goose's flesh is assigned to each, and 
also a portion of wiae made from the grape.*^ Fish they are 
not allowed to eat ; ^ and beans, — ^which none of the Egyptians 
ever sow, or eat, if they come up of their own accord, either 
raw or boiled ' — ^the priests will not even endure to look on. 

^ They were exempt from tazes, and 
were provided with a dailj allowance 
of meat, com, and wine; and when 
Pharaoh, by the advice of Joseph, took 
all the land of the Egyptians in lien of 
com (Gen. zlvii. 20, 22), the land of 
the priests was exempt, and the tax of 
the fifth part of the produce was not 
levied npon it. Diodoms (i. 72) says 
the land was divided into three por- 
tions, one of which belonged to th6 
king, another to the priests, and the 
thi^ to the military caste. — [G. W.] 

' Herodotus is quite right in saying 
they were allowed to drink wine, and 
the assertion of Plutarch (de Is. s. 6) 
that the kings (who were also of the 
priestly caste) were not permitted to 
drink it before the reign of Psammeti. 
ohus is contradicted by the authority 
of the Bible (Gen. xL 10, 13) and the 
sculptures ; and if on some occasions 
It really was not admitted into the 
temple of Heliopolis, it was not ex. 
eluded trom other temples, and wine 
was among the usual offerings made to 
the Gods. Herodotus tells us (ch. 39) 
that they began t)>eir sacrifices by a 
libation of wine; and it is evident 
from the sculptures that it was also 
admitted into the temples of the Sun, 
or at least at his altar in other temples. 
And though Hecatsus asserts that the 
king^ were allowed a stated quantity, 
according to the regulations in the 
sacred books (Pint, de Is. s. 6), they 
were reported by the Egyptians to 
have exceeded those limits, as in the 
case of Mycerinus and Amasis. (Her. 
ii. 133, 174) Of the kings and the 
laws respecting them, see At. Eg. W. 
vol. i. p. 249-255, and compare notes 
on chs. 18, 60, 68, 77.— [G. W.] 

^ Though fish were so generally 

eaten by the rest of the Egyptians, 
they were forbidden to the priests, 
and when on the 9th day of the Ist 
month (Thoth), a religious oeremony 
obliged all the people to eat a fried 
fish before the door of their houses, 
the priests were not even then ex- 
pected to conform to the general cus- 
tom, but were contented to bum theirs 
at ihe appointed time (Plut. de Is. s. 
7). The principal food of the priests, 
as Diodorus justly states, was beef and 
goose, and the gazelle, ibex, oryx, and 
wild-fowl were not forbidden; but 
they "abstained from most sorts of 
pulse, from mutton, and swine's flesh, 
and in their more solemn purifioations 
they even excluded salt from their 
meals" (Plut. de Is. s. 5). Garlick, 
leeks, onions, lentils, peas, and above 
all beans, are said to have been ex- 
cluded from the tables of the priests. 
See Diod. Sia i. 81, 89; Plut. de Is. ■. 
8 ; Juv. Sat. xv. 9.— [G. W.] 

7 Diodorus (i. 89) is more correct 
when he says that some only of the 
Egyptians abstained from beans, and 
it may be doubted if they grew in 
Egypt without being sown. The cus- 
tom of forbidding beans to the priests 
was borrowed from Egypt by Pytha- 
goras. Cicero (de Div. i. 30) thinks 
it was hx>m their disturbing the mind 
during sleep. In like manner the pro- 
hibition against eating swine's flesh 
and fish was doubtless from the desire 
to abstain from food which was apt to 
engender cutaneous disorders in per- 
sons of sedentary habits, while the 
active life of other classes (having the 
'^ dura messorum ilia") enabled them 
to eat the same things without en- 
dangering their health. This wiU not, 
however, aooount for mutton being 

Chap. 87. 



since they consider it an unclean kind of pulse. Instead of a 
single priest, each god has the attendance of a college, at the 
head of which is a chief priest ; ^ when one of these dies, his 
son is appointed in his room. 

forbidden in the Thebaid, which is 
the most wholeeome meat in Egypt ; 
and we can only suppose it was owing 
to sheep having been few in number 
at the time the law was first made ; 
when they were anxioxis to encourage 
the breed for the sake of the wool, and 
feared to lessen their number, as was 
the case with the cow both in Egypt 
and India. The name xdoftos was also 
applied to the seeds of the Nelnmbimn 
or Indian Lotos. See note^ on oh. 92. 

— [G. wg 

This is folly confirmed by the 
scolptores. They were not, however, 
always replaced at their death by their 
sons ; and though this was often the 
case* a son might become a priest of 
another deity, and have a l^gher or 
lower grade than his father. He could 
also be a priest during his father's 
lifetime, and numerous sons could not 
expect the same office as their father. 
The eon of a priest was generally a 
priest also ; and when an elder son 
succeeded to the same office held be- 
fore by his father, it is very possible 
that he inherited the same dress of in- 
vestiture, which was also the custom 
of the Jews (Ezod. xziz. 29) ; but a 
priesfs son might be a military man. 

The priests had various grades. The 
chief priests held the first post, and 
<me of them had an office of great im. 
portanoe, which was usually fulfilled 
by the king himself. He was the pro- 
phet and officiating high priest, and 


had the title of "Sem," in 

addition to that of high priest, and 
he was distinguished by wearing a 
leopard's skin over his ordinary robes. 
(See n. ^ ch. 37, woodcut No. II.) He 
does not appear to have ranked above 
chief-priests, being mentioned after 
them on the Bosetta stone, but to 

have been one of them in a particular 
capacity. He might also be a chief- 
priest of one God, and 8em of another ; 
and one in a tomb at Thebes ia called 
"chief -priest of Amun, Sem in the 
temple of Pthah, superior of the 
priests of the upper and lower ooun. 
try ; " and his father was chief -priest 
without the additional office of Sem, 
The prophets were particularly versed 
in all matters relating to the cere- 
monies, the worship of the Gods, the 
laws, and the discipline of the whole 
order, and they not only presided over 
the temple and the sacied rites, but 
directed the management of the sacred 
revenues. (Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 
758.) In the solemn processions they 
had a conspicuous part; they bore 
the holy hydaia or water-jar, which 
was frequently carried by the king on 
similar occasions, and they with the 
chief-priests were the first whose 
opinion was consulted respecting the 
introduction of any new measure con. 
nected with religion, as we find in the 
decree of the Bosetta stone, which 
was " established by the chief priests 
and prophets, and those who have 
access to the adytum to clothe the 
Gods, and the pterophone, and the 
sacred scribes, and all the other 
priests .... assembled in the temple 
of Memphis." Some of the principal 
functionaries " in the solemn proces- 
sions " are thus mentioned by Clemens 
(Strom, vi. p. 757): "The singer 
usually goes first, bearing the symbols 
of music, whose duty is said to be to 
carry two of the books of Hermes ...» 
he is followed by the Horosoopus, 
bearing in his hand the measure of 
time (hour-glass), and the pabn 
(branch), the symbols of astrology 
(astronomy) .... next comes the 
Hierogrammat (^acred scribe) having 
feathers on his head (see woodcut fig. 
9, note ^ on oh. 87), and in his hands a 
book (papyrns) with a roler (palette) 



Book n. 

88. Male kine axe reckoned to belong to Epaphns,' and axe 
therefore tested in the following manner : — One of the priests 
appointed for the purpose searches to see if there is a single 
black hair on the whole body, since in that case the beast ia 
unclean. He examines him all over, standing on his legs, 
and again laid upon his back ; after which he takes the tongue 
out of his mouth, to see if it be clean in respect of the 
prescribed marks (what they are I will mention elsewhere ^ ) ; 
he also inspects the hairs of the tail, to observe if they grow 
naturally. If the animal is pronounced clean in all these 
various points, the priest marks him by twisting a piece of 
papyrus round his horns, and attaching thereto some sealing- 

in which is ink and a reed for writing 
(fig. 1), then the BtolisteSi bearing the 
onbit of jnstioe (fig. 2), and the cup of 
libation (fig. 3) . . . and lastly the 
Prophet, the president of the temple, 

who carries in his bosom a water-jar, 
followed by persons bearing loaTes of 
bread." See procession in pi. 76 of 
At. Eg. W. vol. yi. ; and below, note 9 
on oh. 68.— [G. W.] 



' Epaphns, Herodotus says (in ch. 
163), is the Greek name of Apis, of 
which it is probably only a cormption 
(see also B. iii. chs. 27, 28). In exa- 
mining a bull for sacrifice, he adds, 
they admitted none bnt those which 
were free £rom black hairs; and 
Maimonides states that " if only two 
white or black hairs were fonnd lying 
npon each other, the animal was con- 
sidered nnfit for sacrifice " (Maim, de 
Yacdl mfl^, o. 1). This calls to mind 
the law of the Israelites, commanding 
them to "bring a red heifer without 
spot, wherein was no blemish '* (Numb, 
xix. 2). But the sculptures show that 
bulls with black, and red, or white 
spots, were commonly killed both for 
the altar and the table, and the only 
prohibition seems to hare been against 
killing heifers ; and to ensure a regard 


for ihem they were held sacred (see 
below, nJ oh. 41). It was on this 
account that Moses proposed to go 
three days into the desert, lest the 
anger of the Egyptians should be 
raised on seeing the Israelites sacri- 
fice a heifer (Exod. viii. 26) : and by 
this yery opx)osite choice of a victim 
they were made unequivocally to de- 
nounce, and to separate themselves 
from, the rites of Egypt. — [G. W.] 

^ It is not at all clear that the refer- 
ence is to iii. 28, as the commentators 
generally suppose (see Lsurcher, B&hr, 
and Blakesley ad loc.) : for Herodotus 
is there describing, not the animal 
which might be offered to Apis, but 
the animal which was regarded as an 
incarnation of Apis. Perhaps we have 
here, as in vii. 213, a promise that is 

Chap. 88,89. 



clay, which he then stamps with his own signet-ring.* After 
this the beast is led away; and it is forbidden, under the 
penalty of death, to sacrifice an animal which has not been 
marked in this way. 

89. The following is their manner of sacrifice : — They lead 
the victim, marked with their signet, to the altar where they 
are about to offer it, and setting the wood aUght, ponr a 
hbation of wine upon the altar in front of the victim, and at 
the same time invoke the god. Then they slay the animal,^ 

' The sanction given for sacrificing 
a bnn was by a papyrns band tied by 
the priest roond the horns, which he 
stamped with his signet on sealing. 
chfcy. Documents sealed with fine clay 
and impressed with a signet are very 
common; bnt the exact symbols im> 
pressed on it by the priest on this 
oocasioQ are not known. Castor says 
they consisted of a man kneeling with 
his hands tied behind him, and a 
sword pdnted to his throat, which 
was probably this (of woodcnt), though 
it has not been fonnd on a seaL lie 
clay nsed in closing 
mod sealing papyri is 
of Tery fine quality. 
A similar kind was 
enq>loyed for official 
seals by the Greeks 
and Assyrians. On signet-rings see 
my note on B. iiL ch. 41. — [Q. W.] 

' We leam from the sculptures that 
the yictim, having its feet tied to- 
gether, was thrown on the ground; 
and the priest, having placed his hand 
on its head (as in Levit. i. 4; iii 8), 
or holding it by the horn, cut its 
throat, apparently from ear to ear, as 
is the eastern of the Moslems at the 


present day. The skin was then re- 
moved, and after the head had been 
taken away, the foreleg or shoulder, 
g^erally the right (as in Levit. viii. 
26), was the first joint cut off. This 
was considered, and called, the chosen 
part (8apt), and was the first offered 
on the altar. (Cp. 1 Ssan. ix. 24; 
Levit. vii. 33; viii. 25.) The other 
parts were afterwards out up ; and 
the shoulder, the thigh, the head, the 
ribs, the rump, the heart, and the kid- 
neys, were the principal ones placed 
on the altar, llie head, which Hero- 
dotus says was either taken to the 
market and sold to strangers, or 
thrown into the river, is as common 
on the altars as any other joint, and 
an instance sometimes occurs of the 
whole animal being placed upon it. 
We may therefore conclude that the 
imprecations he says were called down 
upon the head were confined to cer- 
tain occasions and to one particular 
victim, as in the case of the scapegoat 
of the Jews (Levit. xvi. 8, 10, 21), 
and it was of that particular animal 
that no Egyptian would eat the head. 
It may not have been a favourite 
joint, since we find it given to a poor 


Ho. I. 


and catting off his head, proceed to flay the bod;.' Next they 
take the head, and heaping impreoations on it, if thete is a 

mmx tor holding the walldDg-EtJcki of 
the gceeU at a partj ; bnt he was an 
Egyptian, rot a foreigner, and this is 
in the paintings of a tomb at Thebea, 
of the early time of the 18th djnaatj 
(woodont No. IV.)-[G. W.] 

* Homer's description of the mode 
of slaughtering an ""'""^1 (H. i. 459. 
466) is very similar : " The7 drew 
back the bead and killed it. Bod after 
Blcinning it they out oft the legs 
(jiisfalt), which being wrapped np in 

Chap. 38,40. 



market-place and a body of Greek traders in the city, they 

carry it there and sell it instantly ; if, however, there are no 

Greeks among them, they throw tiie head into the river. The 

imprecation is to this effect : — ^They pray that if any evil is 

impending either over those who sacrifice, or over universal 

Egypt, it may be made to fall upon that head. These 

practices, the imprecations upon the heads, and the libations 

of wine, prevail all over Egypt, and extend to victims of all 

sorts ; and hence the Egyptians will never eat the head of any 


40. The disembowelling and burning are, however, different 
in different sacrifices. I will mention the mode in use with 
respect to the goddess whom they regard as the greatest,*^ and 

ibe fat (conl) folded double, they 
placed portions of raw meat thereon ; 
931 old man then bnmt it on iplit 
woody and poured black wine on it, 
while the yoimg men beside him held 
fire-pronged spits. When the legs, 

(thighs and ehonlders) were burnt, 
and they had tasted the "inward 
parts," they cnt the rest into small 
pieces, and put them on skewers 
(spits), roasting them cleverly, and 
took an off again.**— [G. W.] 

Vo. UI. 

' Herodotns here evidently allndes 
to Isis, as he shows in chs. 59, 61, 
where he speaks of her f^te at Bnsiris; 
hat he afterwards oonfonnds her with 
Athor (oh. 41). This is very ex- 
cosahle in the historian, since the 
attribatea of those two Goiddesses are 
often to closely connected that it is 
difficult to distinguish them in the 
ficnlptores, unless their names are 

directly specified. It was, howeyer 
more so in late than in early times 
and at Dendera Athor has very 
nearly the same appearance as Isis, 
though still a distinct Goddess, as is 
shown by each of them haying a 
temple at that place. Herodotus (in 
ch. 41) says that cows were sacred to 
Isis, whose statues had the head of 
that animal; but it was to Athor, the 


cows SACBED TO ISia 

Book IL 

honottr with the chiefest festival. When they have flayed 
their steer they pray, and when their prayer is ended they 
take the pannch of the animal out entire, leaving the intestines 
and the fat inside the body ; they then cut off the legs, the 
ends of the loins, the shoulders, and the neck; and having 
so done, they fill the body of the steer with clean bread, honey, 
raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other aromatics.^ 
Thus filled, they bum the body, pouring over it great quan- 
tities of oil. Before offering the sacrifice they fast, and while 
the bodies of the victims are being consumed they beat them- 
selves. Afterwards, when they have concluded this part of 
the ceremony, they have the other parts of the victim served 
up to them for a repast. 

41. The male kine, therefore, if clean, and the male calves, 
are used for sacrifice by the Egyptians universally ; but the 
females they are not allowed to sacrifice,^ since they are sacred 

Yenns of Egypt, tliat they were 
sacred ; and it is only when one adopts 
the attribntes of the other, that Isis 
has the head of the spotted cow of 
Athor, or that this Goddess takes the 
name of Isis. Plutarch says Isis was 
called Mnth, Athyri, and Methner (de 
Is. B. 56). That Herodotns was really 
describing Athor and not Isis is shown 
by the city where the cattle were sent 
being Atarbeohis. (See below note' 
on ch. 41). The Boman poets made a 
doable error in oonfonnding Isis with 
Athor, and even with Jono, whence 
<* niveft Satomia vacdl." Great hon- 
ours were also paid to the Cow of 
Athor at Momemphis, where Venus 
was particularly worshipped: and 
wherever she had a temple a sacred 
Cow was kept, as Strabo says was the 
case at Momemphis as well as other 
places in the Delta ; and at Chussa, a 
email village in the Hermopolite nome 
where Venus was worshipped under 
the title of Urania.— [G. W.l 

* The custom of filling the Dody with 
cakes and various th^gs, and then 
burning it all, calls to mind the Jewish 
burnt offering (Levit. viii. 25, 26).— 

' In order to prevent the breed of 
cattle from being diminished : but 
some mysterious reason being assigned 
for it, the people were led to respect 
an ordonnance which might not other* 
wise have been attended to. This 
was the general system, and the 
reason of many th^igs being held 
sacred may be attributed to a neces- 
sary precaution. It is indeed dis- 
tinctly stated by Porphyry (de Abstin. 
IL s. 11), who says, **the Egyptians 
and Phoenicians would rather eat 
human flesh than that of cows, on 
account of the value of the animal, 
though they both sacrifice and eat 
bulls;'' and the same was doubtless 
the origin of a similar superstition in 
India. In another place Porphyiy 
(iv. 7) says the same thing, and adds 
" that certain bulls were held in the 
same veneration, while others were 
preserved for labour." Some years 
ago no one was allowed to kill a calf 
in Egypt, and a permission from the 
government was required for the 
slaughter of a bull; but this soon 
degenerated into a mere tax, and cows 
and calves were permitted to be killed 
on the payment of a duty. In India 

Ciir. 40, 41. 



to Ifiifi. The statue ot this goddess has the form of a woman 
but with horns like a cow, resembling thus the Greek repre- 
sentations of lo ; ® and the Egyptians, one and all, venerate 
eowB much more highly than any other animal. This is the 
reascm why no native of Egypt, whether man or woman, will 
give a Greek a kiss,* or use the knife of a Greek, or his spit, or 

•nd Thibet the Teneration for the 
cow is as remarkable as in Egypt. 
Jerome also remarks, " In ^gypto et 
BiJsBtiiiA propter beam raritatem 
nemo ▼aocam coznedit " (ii. ady. Jovin. 
7). Porphyry C^e Abstin.) says the 
ftcst who 8acri£oed did not offer 
animals, bnt herbs and flowers ; and 
(de Sacrif . u.) floor, honey, and froits. 


* This name is eyidentlj connected 
wiih Ehe, "the Cow," of the Egyp- 
tians, which was giyen to one of 
their goddesses; bnt the remark of 

Enstathins that " lo, in the language 
of the Argiyes, is the moon," is ex- 
plained by its being the Egyptian 
name loh, " the moon," which, thongh 
quite distinct &om Eke, agpraes well 
with lo being looked npon by the 
Greeks as the moon, and with the sup- 
posed relationship of the Egyptians 
and the Argiyes, who were said to 
haye been a colony taken by Danana 
fxom the Nile. lo is reported to haye 
yisited Egypt in her wanderings, and 
to haye been changed into Isis, in the 
city of Goptos, where she was wor- 
shipped nnder thai name. (See Diod. 
i. 24; and comp. Oyid Met. i. 688, 
747} Propert. ii. Elog. 28. 17; and 
At. Eg. W. yol. iy. p. 882, 888, 890 ; 
yol. y. p. 196.) The story of her hay- 
ing g^yen birth to Epaphos (the Apia 
of Egypt) was probably a later ad- 
dition : bnt her wandering to the Nile, 
like the fable related by Herodotns 
(Book i. ch. 6). points to the connexion 
between Egypt and Argos. The name 
loh, or Aah, written Iho, or Aha, is an 
instance of the medial yowel at the 
end of a word in hieroglyphics. (See 
below, n. ', and App. ch. yL § 16.) 
— [G. W.] 

*The Egyptians considered all fo- 
reigners nnclean, with whom they 
wonld not* eat, and particularly the 
Greeks. '' The Egyptians might not 
eat bread with the Hebrews, for that 
is an abomination unto the Egyptians " 
(Gen. xliii. 32) ; and the same pre- 
judice is continued by the Hindoos, 
and by many of the Moslems, to the 
present day. But the last haye gpra- 
dations, like the ancient Egyptians, 
who looked with greater horror on 
those who did not cut the throat from 
ear to ear of all animals used for food. 
-[G. WJ 



Book IL 

his canldron, or taste the flesh of an ox, known to be pure, if it 
has been cut with a Greek knife. When kine die, the following 
is the manner of their sepulture : — The females are thrown into 
the river ; the males are buried in the suburbs of the towns, 
with one or both of their horns appearing above the surface 
of the ground to mark the place. When the bodies are 
decayed, a boat comes, at an appointed time, from the island 
called Prosdpitis,^ — ^which is a portion of the Delta, nine 
schoenes in circumference, — and calls at the several cities in 
turn to collect the bones of the oxen. Prosdpitis is a district 
containing several cities ; the name of that from which the 
boats come is Atarbechis.^ Venus has a temple there of much 

^ Some suppose the town of Prosd- 
pitis to have been also called Nicimn. 
The island was between the Canopio 
and Sebennytic branches, at the fork, 
and on the west side of the apex of 
the Delta. It was there that the 
Athenians, who came to assist the 
Egyptians against the Persians, were 
besieged, B.C. 460-458. (Thnoyd. i. 
109.) It is not to be supposed that 
all the bolls that died in Egypt were 
carried to Atarbechis to be bnried; 
and mnoh less that all the bodies of 
heifers were thrown into the river. 
Like other animalH they were em. 
balmed and buried in the place where 
they died, and their mnmmiesare con- 
seqnently found at Thebes and in other 
parts of the country. The Egyptians 
were particular in preventing any- 
thing remaining above gpround, which 
by putrefaction could taint the air; and 
this was the reason of th^ obliging 
every town to embalm whatever died 
there. It is probable that villages 
near Atarbechis sent the carcases of 
bulls to that city, which led Herodotus 
to suppose that all places did so ; as 
other animals were sent from different 
villages in the neighhowrhood to the 
chief city, where they were sacred. 
To pollute the Nile with dead carcases 
would have been in the highest degree 
inconsistent in a people so particular 
on this point ; and thie notion of Hero- 

dotus can only be explained by their 
sometimes feeding the crocodiles with 
them. The prejudice in favour of the 
river still remains in Egypt, and even 
the Moslems swear "by that pure 
stream."— [G.W.] 

' Athor being tiie Venus of Egypt, 
Atarbechis was translated Aphrodito- 
polis. It was composed of (Uar or 
iUhor, and hechd or hek, " city," which 
occurs again in Baalbek, the city of 
Baal, or the Sun (Heliopolis) ; Babek, 
the Assyrian name of the Egyptian 
HehopoUs, from the Egyptian Ee or Ba, 
"the sun." This Aphroditopolis is sup- 
posed to have been at the modem S}uh~ 
been, in the Isle of Prosdpitis, between 
the Canopio and Sebennytic branches 
of the Nile, on an ofEset of the latter, 
called Thermuthiac, which formed the 
western, as the Sebennytic did the 
eastern, boundary of the Isle of 
Natho. There were other towns called 
Aphroditopolis in Upper Egypt. Athor 
signifies, as Plutarch says, " Horns' 
habitation," Thy-hor, or Tfiihor, THI- 
SOP, the origin of the name Thueris, 
who, however, was made into another 
person (Plut. de Is. s. 66, and 19). 
As the morning-star she issued from 
.the mountain of Thebes under the 
form of a spotted cow, and as the 
evening-star she retired behind it at 
night. She also represented Night, 
and in this capacity received the son 



sanctity. Great nmnbers of men go forth from this city and 
proceed to the other townS; where they dig up the bones, 
which they take away with them and bury together in one 
place. The same practice prevails with respect to the inter- 
ment of all other cattle — ^the law so determining ; they do not 
slaughter any of them. 

42. Such Egyptians as possess a temple of the Theban 
Jove, or Uve in the Thebaic canton,^ offer no sheep in sacri- 
fice,* but only goats ; for the Egyptians do not all worship the 

at his settmg into her arms as he 
retired behind the western mountain 
of Thebes. It was from this that the' 
weetem part of the city was called 
Bathyris, " belonging to Athor/' who 
presided OTer the west. (On Athor 
see At. Eg. W. Tol. iy. 386 to 894.) 
Her great importance is shown by the 
many cities dedicated to her in Upper 
and Lower Egypt, as well as temples 
in other places, from the earliest times 
to the Ptolemies and Caesars; and 
Yenus was the great goddess of 
Fhoanicia and other oomitries. — [G. W.] 

' On the cantons or nomes of Egypt 
see note ^ on ch. 164. It has errone- 
ously been supposed that each nome 
"was kept distinct from the others 
by the difterenoe of religion and 
rites." It is tme there was a chief 
god of the nome; but cities of 
different nomes were often dedicated 
to the same deity; and even a city 
might have a chief g^ who was not 
the one of the nome, as Eileithyia was 
in her city within the nome of Apol- 
linopotis. The nnmerons divinities 
worshipped thronghont Egypt were 
also admitted as contemplar gods in 
any part of the conntry. See note ' 
on this chapter. — [G. W.] 

4 Sheep are never represented on 
the altar, or slaughtered for the 
table, at Thebes, thongh they were 
kept there for their wool ; and Flu- 
tuch says "none of the Egyptians 
eat sheep, except the Lyoopolites" 
(de Isid. 8. 72). Goats were killed, 
bat the Theban gentry seem to have 
preferred the ibex or wild goat, the 

oryx, the gazelle, and other game. 
These, however, were confined to the 
wealthier classes ; others lived princi- 
cipally on beef, Nile geese, and other 
wild fowl; and some were satisfied 
with fish, either fresh or salted, with 
an occasional g^oose or a joint of meat; 
and the nnmerons vegetables Egypt 
produced appeared in profusion on 
every table. Lentil porridge was, as 
at present, a great article of food for 
the poor, as well as the raphaoMu (figT) 
(Herod, ii. 125), "cucumbers (or 
gourds), melons, and leeks, onions, and 
garhck " (Num. xL 5), of which the 
gourd {kuSf Arabic kHz), melon (obbtikht 
Arabic haUkh), onion (huslt Arabic 
husl), and garhck (tdm, Arabic tdm) 
retain their names in Egypt to the 
present day. They had also fruits 
and roots of various kinds; and 
Diodorus (L 80) says that children had 
merely " a little meal of the coarsest 
kind, the pith of the papyrus, baked 
under the ashes, and the roots and 
stalks of marsh-weeds." Beef and 
goose, ibex, gazelle, oryx, and wild 
fowl were also presented to the gods ; 
and onions, though forbidden to the 
priests, always held a prominent place 
on their altar, with thefigl (raphanns, 




same gods,' excepting Isis and Osiris, the latter of whom they 
say is the Grecian Bacchus.* Those, on the contrary, who 
possess a temple dedicated to Mendes,^ or belong to the 

figs. 7, 8), and gonrds (figs. 6, 6), 
grapes, figs (especially of the syca- 
more, figs. 8, 4), com, and yarioas 
flowers. (See oh. 39, woodcut No. II.) 
Wine, milk, beer, and a profusion of 
oakes and bread, also formed part of 
the offerings, and incense was presented 
at every great sacrifice. — [G. W.] 

^ Though each city had its pre- 
siding deity, many others of neigh- 
bouring and of distant towns were iSso 
admitted to its temples as oontemplar 
gods, and none were positively ex- 
cluded except some local divinities, 
and certain animals, whose sanctity 
was confined to particular places. In 
one city Amnn was the chief deity, as 
at Thebes; in another Pthah, as at 
Memphis ; in another Be (the sun), as 
at Heliopolis ; and some cities which 
were consecrated to the same deity 
were distinguished by the affix " the 
great " <' the lesser," as Aphroditopolis, 
and Diospolis, Magna, and Farva. 
Many again bore a name not taken 
from the chief god of the place ; but 
every dty and every sanctuary had 
its presiding deity, with oontemplar 
gods, who were members of the gene- 
ral Pantheon — those of a neighbouring 
town generally holding a conspicuous 
post in the temple, after the chief 
deity of the place. Each town had 
also a triad composed of the g^reat 
god of the place and two other 
members. Many local deities scarcely 
went beyond their own city or nome ; 
and some animals, sacred in one pro- 
vince, were held in abhorrence in 
another. Thus, the inhabitants of 
Ombos, Athribis, and the Northern 
Crocodilopolis (afterwards called Ar- 
sinott), near the Lake Mcaris, honoured 
the crocodile ; those of Tentyris, Hera- 
cleopolis, and Apollinopolis Magna 
were its avowed enemies ; and as the 
Ombites fought with the Tentyrites 
in the cause of their sacred animal, 
80 a war waa waged between the 

Oxyrhinohites and Oynopolites in oon- 
sequenoe of the former having eaten a 
dog, to avenge an affront c^ered by 
the Oynopolites, who had brought to 
table the sacred fish of Oxyrhinchns, 
(Plut. de Isid. v. 44.) The reason of 
these local honours was not originally 
connected with religion ; and the sanc- 
tity of the crocodile, and of certain 
fish, at Orocodilopolis, Oxyrhinchus, 
and other places distant from the 
Nile, was instituted in order to induce 
the inhabitants to keep up the canals. 
All, it is true, worshipped Osiris, as 
well as his sister Isis,. for as he was 
judge of the dead, all were equally 
amenable to his tribunal ; ,but it can- 
not be said that he and Isis were the 
only deities worshipped throughout 
^S7P^> since Amun, Pthah, and the 
other great gods, and many also of the 
second, as well as of the third order, 
were universally venerated. — [G. W.] 

• See below, note • on ch. 48, ** Osi- 
ris,*' says Diodorus, " has been oon- 
sidered the same as Sarapis, Bacchus, 
Pluto, or Ammon ; others have thought 
him Jupiter; many Pan;" and he 
endeavours to identify him with the 
sun, and Isis with Uie moon. But 
these notions were owing to similari- 
ties being traced in the attributes of 
certain gods of the Greek and Egyp- 
tian Pantheons, and one often pes* 
sessed some that belonged to severaL 
Thus the principal chanaoter of Osiris 
was that of Pluto, because he was 
Judge of the dead, and ruler of Amenti 
or Hades ; and he was supposed to be 
Bacchus, when he lived on earth, and 
taught man to till the land. — [G. W.] 

7 The mounds of AaihvMAkny on thie 
canal leading to MSnxaleh, mark the 
site of Mendes. The Greeks con- 
sidered Pan to be both Mendes and 
Khem; they called Chemmis in Upper 
Egypt Panopolis, and gave the capital 
of the Mendesian nome to Pan, who 
was said by Herodotus (ch. 46) to have 

Chap. 42. 



Mendesian canton, abstain from ofiEering goats, and sacrifica 
sheep instead. The Thebans, and such as imitate them in 
their practice, give the following account of the origin of the 
custom : — " Hercules, ** they say, " wished of all things to see 
Jove, but Jove did not choose to be seen of him.^ At length, 
when Hercules persisted, Jove hit on a device — to flay a ram, 
and, cutting off his head, hold the head before him, and cover 
himself with the fleece. In this guise he showed himself to 
Hercules.'* Therefore the Egyptians give their statues of 
Jupiter the face of a ram : ® and from them the practice has 

been figured with the head and legs of 
a goat. Unfoxtimately no monument 
remains at ^s/imoun to g^ve the name 
and form of the god of Mendes ; but 
it is certain that he was not Kbem, 
the "Fan of Thebes" (IUk e^/Stfj^), 
who had the attributes of Priapns, 
and was one of the great gods. Man- 
doo again (or Mnnt), whose name 
apx>ear8 to be related to Mendes, had 
the head of a hawk: and no god of 
the Egyptian Pantheon is represented 
with the head and legs of a goat. 
The notion is Greek; and Jablonski 
is quite right in saying that Mendes 
did not signify a " goat." There is a 
tablet in the British Museun (No. 
856) with a goat represented much in 
the same manner as an Apis ; but the 
legend oyer it contains no reference 
to Mendes. Khem, like the Greek 
Pan, was " uniyersal nature ; " and as 
he presided oyer eyerything generated, 
ha was the god of yegetable as weU 
ae animal life ; and though the god of 
gardens had with the Greeks another 
name, he was really the same deity 
under his phallic form. — [Q. W.] 

* This fable accords with the sup- 
posed meaning of the name of Amun, 
which Manetho says was " conceal- 
ment;" but the reason of the god 
haying the head of an animal would 
apply to so many others, that it ceases 
to do so to any one in particular. 
HecatsBiu derived Amun from a word 
signifying " come," in allusion to his 
bring inyoked (Plut. de Isid. 5. 9) ; 
and lamblichiis says it implies that 

which brings to light, or is manifested. 
Amtmi means " envelope " and q.vmivm 
is"come."— [G.W.] 

' See above, notes ^ *, on ch. 29. 
The God Noum (Nou, Nonb, or Nef), 
with a ram's head, answered to Jupi- 
ter, and he was the first member of 
the Triad of the Cataracts, composed 
of Noum, Sate, and Anouk^ (Jupiter, 
Juno, and Vesta). Amun again was 
also considered the same as Jupiter, 
because he was the King of the Gods ; 
and it was from his worship that 
Thebes received the name of Dios- 
polis, "the city of Jove," answering 
to No-Amun or Amibina of the Bible 
(Jer. zlvi. 26 ; Szek. zxz. 14, IS, IS), 

the Amun-6i (" abode 
of Amun "), 


ArtA^ I 

/WW I 

or Amun-ei Na (" the 
great abode of Amun " 
or"Amun-di" onlyP) of 
the sculptures. Amun and Noum, 
having both some of the attributes of 
Jupiter, natoxally became confounded 
by the Greeks ; and the custom of one 
god occasionally receiving the attri- 
butes of another doubtless led them 
into error. The greatest interchange, 
however, was between Amun and 
Khem ; but as this was only at The- 
bes, and little known to the Greeks, 
the same misapprehension did not 
take place, and Khem by the Greeks 
was only considered to be Pan. Yet 
Pan again was supposed by them to 



Book n. 

passed to the Ammonians, who are a joint colony of Egyptians 
and Ethiopians, speaking a language between the two ; hence 
also, in my opinion, the latter people took their name of 
Ammonians, since the Egyptian name for Jupiter is Amun. 
Such, then, is the reason why the Thebans do not sacrifice 
rams, but consider them sacred animals. Upon one day in 
the year, however, at the festival of Jupiter, they slay a single 
ram, and stripping off the fleece, cover with it the statue of 
that god, as he once covered himself, and then bring up to the 
statue of Jove an image of Hercules. When this has been 
done, the whole assembly beat their breasts in mourning for 
the ram, and afterwards bury him in a holy sepulchre. 

48. The account which I received of this Hercules makes 
him one of the twelve gods.^ Of the other Hercules, with 

be Mendes; and the two names of 
Amnn and Amnnre, given to the same 
god, wonld probably have perplexed 
the Greeks, if they had happened to 
peroeiye that additional title of Amun. 
It is, however, only right to say that 
the Ethiopians frequently gave the 
name of Amnn to the ram-headed 
Nonm, and, being their greatest god, 
was to them what Jupiter was to the 
Greeks. See my note on Book iv. oh. 
181.— [G. W.] 

^ Here again the same confusion 
occurs, from the claims of two gods 
to the character of Hercules — Khons, 
the third member of the Theban 
Triad, and Moui, who is called " Son 
of the Sun." The latter was the god 
of Sebennytus, where he was known 
under the name of Gem, Sem, or Gem- 
nouti, whence the Coptic appellation 
of that city Gemnouti. There was 
another Heracleopolis, the capital of 
a nome of the same name, which is 
now marked by the mounds of An&- 
sieh, the Hn^s of the Copts, a little 
to the south of the entrance to the 
Fydom. Houi appears to be the 
splendour or force of the sun, and 
hence the god of power, a divine 
attribute — ^the Greek Hercules being 
strength, a gift to man. The Egyp- 
tian Hercoles was the abstract idea of 

divine power, and it is not therefore 
surprising that Herodotus could learn 
nothing of the Greek Hercules, who 
was a hero unknown in Egypt. The 
connexion between strength and heat 
may be traced even in the Greek ap- 
pellation of Hercules. Alcides, his 
patronymic (taken from his grand- 
father Alcseus) and the name of hia 
mother Alcmaena, were derived from 
&\ic^, " strength ; " and Hercules may 
even be related to the Semitic har, 
harh, "heat," or "burning" (analo. 
gous to the Teutonic har, "fire"), 
and perhaps to aoTf "light," in He- 
brew, or to the Hor (Horus) of Egypt. 
The Etruscans called him Herkle, or 
Ercle. In the Hebrew, "Samson" 
recalls the name of Sem, the Egyptian 
Hercules. Hercules being the sun, 
the twelve labours of the later hero 
may have been derived from the 
twelve signs of the zodiao. Hercules, 
as Herodotus, Macrobius, and others 
state, was particularly worshipped at 
Tyre; "but," adds Macrobius, "the 
Egyptians venerate him with the most 
sacred and august rites, and look upon 
the period when his worship was first 
adopted by them as beyond the reach 
of all memorials. He is believed to 
have killed the Giants, when in ihe 
character of the yalour of the gods he 



whom the Greeks are familiar, I could hear nothing in any 
part of Egypt. That the Greeks, however (those I mean who 
gave the son of Amphitryon that name), took the name^ from 
the Egyptians, and not the Egyptians from the Greeks,^ is I 
think clearly proved, among other arguments, by the fact 
that both the parents of Hercules, Amphitryon as well as 
AlcmSna, were of Egyptian origin.^ Again, the Egyptians 
disclaim all knowledge of the names of Neptune and the 
Dioscuri,*^ and do not include them in the number of their 

fought in defence of Heaven ; " which 
accords with the title of a work called 
" Bemnathis/' written by Apollonides 
or Horapina (in Theophil. Antioch. ad 
Antolyo. 2. 6), describing the wars of 
the Gods against the Giants, and re- 
calls the Egyptian title of the god of 
Sebennytns. Cicero mentions one 
Hercules who was " Nilogenitns ; " 
but Hercules was derived by the 
Greeks from the Fhcenicians rather 
than from Egypt. See note'' on ch. 
44, and note" ch. I7l.— [G. W.] 

* Herodotns, who derived his know- 
ledge of the Egyptian religion from 
the professional interpreters, seems to 
have regarded the word '* Hercnles " 
as Egyptian. It is scarcely necessary 
to say that no Egyptian god has a 
name from which that of Hercules 
can by any possibility have been 
formed. The word (HpeucXris) seems 
to be pure Greek, and has been 
reasonably enough derived from'Hpo, 
" the goddess Juno," and k\4os "glory " 
(see Scott and Liddell's Lexicon, p. 

' See the last note but one. The 
tendency of the Greeks to claim an 
indigenous origin for the deities they 
borrowed from strangers, and to sub- 
stitute physical for abstract beings, 
readOy led them to invent the story 
of Hercules, and every dignus vindice 
nodtts was cut by the interposition of 
his marvellous strength. Even the 
Arabs call forth some hero to account 
for natural phenomena, or whatever 
wonderful action they think right to 
attribute to man ; and the opening of 

the Straits of Gibraltar is declared by 
Edrisi to have been the work of Alex- 
ander the Great; any stupendous 
building is ascribed to Antiu:; and 
Solomon (like Melampus in Greek 
fable) is supposed to have explained 
the language of animals and birds — a 
science said by Fhilostratus to have 
been learnt from the Arabs by Apol- 
lonius Tyanffius (i. 14). In order to 
account for the discrepancies in the 
time when Hercules was supposed to 
have lived, the Greeks made out three, 
the oldest being the Egyptian and the 
son of Jove, another of Crete, and the 
youngest was the hero, also a son of 
Jove. Some Latin writera (as Yarro) 
increased the number to forty-three. 
The Cretan Hercules was also related 
to the god of Egypt ; and the latter, 
as Moui, was intimately connected 
with the funeral rites, and was gene- 
rally painted black in the tombs of 
Thebes.— [G. W.] 

* The parentage of the former was 
AlcjBus, Perseus, Jupiter, and Dana€, 
Acrisius, Abas, Lynceus (who married 
a daughter of Danaus), ^gyptus, the 
twin-brother of Danaus, the son of 
Belus. Alcmena was daughter of 
Electryon, the son of Perseus. This 
accords with what Herodotus men- 
tions (ch. 91) of Perseus, Danaus, and 
Lynceus having been natives of Chem. 
mis, and connects them all with the 
sun.— [G.W.] 

' Herodotus is quite right in saying 
that these g^s were not in the Egyp- 
tian Pantheon. See note ' on oh. 60, 
and note* ch. 91.— [G. W.] 



Boos n. 

gods ; but had they adopted the name of any god from the 
Greeks, these would have been the likeliest to obtain notice, 
since the Egyptians, as I am well convinced, practised naviga- 
tion at that time, and the Greeks also were some of them 
mariners, so that they would have been more likely to know 
the names of these gods than that of Hercules. But the 
Egyptian Hercules is one of their ancient gods. Seventeen 
thousand years before the reign of Amasis, the twelve gods 
were, they affirm, produced from the eight : ^ and of these 
twelve, Hercules is one. 
44. In the wish to get the best information that I could on 

' This is the snppoeed period from 
Hercules to Amasis ; and 15,000 were 
reckoned from Bacchus to Amasis 
(ch. 145). According to Manetho, the 
Egyptians believed that the gods 
reigfned on earth before men. The 
first were Ynlcan, the Sun, Agatho- 
dssmon, Chronos (Saturn), Osiris, 
Typhon (or Seth), Horns (which fonr 
last are found also in this order in the 
Turin Papyrus). The royal authority 
then continued through a long suc- 
cession to Bytis (or Bites), occupying 

Ymn. Yean. 

13.900 yean ; . 13,900 

Then after the Gods reigned 

Heroes 1965 

Other kings 1817 

soother (?) Memphite klng8l790 

lOTbinitM 350 

Hanes and demigods . . 5813 

8am . . . 11,000 or really 11,025 

Total 34,996 

which agrees very nearly with the 
sum given by Eusebius, from Kane- 
tho, of 24,900, from the beginning of 
the reign of Vulcan to Menes. 

Syncellus, again, on the authority 
of Hanetho, g^ves the reigns of the 

gods thus : — 

Bakncd jcsn. Bcdnoedfrom 

1. Vulcan . . . l27j 9000 

% Helios .... 80^ 999 

3. Agathodiemon. . 66y^ 700 

4. Cbronos .... 40^ 601 

fi. Osiris and IsU . . 36 433 

6. Typhon .... 39 369 

7. Horns the demigod 35 309 

994 reduced £rom I2,29i 

8. Mars the demigod 3S 

9. Anabis id 17 

10. Hercules id is 

11. Apollo id. 36 

13. Ammon id 30 

13. Titho*s Id. 37 

14. Z6sos id. 33 

16. Jupiter Id. 20 

Tears reduced to . . . .189 
fix>m about 3338. 

In this list the relative positions of 
Osiris (Bacchus) and Hercules do not 
agree with the statement of Hero, 
dotus ; and in deducting the smns of 
12,294 + 680 (to the end of Hercules' 
reign) =12,974 from the total rule of 
the gods, or 24,925, we have 11,951 
years ; and this added to the 2799 of 
Manetho's lists, from Menes to the 
end of Amasis, g^ves 14,750 years 
from Hercules, or 15,418 years from 
Osiris to the end of Amasis. But it 
sufficiently appears from the names 
in the above list that it is not even 
certain the Egyptians calculated in 
this manner; and the Turin Bapyms 
gives, after Horns, Thoth (who seems 
to have reigned 7226 years), and 
Thmei, and apparently Horns (the 
younger) ; after whom seems to come 
the first King Menes; or a summation 
of demi-gods, followed by the name of 
Menes. It is however possible that 
Herodotus was told of some list simi- 
lar to the one above. See Tn. P. K« W« 
p. 7 to 11.— [G. W.] 

Chip. 48, 44. 



these matters, I made a voyage to Tyre in PhoBnicia, hearing 
there was a temple of Hercules at that place,^ very highly 
venerated. I visited the temple, and found it richly adorned 
with a number of oflferings, among which were two pillars, one 
of pure gold, the other of* emerald,^ shining with great 

^ The temple of Hercules at Tjre 
was Tery ancient, and, according to 
Herodotus, as old as the city itself, or 
2300 jeara before his time, i.e. abont 
2756 B.C. Hercules presided over it 
voder the title of Melkarth, or Melek- 
Kartfaa, "king" (lord) of the city. 
(See note ' on ch. 32.) Biodoms also 
(L 24) speaks of the antiquity of Her- 
cnlea ; and his antiquity is fnlly estab- 
lifted, in spite of the donbts of Pin- 
iarch. (De Herod. Hal.). The FhcB- 
nicians settled at the Isle of Thasos, 
cm account of its gold mines, which 
they first discorered there (Herod, vi. 
46, 47 ; ApoUodor. iii. 1), as they were 
the first to visit Britain for its tin. 
Paosaniaa says the Thasians being of 
PhoBcician origin, coming with Agenor 
and other Phcenicians from Tyre, 
dedicated a temple to Hercnles at 
Olympia. They worshipped the same 
Hercnles as the Tyrians (Fausan. t. 
xxT. § 7), and Apollodoms (iii. 1) 
states that Thasos, son of Poseidon 
(Neptune), or, according to Phere- 
cydes, of Cilix, going in quest of 
Buropa, founded the Thracian Thasns. 
Phoenix went to PhoBnicia, Ciliz to 
Cilicia, Cadmus and Telephus to 
Thrace. The Helcarthus mentioned 
by Plutarch (de Is. s. 15) as a king of 
Byblos, and his queen Astart^, were 
the Hercules and Astarte (Venus) of 
Sjrria; the latter called also Saosis 
and Kemanonn, answering to the 
Greek name Athenais. The Temple 
of Hercules is supposed to have stood 
on the hill close to the aqueduct, 
aboot 1^ mile eaet of the modem 
town, which last occupies part of in. 
solar Tyre taken by Alexander. The 
temple marks the site of the early 
city. As the Temple of Hercules at 
l>re waa the oldest of that deity in 
SpiA, ao that of Veans Uiania, or 

TOL. n* 

Astarte, at Askalon, was the oldest of 
that goddess. 

In 2 Maccabees iv. 18, 20, mention 
is made of a great game every fifth 
year, kept at Tyre, with sacrifices to 
Hercules. The absurdity of connect- 
ing the name Melicertes with "honey," 
as in the Gnostic Papyrus, is obvious. 
(See note * on ch. 83.) The sea deity, 
Helicertes of Corinth, afterwards 
called P&lsemon, was only an adapta- 
tion of a foreign god. The Tyrian 
Hercules was originally the sun, and 
the same as Baal, ** the lord," which, 
like Melkarth, was only a title. Her- 
cules and Venus (Astart^) Were really 
nature deified, one representing the 
generating, or vivifying, and the other 
thu producing principle ; hence the 
mother goddess. The sun was chosen 
as the emblem of the first, and the 
earth of the second, or sometimes the 
moon, being looked upon as the com- 
panion of the sun. This nature system 
will explain the reason of so many 
gods having been connected with the 
sun in Egypt and elsewhere; as 
Adonis (Adonai, " our Lord ") was the 
Sim in the winter solstice. — [G. W.] 

^ This pillar is mentioned by Theo- 
phrastus (Lap. 23), and Pliny (H. N. 
XXX vii. 5). The former expresses an 
opinion that it was false. 

[It was probably of glass, which is 
known to have been made in Egypt at 
least 8800 years ago, having been 
found bearing the name of a Pharaoh 
of the 18th dynasty. The monuments 
also of the 4th dynasty show the same 
glass bottles (see woodcut, fig. 7, p. 129) 
were used then as in later times, and 
glass-blowing is represented in the 
paintings from the 12th to the 26th 
dynasty, and also in those of the 4th 
at the tombs near the Pyramids. 
Various hues were given to glass by 



Book IL 

brilliancy at night. In a conversation which I held with the 
priests, I enquired how long their temple had been built, and 
found by their answer that they, too, differed from, the Greeks. 

the Egyptians, and this inyention be- 
came in after times a great fayoorite 
at Rome, where it was mnoh songht 
for ornamental pnrposes, for bottles 
and other common ntensils, and even 
for windows, one of which was dis- 
covered at Pompeii. (Comp. Seneca, 
Ep. 90; de Benef. vii. 9; and de YiA, 
iii. 40.) The manofaotnre appears to 
have been introdaced under the Em- 
pire. They also cnt, gpronnd, and en- 
graved glass, and had even the art of 
introdacing gold between two surfaces 
of the substance; specimens of all 
which I bave, as well as of false 
pearls from Thebes, scarcely to be dis- 
tinguished from real ones, if buried 
the same number of years. Pliny 
even speaks of glass being malleable. 
The glass of Egypt was long famous 
(Athen. zi. p. 784 o), and continued so 
to the time of the Empire. Strabo 
(xvi. p. 1077) mentions its many 
colours, and one very perfect kind 
which could only be noade with a par- 

ticular vitreous earth found in that 
country ; and the ruins of glass fur- 
naces are still seen at the Natron 
Lakes. Of all stones, says Pliny, the 
emerald was the most easily imitated 
(xxvii. 12) i and the colossus of Sarapis 
in the Eg^yptian Labyrinth, 9 cubits 
(between 13 and 14 feet) high, and 
others mentioned by Pliny (xixvii. 6) 
were doubtless of glass ; like the XiOu^ 
X^rk of Herodotus (infra, .ch. 69. See 
At. Eg. W. vol iii. p. 88 to 107). 
There seems every probability that 
glass was first invented in Egypt ; and 
fires lighted frequently on the sand ia 
a country producing natron, or sub* 
carbonate of soda, would be more 
likely to disclose the secret than the 
solitary accident of sailors using 
blocks of natron for supporting their 
saucepans on the sea-^ore of Syria, 
as stated by Pliny (xxxvi. 65). Pliny's 
nitrum is "natron/* and the natron 
district was called Nitriotis. — £G. W.j 


Part 2. 

Chap. 4i, 



They said that the temple was built at the same time that the 
city was founded, and that the foundation of the city took place 
two thousand three hundred years ago. In Tyre I remarked 
another temple where the same god was worshipped as the 
Thasian Hercules. So I went on to Thasos,^ where I found a 
temple of Hercules which had been built by the Phoenicians 
who colonised that island when they sailed in search of 
Europa.^ Even this was five generations earlier than the 
time when Hercules, son of Amphitryon, was bom in Greece. 
These researches show plainly that there is an ancient god 
Hercules ; and my own opinion is, that those Greeks act most 

* Thaaofl, whioli still retains its 
name, is a small island off the Thracian 
coast, opposite to the month of the 
Kestns (Karasu). It seems to have 
been a rerj early Fhoonician settlement 
(infra, Ti. 46, 47). 

* Tins signifies exploring the ** west- 
em lands," Enropa being Ereb (the 
Arabic gharh), "the west." It is the 
same word as Erebas, or ** darkness ;'* 
and Enropa is said to be x^P^ '''^^ 
ii^€msj 1^ tncorurfi — Ebpcnr6pt ffKVTttv6v, 
(Hesjch. comp. Enr. Iph. in Tanr. v. 
626.) The same word occurs in He- 
brew, where yrg signifies " mixed," or 

•* grey <x)lonr," and is applied to the 

erening, and snn-setting, to the raren 

and to the Arabs; — ^Hhe mingled 

people {Arabs) that dwell in the 

desert." (Jerem. xxv. 20, 24.) The 

storj of Enropa was really Phoenician 

colonisation, represented as a princess, 

carried to Crete, their first and nearest 

cokmy, by Jnpiter, nnder the form of 

a boU, where she became the mother 

of Hinos. Hence Enropa is called by 

Homer (H. xiF. 321) a danghter of 

Phcenix, whom some consider her 

hrother ; and his voyage to Africa in 

WiTch of Enropa (^* the west") points 

to PhcBnician colonisation there also. 

Tbere can donbt that the name 

of the " Arabs " was also given from 

tlieir L'Ting at the tcestei'wntosi part of 

AmA ; and their own word Qluvrh, the 

" West," is another form of the origi- 

ul Semitic niBamo Arab« The Arabs 

write the two ujyi Qharh, cj>%£ Arah ; 

and their ghordb, ** crow," answers to 
the Hebrew any, " raven ; " which last 

is called by them gliordh Nooh, * 'Noah's 
crow." The name Arab, ** western," 
may either have been given them by a 
Semitic people who lived more to the 
East, or even by themselves. The 
Arabs called the North ** Shemdl*' or 
" the left," i.e. looking towards sun- 
rise ; and Yemen means " the right." 
The Portngnese title, " Prince of the 
Algarves," is from al Qharb, " the 
West." The Egyptians called Hades 
"Amenti;" and the name for the 
" West," JBmentf shows the same rela- 
tionship as between Erebas and the 
West. Again, " Hesperia," the Greek 
name for Italy, was the "West," like 
the fabled gardens 'of the Hesperides ; 
and the Phoenicians, Greeks, and 
others, talked of ** the West " as we do 
of " the EnsL** The name of Cadmns, 
the Phoenician who gave letters to 
Greece, is of similar import ; and he is 
a mythical, not a real, personage. His 
name Kadm signifies the " East," as 
in Job i. 8, where Beni Kudm are 
" sons of the East,^' and Cadmns was 
therefore reputed to be a brother of 
Enropa. Kadm, or Kndeem, also 
signifies "old" in Hebrew, as in 
Arabic ; and the name in this sense too 
might apply to Cadmns. In Semitic 
languages the East^ oldy hejofe^ to pre- 
sent, to go forward, a foot, &c.j are all 
related.— [G. W.] 



wisely who tuild and maintain two temples of Hercnles,* in 
the one of which the Hercules worshipped is known by the 
name of Olympian, and has sacrifice offered to him as an im- 
mortal, while in the other the honours paid are such as are 
due to a hero. 

45. The Greeks tell many tales without due investigation, 
and among them the following silly fable respecting Hercules : 
— "Hercules," they say, "went once to Egypt, and there the 
inhabitants took him, and putting a chaplet on his head, led 
him out in solemn procession, intending to offer him a sacrifice 
to Jupiter. For a while he submitted quietly ; but when they 
led him up to the altar and began the ceremonies, he put forth 
his strength and slew them all." Now to me it seems that 
such a story proves the Greeks to be utterly ignorant of the 
character and customs of the people. The Egyptians do not 
think it allowable even to sacrifice cattle, excepting sheep and 
the male kine and calves, provided they be pure, and also 
geese. How, then, can it be believed that they would sacrifice 
men?* And again, how would it have been possible for 

' Later writers made three (Died. 
Sic. iv. 39), six (Cio. de Nat. Deor. iii. 
16), and even a (greater number of 
Hercnleses. In Greece, however, 
temples seem to have been erected 
only to two. (See Pansan. v. ziv. § 7 ; 
IX. xxvii. § 5, &o.) 

* Herodotus hero denies, with rea- 
son, the possibility of a people with 
laws, and a character like those of the 
Egyptians, having human sacrifices. 
This very aptly refutes the idle tales 
of some ancient authors, which, to our 
surprise, have even been repeated in 
modem times. The absurdity of 
Amosis having been the first to abo- 
lish them is glaring, since the Egyp- 
tians had ages before been sufficiently 
civilized to lay aside their arms, and 
to have institutions incompatible with 
the toleration of a human sacrifice. 
The figures of captives on the fa9ades 
of the temples slain by the king, often 
hastily sapposed to be haman sacri- 
fices, are merely emblematio represen- 

tations of his conquests, which there- 
fore occur alao on the monuments of 
the Ptolemies. It is possible that in 
their earliest days they may have had 
human saonfioes, like the Greeks and 
others ; and the symbolic group mean- 
ing a " Victim " (supra, n. * on ch. 38) 
may have been derived from that cus- 
tom. Some notion may be had of the 
antiquity of Egyptian civilisation, if 
we recollect the period when the 
Greeks first went about the city un- 
armed, and how far they had advanced 
before that took place. The Athenians 
were the first Greeks who did this ; 
and some wore arms even in the time 
of Thucydidei. (Thucyd. i. 6.) It ia 
not long since modem Europe discon- 
tinued the custom, and the Dalmatian 
peasants are still armed. If Herodo- 
tus had submitted every story of 
Greek ciceroni to his own judgment, 
and had rejected those that were in- 
admissible, he would have avoided 
giving many false impreiiBiona respeoU 




Hercules alone, and, as they confess, a mere mortal, to destroy 
80 many thousands ? In saying thus much concerning these 
matters, may I incur no displeasure either of god or hero ! 

46. I mentioned ahove that some of the Egyptians abstain 
from sacrificing goats, either male or female. The reason is 
the following : — These Egyptians, who are the Mendesians, 
consider Pan to be one of the eight gods who existed before the 
twelve, and Pan is represented in Egypt by the painters and 
the sculptors, just as he is in Greece, with the face and legs of 
a goat.* They do not, however, believe this to be his shape, 
or consider him in any respect imlike the other gods ; but they 
represent him thus for a reason which I prefer not to relate. 
The Mendesians hold all goats in veneration, but the male 
more than the female, giving the goatherds of the males 
especial honour. One is venerated more highly than all the 
rest, and when he dies there is a great mourning throughout 
aU the Mendesian canton. In Egyptian, the goat and Pan 
are both called Mendes. 

47. The pig is regarded among them as an unclean animal, 
so much 60 that if a man in passing accidentally touch a pig, 
he instantly hurries to the river, and plunges in with all his 
clothes on. Hence, too, the swineherds, notwithstanding that 
they are of pure Egyptian blood, are forbidden to enter into 
any of the temples, which are open to all other Egyptians ; 
and further, no one wiU give his daughter in marriage to a 
swineherd, or take a wife from among them, so that the swine- 
herds are forced to intermarry among themselves. They do 
not offer swine* in sacrifice to any of their gods, excepting 

ini^ the EgyptiaxiB (as in cbapa. 46, 
121, 126, 131, Mid other places). On 
hnmaD sacrifices in old times, see 
Lote» on ch. 119.— [G. W.] 

* In the original, *' with the face of 
t goat, and the legs of a he-goat," — 
which seems to be a distinction with- 
out a difference. No Egyptian god is 
rwDr represented in this way (At. Eg. 
W, L p. 2eO) ; but the goat, according 
to KMne Egyptologers, wm the symbol 

and representative of Khem, the Fan 
of the Egyptians. (See Bonsen's 
Eg^pt, vol. i. p. 374, and compare 
notes ', •, on ch. 42.) 

' The pig is rarely represented in 
the Bcnlptnres of Thebes. The flesh 
was forbidden to the priests, and to all 
initiated in the mysteries, and it 
seems only to have been allowed to 
others once a year, at the fdte of the 
fall moon, when it was sacrificed to 



Book n. 

Bacchus and the Moon, whom they honour in this way at the 
same time, sacrificing pigs to both of them at the same full 
moon, and afterwards eating of the flesh. There is a reason 
alleged by them for their detestation of swine at all other 
seasons, and their use of them at this festival, with which I 
am well acquainted, but which I do not think it proper to 
mention. The following is the mode in which they sacrifice 
the swine to the Moon : — As soon as the victim is slain, the tip 
of the tail, the spleen, and the caul are put together, and 
having been covered with all the fat that has been found in the 
animal's belly, are straightway burnt. The remainder of the 
flesh is eaten on the same day that the sacrifice is offered, 
which is the day of the full moon : at any other time they 
would not so much as taste it. The poorer sort, who cannot 
afford live pigs, form pigs of dough, which they bake and offer 
in sacrifice. 

48. To Bacchus, on the eve of his feast, every Egyptian 
sacrifices a hog before the door of his house, which is then 
given back to the swineherd by whom it was furnished, and 
by him carried away. In other respects the festival is cele- 
brated almost exactly as Bacchic festivals are in Greece,' 

the Koon. The Moon and Bacchus 
(supposed to be Isis and Osiris) were 
the only deities to whom it was sacri- 
ficed, if we may belieye Plutarch, who 
pretends that this ceremony com. 
memorated the finding of the body of 
Osiris by Typhon, when he was hunt, 
ing by the light of the moon. (De Is. 
8. 18.) The reason of the meat not 
being eaten was its unwholesomeness, 
on which account it was forbidden to 
the Jews and Moslems ; and the pre. 
judice naturaUy extended from the 
animal to those who kept it, as at pre- 
sent in India and other parts of the 
East, where a Hindoo or a Moslem is, 
like an ancient Egyptian, defiled by 
the touch of a pig, and looks with 
horror on those who tend it and eat its 
flesh. On this point a remarkable dif- 
ference existed between the Egyptians 
and Greeks ; and most peop£ would 

scruple to giire to a swineherd the 
title ** divine " (as Homer does), even 
though they might not feel the same 
amount of prejudice as the Egyptians. 
Pigs are not found in the Egyptian 
sculptures before the time of the 18th 
dynasty; but this is no proof that 
they were not known in Egypt before 
that time.— [G. W.] 

« Plutarch (de Is. ss. 12 and 36), in 
speaking of the Paamylia, attributes 
to Osiris what really belongs to the 
god Ehem — the generative principle ; 
and Herodotus also evidently alludes 
to Osiris on this occasion. The reason 
of this may be that the attributes of 
various gods were not very distinctly 
explained to foreigners, who were 
taught nothing but what was said to 
relate to Isis and Osiris, in whose 
mybteries several myths were com. 
binedj and others added which tended 


excepting that the Egyptians have no choral danceB.' They 
also ose, instead of phalh, another invention, consisting of 

to mj-itiff Tftthar Uian to explain 
thsmi (or it is ovidant that the 
Greeks did not nudfirvtoiid the natnre 
of the Egyptian gods, and many of 
the OTent« related by tfaetn in the 
hiatory of Oeiiu are at T&Haaoa with 
the monamenta of E^ypt. BacohnB 
a oortamly the god of the Qreeka who 
i»Te«pond» to Osirii, and his dyinjf 
and riaing again, hii being pat into a 
cheat Bi^ thrown into tha tea, and 

the inatractiond he gave to mankind, 
are eridently derived from the atory 
of Oairia j and the " histories on whi<^ 
the most Bolemn feasts of Baochne, 
the Titania and Nnktelis, are foonded, 
exactly oorreBpond (as Plntarch saye, 
de Is. B. 35) with what are related of 
the catting to pieces of Oairis, of hia 
riling again, and of his new life." 

Wreaths and feBtoons of iry, (^ 
rather of the wild conTolTnlni, or of 

the prriploea latamcnt, often appeal- 
at Egyptian tttee. For ivy ia not a 
plant of the Nile, thoagh Plnlaroh 
aaya it w«8 there called ohenoiiriB, or 
" plant of OsiriB " (da Is. b. 87 ; Diod. 
L 17), and the leaves being sometimes 
lepreaBDted hairy, are in faronr of 
Ha being the tcanuma (fig. 4). It 
maj have been ohosen from some 
qwiuty attribated to its milky Jnioe, 
like the toma of India, a jnioe ex- 
tiaeted from the luclepiat aeida, 
which plays • dirine port in the 
Tedac, and is mentioned in the Zend. 
Arena of Persia. (See Jour. Amerio. 
Or. Boc. ToL iii. No. 2, p. 299.) 

The thymu ia abowD by Plataroti. 
to be the staff (fig. 1), often bound by 
a fillet, lo which the spotted skin of a 
leiard ia lospended near the figure of 
Oatia; for it ia the aame that the 
Ugb priest, clad in the leopard skin 

a the 


ds Jm. ». 36). Ajiother form of it ia 
lb Iwad of a wat«r.plant (similar to 
(lit in Sg. 8), to which AtheDseng 
(Ddpo, T. p. 19S) ertdently alladet 
«l>a> he ape»k« rf "O. ' '•" 


ing the form of palm-treas, and others 
of the (hyrsiu. 

The adoption of the pine-cone to 
head the apear of Bacchus originated 

D the nse of tbe resinooB matter put 
qCo wiDe-skins, and afterwards into 
.mphone ; but the t^yrans was also 

images a cubit high, pulled by stringB, which the women 
carry round to the villages. A piper goes in front ; * and the 

represented as a spear hBTing its 
point "oODOealed in ivy leases:" 
" FSmpineia agitat velatain froadibns 

haatam." (Orid, Uet. iii. ( 
li, 27, 4o. Diodor. iii, 6*. Athek. 
Deipn. xiT. 631 A.) Thns the poets 
ganerallj deioribe it, as nail as the 
paintings od QcmIc reaes : and if the 
pine-oona was preferred for ftatiua of 
Bacchus, that was probably from its 
being better suited to soolpture. The 
leaamblance of tha ntbrit, aod the 8e. 
Initio name at (he leopard, ntmr, is 
Htriking, the car of Bacchus being 
drawn bj leopards; and Bochart 
points to the analogy betweeo Ne. 
brodes,a title of Bnoohos and Nimrod, 
who is o&lled bj Philo-Judmoa " Ne- 
br6d." The pine-ooae was adopted 
by the Arabs as an ornament in archi- 
tectoce at an earlj time, and passed 
thance to Cashmire shuwU and em- 
' broidery.— [Q. W.] 

' Tha reading xopw* here is prefer- 
able to x"'!""- ^°'* ^^^ Greeks did 
sacrifice a pig at the festivals of Bao- 
chna, as their anthora and Bculptores 
show. The iptrria consiBted of an oi, 
a sheep, and a pig, like the Roman 
auovetaurilia ; B.'od EoBlathinson Horn. 
Od. n. 166, says (he Ithooans sacri' 
floed three pigs at the feast of the 
new moon. — [Q. W.J 

* The instrament used was probably 
(he doable-pipe ; bat some consider it 
the flute (property tha irAsyCouAsi, or 

oMiqua tibia), which was aUo aa 

Egyptian ingtroment It waa played 
by man (fig. 8 > and woodcut in n. ', 
oh. 68, figs. 3, 6), bat the double-pipe 
more (raqneotly by women (see wood, 
cat No. UI. fig. 3.) The latter wu ft 



women follow, Binging hynms in bonoiu? of Baccbns. They 
give a religions reason for the peculiarities of the image. 

Terr common iDatrnment with the I of Modem Egypt. The flats, hoic- 
Greeka, and its uoisj anA droning ever, was & commou inalmmeDt in 
tones are itiU kept ap in the ^uniara Egypt on sacred oocaaioDH (aea wood- 

Chap. 48, 49. 



49. Melampus,* the son of Amytheon, cannot (I think) have 
been ignorant of this ceremony — ^nay, he must, I should 
conceive, have been well acquainted with it. He it was who 
introduced into Greece the name of Bacchus, the ceremonial 
of his worship, and the procession of the phallus. He did not, 
however, so completely apprehend the whole doctrine as to be 
able to communicate it entirely ; but various sages since his 
time have carried out his teaching to greater perfection. 
Still it is certain that Melampus introduced the phallus, and 
that the Greeks learnt from him the ceremonies which they 
now practise. I therefore maintain that Melampus, who was 
a wise man, and had acquired the art of divination, having 
become acquainted with the worship of Bacchus through 
knowledge derived from Egypt, introduced it into Greece, with 
a few slight changes, at the same time that he brought in 
various other practices. For I can by no means allow that it 
is by mere coincidence that the Bacchic ceremonies in Greece 
are so nearly the same as the Egyptian — ^they would then 


cat in n.^, cli. 56), and one or more 
mnsical instmments were present at 
erery Egyptian procession. The clap- 
ping of hands and the crotalaf the 
tambonrine, and the harp, were also 
commonly introdnced on festiye occa. 
aons, as well as the Toice, which 
Bometimee accompanied two harps, a 
flingle pipe, and a flate; and when 
soldiers attended, they had the tram- 
pet and dnun (woodcat No. II. figs. 
1, 2). A greater variety of instru- 
ments was admitted at private parties ; 
the haip of foor, six, seven, to twenty- 
two strings ; the guitar of three ; the 
lyre of five, seven, ten, and eighteen 
strings ; the doable-pipe, the flute, the 
aqnare and the round tambourine, the 
erotala or wooden clappers, were very 
rommon there; but cymbals appear 
to have been mostly used by the min- 
strels of certain deities. The lyres 
vere of very varied sharp tone, and 
. tiiey may be snpposed to answer to 
the nabl, sambnc, and ** ten "-stringed 
ashnr ol the Jews. The varieties of 
Ipea in K06. IV., V., and VL may 

serve to illostrate some of the nume- 
rous instruments mentioned by Julius 
Pollux (iv. 9), Athenaeus (iv. 25), and 
other ancient writers. The sistrum 
was peculiarly a sacred instrument, 
and it was to the queen and princesses 
that its use waa entrusted, or to other 
ladies of rank who held the impoitant 
office of accompanying the king or the 
high priest, while making libations to 
the gods. See above, note ^ on ch. 
36, and At. Eg. W- vol. ii. p. 222 to 
827 on the music and instruments of 
the Egyptians.— [G. W.] 

' Either Melampus, as some main- 
tain, really existed, and travelling 
into Egypt brought back certain cere, 
monies into Greece; or he was an ima- 
g^ary personage, and the fable was 
intended to show that the Greeks bor. 
rowed some of their religious cere- 
monies from Egypt. . The name 
"blackfoot" would then have been 
invented to show their origin. The 
name of Egypt, Chemi, signified 
" black."— [Q. W.j 



have been more Greek in their character, and less recent in 
their origin. Much less can I admit that the Egyptians 
borrowed these customs, or any other, from the Greeks. My 
belief is that Melampus got his knowledge of them from 
Cadmus the Tyrian, and the followers whom he brought from 
Phoenicia into the country which is now called Boeotia.^ 

50. Almost all the names of the gods came into Greece 
from Egypt. ^ My inquiries prove that they were all derived 

* The settlement of a body of 
Phoenicians in the country called after, 
wards BcBotia, is regarded by Herodo- 
tns as an undoubted fact. (See, be- 
sides the present passage, v. 57*8, 
where the Gephyrsaans are referred to 
this migration.) He does not, how. 
ever, seem to have had a very distinct 
notion as to the course by which the 
strangers reached Greece (compare ii. 
4A, with iv. 147). Some modems, as 
0. O. MuUer (Orchom. ch. iv. pp. 113- 
122), Welcker (Ueber eine ^etische 
Colonic in Theben), and Wachsmuth 
(Antiq. i. 1, § 11), entirely discredit 
the whole story of a PhoBnioian settle, 
ment, which they regard as the inven. 
tion of a late era. Others, as Mr. 
Grote (Hist, of Greece, voL ii. p. 857), 
profess their inability to determine 
the question. But the weight of 
modem authority is in favour of the 
truth of the tradition. (See Niebuhr*B 
Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i. p. 
80 ; Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece, vol. i. 
oh. S, pp. 68.9 ; Eenrick's FhcBuicia, 
pp. 98-100; Bahr, note on Herod. ▼. 
67, &o.) The principal arguments on 
this side are the following t-^ 1. The 
unanimous tradition. 2. The fact that 
there was a race called Cadmeians at 
Thebes from very early times, claim- 
ing a Phoenician descent, combined 
with the further fact that " Cadmeian" 
would bear in the Phoenician tongue a 
meaning unintelligible to mere Greeks, 
but which in the early legend it was 
certainly intended to have, — Cadmus 
coming in search of Europe being 
clearly oip^ Kedem, " the East," seek- 
ing to discover ajp Ereb, "the West." 

8. The fact that the early worship at 
Thebes was that of Phoenician deities, 
as the Cabiri (see note ' on oh. 51), 
and 3ilinerva Onca (Cf . Pausan. ix. xii. 
§ 2, and xxv. § 6 ; iEsohyL S. o. Th. 
153 and 496; Euphorion ap. Steph. 
Byz. ad voc. 'OyKtucu; Hesych. ad 
voc. "0770, &c.). And, 4. The occur, 
renoe of a number of Semitic words in 
the provincial dialect of Boeotia, as 
'EXici^t for Zfbs or the Supreme God 
(compare Heb. nH^it ** God ") ; fidafwa, 

** woman *' or " girl " (Heb. roa " wo- 
man " or " daughter ") ; &x^ (com- 
pare the tU3 of the Talmud), a measure 
of capacity which the Persians and 
Boeotians seem both to have adopted 
from the Phoenicians (cf. Aiistoph. 
Acham. 108, Hesych. ad voo. ^x^ini 
and &x<^^ Pollux, z. 164), <rS5a "a 
pomeg^ranate " (comp. Arabic sidra), 
&o. The name Thebes itself is al»o 
tolerably near to y^n Thehez ( Judg. ix. 

60), a Canaanite town, which the LXX. 
call B^fiijSy though this resemblance 
may be accidental. Bochart, however, 
identifies the two names, and regards 
Thebes as so called from its ** mud,*' 
y'a, since it was situated in a marsh. 
(See his Geograph. Sao. Part. II. 
book i, ch. 16.) The cumulative force 
of these arguments must be allowed to 
be very great. 

2 See below, note • on oh. 61. There 
is no doubt that the Greeks borrowed 
sometimes the names, someUmes the 
attributes, of their deities from Egypt ; 
but when Herodotus says the names of 
the Greek gods were always known in 
Egypt, it is evident that he does not 
mean they were the same as the Gzeek^ 



from a foreign source ; and my opinion is that Egypt furnished 
the greater number. For with the exception of Neptune and 
the Dioscuri,^ whom I mentioned above, and Juno, Vesta, 
Themis, the Graces, and the Nereids, the other gods have been 
known from time immemorial in Egypt. This I assert on the 
authority of the Egyptians themselves. The gods, with whose 
names they profess themselves unacquainted, the Greeks re- 
ceived, I believe, from the Felasgi, except Neptune. Of him 
they got their knowledge from the Libyans,* by whom he has 
been always honoured, and who were anciently the only people 
that had a god of the name. The Egyptians differ from the 
Greeks also in paying no divine honours to heroes.'^ 

mnoe he gives in other places (chaps. 
42, 59, 138, 144, 156) the Egyptian 
name to which those very gods agree, 
whom he mentions in Egypt. Nep- 
tune, the Dioscnri, the Graces, and 
Nereids, were certainly not Egyptian 
deities ; bnt Jnno was S4t^, Vesta 
Anook^, and Themis was not only an 
Egyptian goddess, bnt her name was 
taken from Thmei, the Egyptian god. 
dess of " Justice " or *« Truth ; " from 
which the Hebrew derived the word 
Thummim, translated in the Septua- 
gint by dA^tfcio. The name Nereids 
was evidently borrowed from the idea 
of " water ; " and though the word is 
only traced in nipbs, ''moist," in 
Nerens, the Nereids, uaphs^ ''liquid," 
and some other words in ancient 
Greek, it has been retained to the 
present day, through some old pro- 
vincialism, and ptp6p or ytpph, still 
signifies "water" in the Romaic of 
modem Greece. Gomp. the Indian 
name for "water," and the divine 
spirit, Narayan{a), i.e. "floating on 
the waters " at the beginning of time 
in Hindoo mythology; also the Ner- 
hvdda, &o,, and nahff "river," in 
Arabic. One of the Greek Vuloans 
mentioned by Cicero (de Nat. Deor. 
iii. 22) "was the Egyptian Phthas;" 
one sun was the god of Heliopolis 
(ibid. 21), and other deities were from 
the same Pantheon. — [G.W.] 

' Cbmp. the two deities A<^n, hav- 
ing no particular names, but called 
simply AgvinaUf " the two horsemen," 
found in the Vedas of India and in 
the Zend-Avesta. (Jour. Amerio. Or. 
Soc. voL iii. No. 2, p. 322.)— [G. W.] 

* Of. iv. 188. 

' Herodotus is quite correct in say- 
ing th^ Egyptians paid no divine hon- 
ours to heroes, and their creed would 
not accord with all the second and 
third lines of the Golden Verses of 
Pythagoras : 

*A0avdrovt ^iv woSra Btoirv ^JUf itt itaKtivrau 
Tifia' Ka'i trifiov opKOV twttr* Hpttat afauovt, 
Tovv re KoTax^oviow <r«/3« Acu/iovaVi iywoua 

No Egyptian god was supposed, to 
have lived on earth as a mere man 
afterwards deified (infra, n. ', oh. 143) ; 
and the tradition of Osiris having 
lived on earth implied that he was a 
manifestation or Avatcur of the Deity 
— ^not a real being, but the abstract 
idea of goodness (like the Indian 
Booddha). The religion of the Egyp. 
tians was the worship of the Deity in 
all his attributes, and in those things 
which were thought to partake of Ms 
essence ; but they did not transfer a 
mortal man to his place, though they 
allowed a king to pay divine honours 
to a deceased predecessor, or even to 
himself, his human doing homage to 
his divine nature. The divine being 




61. Besides those which have heen here mentioned, there 
are many other practices whereof I shall speak hereafter, 
which the Greeks have borrowed from Egypt.' The peculiarity. 

was like tlie Divns Imperator of the 
Romans, and a respect was felt for 
him when good, which made them 
sacrifice all their dearest interests for 
his service : he was far above all mor- 
tals, as the head of the religion and 
the state ; and his inneral was cele- 
brated with imnsnal ceremonies (Dio- 
dor. 1. 7l> 72.) Bat this was not 
divine worship. They did however 
commit the error of assigning to em- 
blems a degree of veneration, as re- 
presentatives of deities, which led to 
gross superstition, as types and relics 
have often done ; and though the Mos- 
lems forbid all "partnership" with 
the Deity in adoration, even they can. 
not always prevent a bigoted venera- 
tion for a saint, or for the supposed 
footstep of " the Prophet."— [G. W.] 

* We cannot too much admire the 
candour of Herodotus in admitting 
that the Greeks borrowed from the 
Egyptians, and others who preceded 
them ; for, aa Bacon justly observes, 
" the writings that relate these fables 
being not delivered as inventions of 
the writers but as things before be- 
lieved and received, appear like a soft 
whisper from the traditions of more 
ancient nations, conveyed through the 
flutes of the Grecians." 

Diodorus (i. 96) makes the same re- 
mark, and affirms that " Orpheus in- 
troduced from Egypt the greatest 
part of his mythic^ ceremonies, the 
oi^es that celebrate the wanderings 
of Ceres, and the whole fable of the 
shades below. The rites of Osiris 
and Bacchus were the same; the 
punishment of the wicked, the Elysian 
Fields, and all the common fictions, 
were copied from the Egyptian fune- 
rals;" and he says the same of the 
Acherusian lake, Charon, Styx, and 
** many other things mentioned in 
fable." Herodotus expressly gives it 
aa his opinion that nearly all the 
names of the g^s were derived from 
Egypt, and shows that their cere. 

monies (chaps. 81, 82) and science 
come from the samja source. This is 
also stated by many ancient writers. 
Lucian (de De& Syr.) says *'the Egryp- 
tians are reputed the first men who 
had a notion of the gods and a know- 
ledge of sacred affairs and 

sacred names." The same is men- 
tioned by the oracle of Apollo quoted 
by Eusebius. Comp. lamblichns (de 
Myst. s. 7, ch. T.), and others. Ari- 
stotle (de Coelo, ii. 12) shows the obli- 
gations of the Greeks to the Egyptians 
and Babylonians for information re- 
specting all the heavenly bodies ; and 
these two people are mentioned by 
Cicero (de Div. i. 43), Pliny (vii. 56), 
and others as the great and earliest 
astronomers. Herodotus (supra, cicu 
4) ascribes to the Egyptians the in- 
vention of the year, as well as geo- 
metry; and Hacrobins says that 
Csdsar was indebted to Egypt for his 
correction of the calendar ; " Nam 

Julius Caesar siderum motus 

• . . . ab ^gyptiis disciplinis hansit." 
(Saturn, i. 18.) Sfcrabo (xvi. p. 1076; 
zvii. p. 1118) ascribes astronomy and 
arithmetic to the Sidonians, and the 
origin of them to night sailing and 
reckonings at sea» as geology to the 
Egyptians, from which two people 
they went to Greece: and Pliny (y. 
12) says the Phoenicians invented 
letters, astronomy, and naval and war- 
like arts. Comp. Pomp. Mela, i. 12.) 
Diodorus (i. 98) states that " Pytha- 
goras learnt holy lore, geometry, the 
science of numbers, and the trans- 
mig^tion of souls into animals from 
Egypt • • • • and (Enopides derived 
the obliquity of the sun's path from 
tbe priests and astronomers there." 
(Comp. Plut. PL Ph. iii. 13. See note 
on 4;h. 109, in App. CH. vii.) Diodoma 
(L 81, and 28) even thinks " the Chal- 
da^ans obtained their knowledge of 
astrology (astronomy) from the priests 
of Egypt;" but, on the other hand, 
Josephns states that "it went £nna 

Chap. 51. 



however, -wliich they observe in their statues of Mercury they 
did not derive from the Egyptians, but from the Pelasgi ; from 
them the Athenians first adopted it, and afterwards it passed 
from the Athenians to the other Greeks. For just at the time 
when the Athenians were entering into the Hellenic body,'' the 
Pelasgi came, to live with them in their country,® whence it 
was that the latter came first to be regarded as Greeks. 
Whoever has been initiated into the mysteries of the Cabiri^ 

ihs Clialdseans to Egypt, whence it 
proceeded to Greece." (See n.», ch. 
123, and App. ch. vii.)— [G. W.] 

' Vide supra, i. 57, and 68, note *. 

^ The Pelasgi here intended are the 
Tyrrhenian Pelasgi, who are men> 
tioned again, iv. 145, and yi. 138. 
(See Thncyd. It. 109 ; and cp. Ap. to 
B. vi.) 

* Nothing is known for certain re- 
speeding the Cabiri. Most authorities 
ngree that they yaried in nmnber, 
and that their worship, which was 
▼ery ancient in Samothrace and in 
Phrygia, was carried to Greece from 
the former by the Pelasgi. Some 
believe them to hare been Ceres, Pro- 
serpine, and Pluto ; and others add a 
f ocixth, supposed to be Hermes ; while 
otfaers suppose them to have been 
Jupiter, PaBas, and Hermes. T^oy 
were also worshipped at an early time 
in Lenmoe and Imbros. Some think 
they were an inferior order of gods, 
bat were probably in the same man- 
ner as the third order of gods in 
JSigj^ty who in one capacity ranked 
eren abore the great gods. The name 
Oabiri was doubtless derired from the 
Semitio word habir, *' great,*' a title 
Applied to Astart^ (Venus), who was 
al^ worshipped in Samothrace, to- 
gether with Pothos and Phaeton, in 
the most holy ceremonies, as Pliny 
says (zzxtL 5). The eight great gods 
of the Phoenicians, the offspring of 
one great father, Sydik, the "just," 
were called Cabiri, of whom Esmoun 
was the youngest, or the eighth (as 
hm name implies) ,the shmoun, " eight," 
of Coptic, and the **th^man" or 

of Hebrew. This Esmoun was also 
called Asclepius. Damascins says, 
*Oti 6 itf Biipvr^ ^criv *A<ricXipriis oIk 
tarw *EXXiji' ohZ\ klyinrrioi itXKi rii 
hctx^pios ^oivi^, 'XoZ^Ktp yhp iy4voyro 
▼atSct ots AtoffKoCpovs ipii-qvt^twtrt koSl 
Kafi€ipovs, Otros ndWitrros ^v B4aif 
Kol vtavlas iieTv ii^idya(rT0Sf ipdfjLtyoi 
ytyovtv, &5 ipTjtny d fivBoSf 'Atrrpov^s 
dfov ^otvlcrcris, firirphs 0€<ay, EiwS<&s re 
Kuyriy€Tf'iy iv raiaZi rats vd.ircui iirtiZ^ 
idtdaaro r^iv Othv avrhy iKKvvriytroda'av 
Kai <phrfOVTa iin^iiiicoua'ay Kcd IjSri Kara- 
Ki\^oix4vj)v, i.iror4fiy€i ircAc/cei t^v alrrhs 
a^Tov vai^o<nr6pou <p\KTtv, 'H Z\ r^ tcCOci 
▼fpioXy^cura Koi Tlcu&va KoXiffcura rbv 
ytaviffKOV Tp Tc ^oioy6y(f ^^pfxy &ya(onrv 
p^cratra Othp imtlritrtv, "Ecfiouvoy ^h 
^oofUctov wvofuuriiivov IkX rp Bipiiff r^s 
CotTii, Ol Z^ rhv "Eafxovvor tyiooy &{u>v- 
ffiy ipfiriytCfiVf Zrt 6ySoos ^y rtp "XaHidKtp 
Tcus, Damaacii Vit. Isidori (i^ Photio 
Excerpt.), 302. This mention of Es- 
moun with Palestine reminds us of 
the account in the Bible that the 
Philistines came of an Egyptian stock. 
Ashmoun would thus be made a son 
of Mizraim fcomp. Sanchoniatho), as 
in Arab tradition. Herodotus men- 
tions the Egyptian Cabiri at Memphis 
(iii. 37), whose temple no one was 
permitted to enter except the priest 
alone: they were said to be sons of 
Vulcan or Pthah (as the Egyptian 
Asclepius called Emephf or Aimothph, 
also was), and, like that god in one of 
his characters, were represented as 
pigmy figures. It is not impossible 
that the Cabin* in Egypt were figured 
as the god Pthah. Sokar-Osiris, who 
was a deity of Hades ; and the three 
names he had agree with the supposed 



Book II- 

will understand what I mean. The Samothracians received 
these mysteries from the Pelasgi, who, before they went to live 
in Attica, were dwellers in Samothraee, and imparted their 
religious ceremonies to the inhabitants. The Athenians, then, 
who were the first of all the Greeks to make their statues of 
Mercury in this way, learnt the practice from the Pelasgians ; 
and by this people a religious account of the matter is given, 
which is explained in the Samothracian mysteries. 

52. In early times the Pelasgi, as I know by information 
which I got at Dodona, offered sacrifices of all kinds, and 
prayed to the gods, but had no distinct names or appellations 
for them, since they had never heard of any. They called 
them gods (0coc, disposers), because they had disposed and 
arranged all things in such a beautiful order .^ After a long 

number of tbe Cabiri of Samotbrace. 
Tbe number 8 might also be thonght 
to accord with that of the eight great 
gods of Egypt. (See my note on 
B. iii. ch. 37.) Oshmouna^n, the 
Coptic and modem name of Hermo. 
polis in Egypt, sigoifying the "two 
eights," was connected with the title 
of Thoth or Hermes, "lord of the 
eight regions." — [G. W.] 

' The same derivation is given by 
Enstathins (ad Horn. n. p. 1148- 
61), and by Clement of Alexandria 
(Strom, i. 29, p. 427) ; but the more 
general belief of the Greeks drived the 
word $ths from flciv, " cnrrere," because 
the gods first worshipped were the sun, 
moon, and stars. (See Plat. Cratyl. 
p. 397, 0. D. Etym. Magn. ad voc. 
Bthi, Clemens. Alex. Cohort, ad Gent, 
p. 22, Strom, iv. 23, p. 633.) Both 
these derivations are purely fanciful, 
having reference to the Greek lan- 
gui^e only, whereas 0(hs is a form of 
a very ancient word common to a 
number of the Indo-European tongues, 
and not to be explained from any one 
of them singly. The earliest form of 
the word would seem to be the Doric 
and .^lolic 28(^f, afterwards written 
Zc^r. This by omission of the <r, be- 
came Sans. Pyaus and deva, Gk. Aci^, 
Ai6sf and htost Lat. Jkui and divus, 

Lithuanian diewas, &o. Ocbf is a mere 
softened form of Ac^f or deus, analo- 
gous to rlffvZos, ^6$o9y; Bdu, Sanscr. 
dhS ; Odpaa, dare ; Bipto^ dry ; 9^pc, 
door; &o. With the words Ztbs and 
Bths we may connect the old German 
God Zio, or TiuSf whose name under the 
latter of the two forms appears in our 
word Tuesday. Sanscrit scholars trace 
these many modifications of a single 
word to an old root div, which thej 
tell us means *' to shine," and Dyaus, 
the first substantive formed from this 
verb, meant " light," or " the shining 
srm," one of the earliest objects of 
worship in most countries. Deva is a 
later formation from div, and has a 
more abstract sense than dyaus, being 
** bright, brilliant, divine," and thence 
passing on to the mere idea of God. 
Bfhs in Greek, and Deus in Latin, are 
the exact equivalents of this term. 
(See Professor Max Hiiller's article on 
Comparative Philology in the Edin- 
burgh Beviewj No. 192, Art. 1. pp. 

The statement of Herodotus that 
the Pelasgi "called the Gods 6eoi, 
because they had disposed and ar- 
ranged all things in such a beautiful 
order," shows that he considered them 
to have spoken a language nearly 
akin to the Greek. 

Chap. 51-53. 



lapse of time the names of the gods came to Greece from 
Egypt, and the Pelasgi learnt them ; only as yet they knew 
nothing of Bacchus, of whom they first heard at a mnch later 
date. Not long after the arrival of the names they sent to 
consult the oracle at Doddna about them. This is the most 
ancient oracle in Greece, and at that time there was no other. 
To their question, "Whether they should adopt the names 
that had been imported from the foreigners?" the oracle 
replied by recommending their use. Thenceforth in their 
sacrifices the Pelasgi made use of the names of the gods, and 
from them the names passed afterwards to the Greeks. 

58. Whence the gods severally sprang, whether or no they 
had all existed from eternity, what forms they bore — ^these 
are questions of which the Greeks knew nothing until the 
other day, so to speak. For Homer and Hesiod were the first 
to compose Theogonies, and give the gods their epithets, to 
allot them their several offices and occupations, and describe 
their forms ; and they lived but four hundred years before my 
time,* as I believe. As for the poets who are thought by some 
to be earlier than these,® they are, in my judgment, decidedly 

' The date of Homer has been va- 
rionslj stated. It is plain from the 
expressions which Herodotns here 
uses that in his time the general 
belief assigned to Homer an earlier 
date than that which he considered 
the tme one. His date wonld place 
the poet abont b.c. 880-830, which 
is very nearlj the mean between the 
earliest and the latest epochs that are 
assigned to him. The earliest date 
that can be exactly determined, is 
that of the anther of the life of Homer 
nsoallj published with the works of 
Herodotns, who places the birth of 
the poet 622 years before the invasion 
of Xerxes, or B.C. 1102. The latest 
is that of Theopompns and Enphorion, 
which makes him contemporary with 
Gyges— therefore b.c. 724-686. (For 
finther particnlars, see Clinton's F.H. 
Tol. i. pp. 145-7 ; and Ap. p. 359.) Pro- 
bability is on the whole in favour of a 

VOL. n. 

date considerably earlier than that 
assigned by onr author. 

The time of Hesiod is even more 
donbtf al, if possible, than that of his 
brother-poet. He was made before 
Homer, after him, and contemporary 
with him. Internal evidence and the 
weight of authority are in favour of 
the view which assigns him a com- 
paratively late date. (See Clintoni,.' 
p. 359, n. <>.) He is probably to be 
placed at least 200 or 300 years after 

' * The " poets thought by some to 
be earlier than Homer and Hesiod' 
are probably the mystic writers, Olen, 
Linus, Orpheus, Musaeus, Pamphos, 
Olympus, Ac, who were generally 
accounted by the Greeks anterior to 
Homer (Clinton, i. pp. 341.4), but 
who seem really to have belonged to a 
later age. (See Grote, vol. ii. p. 161.) 



Book U. 

later writers. In these matters I have the authority of the 
priestesses of Dodona for the former portion of my state- 
ments ; what I have said of Homer and Hesiod is my own 

64. The following taJe is commonly told in Egypt concerning 
the oracle of Dodona in Greece, and that of Ammon in Libya. 
My informants on the point were the priests of Jupiter at 
Thebes. They said " that two of the sacred women were once 
carried off from Thebes by the Phoenicians,* and that the story 
went that one of them was sold into Libya, and the other into 
Greece, and these women were the first founders of the oracles 
in the two countries." On my inquiring how they came to 
know so exactly what became of the women, they answered, 
'* that diligent search had been made after them at the time, 
but that it had not been found possible to discover where they 
were; afterwards, however, they received the information 
which they had given me." 

55. This was what I heard from the priests at Thebes ; at 
Doddna, however, the women who deliver the oracles relate 
the matter as follows: — "Two black doves flew away from 
Egyptian Thebes, and while one directed its flight to Libya, 
the other came to them.^ She alighted on an oak, and sitting 
there began to speak with a human voice, and told them that 
on the spot where she was, there should thenceforth be an 
oracle of Jove. They understood the announcement to be 
from heaven, so they set to work at once and erected the 
shrine. The dove which flew to Libya bade the Libyans to 
establish there the oracle of Ammon." This likewise is an 

^ See the next note. This carrying 
off priestessea from Thebes is of 
course a fable. It may refer to the 
sending ont and establishing an oracle 
in the newly-discovered West (Europe) 
through the Phoenicians, the mer. 
chants and explorers of those days, 
who were in alliance with Egypt, sup- 
plied it with many of the productions 
it required from other countries, and 
enabled it to export its manufactures 

in their ships. — [G. W.] 

^ The two dores appear to connect 
this tradition with the PhoeoiciaxL 
Astart^ who appears to be the Baal- 
tis or Diond of Byblus. If the rites 
of Dod6na were frt>m Egypt, they 
were not necessarily introdaced bj 
any individual from that country. 
The idea of women giving out oraolea. 
is Greek, not Egyptian. — [G. W.] 



oracle of Jupiter. The persons from whom I received these 
particiQars were three priestesses of the Dodonsaans,^ the 
eldest Promeneia, the next Timaret6, and the youngest 
Nicandra ; and what they said was confirmed by the other 
DodonsBans who dwell around the temple J 

66. My own opinion of these matters is as follows : — ^I think 
that, if it be true that the Phoenicians carried off the holy 
women, and sold them for slaves,® the one into Libya and the 
other into Greece, or Felasgia (as it was then called), this last 
must have been sold to the Thesprotians. Afterwards, while 
undergoing servitude in those parts, she built under a real oak 
a temple to Jupiter, her thoughts in her new abode reverting 
— ^as it was likely they would do, if she had been an attendant 
in a temple of Jupiter at Thebes — ^to that particular god. 
Then, having acquired a knowledge of the Greek tongue, she 
set up an oracle. She also mentioned that her sister had been 
sold for a slave into Libya by the same persons as herself. 

* Were it not for the traditions of 
the priestesses that Dod6na was in- 
debted to Egypt for its oracle, we 
should at once discredit what appears 
so very improbable ; bnt the Greeks 
wonld scarcely have attributed its 
origin to a toreigneirf unless there had 
been some foundation for the story ; 
and Herodotus maintains that there 
was a resemblance between the 
oiaoles of Thebes and Dod6na. It is 
not necessary that the stamp of a 
foreign character should have been 
strongly impressed at Dod6na; and 
the influence of the oracle would have 
been equally great without the em- 
ployment of a written language, or 
any reference to particular religious 
doctrines with which those who con. 
suited the oracles of Amun, Delphi, 
and other places did not occupy them- 
•elyes.— [6. W.] 

7 The temple of DodAna was de- 
stroyed B.C. 219 by Dorimachus when, 
being chosen general of the ^tolians, 
he ravaged Epirus. (Folyb. iv. 67.) 
Vo remains of it now exist. It stood 
•t the base of Mount Tomamsi or 

Tmarus (Strabo, vii. p. 476 ; Plin. ii. 
103), on the borders of Thesprotia, 
and was said to have been founded by 
Deucalion. The name ' Timaret^ is 
here given by Herodotus to one of the 
priestesses. Strabo says the oracles 
were g^ven out by a class of priests, 
called Belli (the Helli, according to 
Pindar), who were remarkable for 
their austere mode of life, and thought 
to honour the Deity by a bigoted 
affectation of discomfort, and by 
abjuring cleanliness; whence Homer 
says, U. xvi. 233— 

Zcv &va, Attittvait, ntXatrytKit rn\6$t vattw 
AmMviiv fMt&imv 6v<rxtifX(pov' afi^i 6i ZcXXoi 
Zot voioiNT* inro^nroi uvivrovodcr, xaftattvva. 

— in which impure piety they were 
very unlike the cleanly priests of 
Egypt. The sacred oaks of Doddna 
call to mind those of the Druids. 
The ^nyhs is not the beech, but an 
oak, so called from its acorn, which 
was eaten. — [G. W.] 

' Comp. Joel iii. 6, where the 
Tyrians are said to have sold Jewish 
children "to the Grecians." (Beni- 
lonim.)— [G. W.] 




57. Th6 Dodonsans called the women doves becaoBe they 
were foreigners, and seemed to them to make a noise like 
birds. After a while the dove spoke with a human voice, 
because the woman, whose foreign talk had previously sounded 
to them like the chattering of a bird, acquired the power of 
speaking what they could understand. For how can it be 
conceived possible that a dove should really speak with the 
voice of a man? Lastly, by calling the dove black the 
DodonsBans indicated that the woman was an Egyptian. And 
certainly the character of the oracles at Thebes and Doddna 
is very similar. Besides this form of divination, the Greeks 
learnt also divination by mean of victims from the Egyptians. 

68. The Egyptians were also the first to introduce solemn 
assemblies,^ processions, and litanies^ to the gods; of all 

' *' Solemn assemblies " were nn- 
meroos in Egypt, and were of variooB 
kinds. The grand assemblies, or g^reat 
panegyries, were held in the large 
halls of the principal temples, and 
the king presided at them in person. 

Their celebration was appatentlj 
yearly, regulated by the Sothic, or 
by the Tagne year; and others at the 
new moons, when they were oon- 
tinned for several snooessiTe days, 
and again at the foU moon. There 

No. L 

were inferior panegyries in honour of 
different deities every day during 
certain months. Some great pane- 
gyries seem to have been held after 
very long periods. Many other cere- 
monies idso took place, at which the 
king presided ; the gr^Atest of which 

was the procession of shrlnet of the 
gods, which is mentioned in the 
Bosetta Stone, and is often xepn- 
sented in the sculptures. These 
shrines were of two kinds : one was 
an ark, or sacred boat, which may be 
called the great shrine, the other • 


vhich the Greeks were taught the nae by them. It seems to 
me a sufficient proof of this, that in Egypt these practices 

■ort of cBiKip7. They were attended 
bj the chief priest, or prophet, clad 
in the leopard alcin ; thej were borne 
on Uie •honlders of eevenl prieBta, by 

throDgh metal rings at the aide, and 
being taken inM the temple, were 
placed oti « table <a ttttnd piepared 

for the pnrpoee. The ume mods of 
caiTTing the ark was adopted by the 
JewB (Joshua iii. 18; I Chron. xv. 2, 
and 15; 2 Sam. iv. 24; 1 Esdr. i. 4) ; 
and the gods of Babylon, as well M 
of Egypt, were borne and "set in 
their place " in a similar manner. 
(It. xlri. 7 ) Baiuch Ti. ^ and 26.) 

Apnleins (Met. xL £60) deserfbei the 
sei 1 1 III boat sod the high priest hold- 
ing in hJB b&iid a lighted torch, an 
egg, BJid aalphar, after which the 
(•acred) scribe read from a papyrns 
eertain prayers, in presence of the 
■SSI mil ill 111 postopfcori, or members of 
the Sacred Collie; which agrees 
weD with the ceremony deBoribed on 
the monnmenta. 

Some of the sacred boats or aika 
coDtsinod the emblems of lire and 
stability-, which, when the veil was 
drawn aside, were partially seen ; and 

>. II. 

others contained the sacred beetle of 
the son, overshadowed by the wings 
of two fignrea of the goddess Thmei. 
or "Truth," which call to mind the 
chenibim (icembim) of the Jews. The 
shrines of some deities differed from 
those of otherB, thongh most of them 
had a ram's head at the prow and 
stem of the boat ; and that of Fthah- 
Sokar.Osiris was marked by its singu- 
lar form, the centre having the head 
of the hawk, his emblem, rising from 
it in a shrond, and the prow termioa- 
ting in that of an oryx. It was 


have been eBtabliebed from remota antiquity, while in Greece 
they are only recently known. 

59. The ^Egyptians do not hold a single solemn aBsembly, 
but several in the course of the year. Of these the chief, 
which is better attended than any other, is held at the city of 

carried in tlie aame msnner hj Bereral 
prieitB. The god Horos, the origin, at 
tlie Greek Charon, ii the ■toersmaTi 
par eicellence ct the saored boats, aa 
Tiahna is of the Indian ark. (See 
my note on Fthah-Sokar-Oairis, in B. 
iii. ch. 37, and on the ark of bis, eee 
note • on oh. 61.) 

The Niloa, or FeatiTsl of the Inon- 
dstion ; the harroat ; the f^lea in 
hoDonr of thegoda; the rojal birth- 
dajB ; and other annual u well aa 
monthlf featirala, were celebrated 
"With great aplendonr ; and the proceg. 
aion to the templea, when the dedioa- 
tory offerings were presented by the 
kingi or bj the higb priest, the pnhlio 
holidays, the new moons, and noms- 
Toas occasional titea, kept through. 
ont the year, as well as the many 
asBemblies BnoceaHively held in differ- 
ent oitiea thronghodt the canntry, 
(ally justified the remark that the 
Egyptians paid greater attention to 

diTine matters than any other people. 
And these, aa Herodotoe obserres, had 
been already established long before 
any similar coBtom existed in Gceeoe. 
-[g, W.] 

I The mode of approMhing tho 
deity, and the ceremonies performed 
in the solemn processions varied in 
Egypt, as in Greece (ProcL Cliresto- 
matfa. p. 3B1, Gd.), where persons 
sometimBS saog hymns to the sonnd 
of the lyre, sometimes to the Ante, 
and with dances. These last were 
the rpovitia, which, aa well as the 
former (see woodoot I in ch. 48), aro 
repreaented on the monnments of 
Egypt. Sometimes the harp, guitar, 
and flotei, were played while tho high 
priest offered incense to the gods. 
The BOng of the Egyptian priests waa 
called in their langoage Fsan (Clem. 
Psedagog. iii. 2), which is evidently 
an Egyptian word, having the article 
Pi profiled.— [G. W.J 



Bnbastis* in honour of Diana.® The next in importance is 
that which takes place at Busiris, a city situated in the very 
middle of the Delta ; it is in honour of Isis, who is called in 
the Greek tongue Demeter (Ceres). There is a third great 
festival in Sais to Minerva, a fourth in Heliopolis to the Sun, 
a fifth in Buto * to Latona, and a sixth in Papremis to Mars. 

60. The following are the proceedings on occasion of the 
assembly at Bubastis : — Men and women come sailing all 
together^ vast numbers in each boat, many of the women with 

' BnbastiB, or Pasht, corresponded 
to the Greek Diana. At the # ■ 
Speos Artemidos (near Beni 
HaaEan) she is represented 
as a lioness with her name 
" PlBsht, the lady of the cave." 
At Thebes she has also the 
head of a lioness, with the 

name Paaht, thus written 

At Bnbasds the name of the chief 
goddess whose figure remains appears 

to read Bnto, and is thus ^^^ 
written «^ JK 

and here she may haye the character 
of Bnto or Latona. They both have 
the same head, though it is difficult to 
distinguish between that of the lioness 
and the cat. It is indeed probable 
that both these animals were sacred 
to and emblems of Pasht. The notion 
of the cat being an emblem of the 
moon wafl doubtless owing to the 
Greeks supposing Bubastis the same 
as Diana^ but the moon in Egypt was 
a male deity, the Ibis-headed Thoth ; 
and another mistake was their con- 
■iderxng the Egyptian Diana the sister 
of Apollo. Bemains of the temple 
and city of Bubastis, the << Pibeseth " 
(Pi-basth) of Ezekiel zxx. 17, are still 
seen at Tel Basta, ** the mounds of 
IWit/' 00 called from its lofty mounds. 
(See below, n. •, eh. 138.) At the 
Specs Artemidos numerous cat mum- 
mies were buried, from their being 

sacred to the Egyptian Diana. — 
[G. W.] 

• Herodotus (infra, ch, 156) sup- 
poses her the daughter of Bacchus 
(Osiris) and Isis, which is, of course, 
an error, as Osiris had no daughter, 
and the only mode of accounting for 
it is by supposing Horus, the son of 
Osiris, to have been mistaken for the 
sun, the Apollo of the Greeks, whose 
sister Diana was reputed to be. The 
goddess Bubastis, or Pasbt, is called 
on the monuments " beloved of Pthah," 
whom she generally accompanies, and 
she is the second member of the great 
triad of Memphis. Bubastis, the city, 
was only the Egyptian name Pasht, 
with the article III prefixed, as in the 
Hebrew Pi-basth ; and the change of 
P into B was owing to the former 
being pronounced B, as in modern 
Coptic— [G. W.] 

* Vide infra, note ' on ch. 155. The 
Gk)ddess mentioned at Bubastis should 
be Buto; as her name occurs there, 
and so frequently about the pyramids, 
which were in the neighbourhood of 
Letopolis, another city of Buto, or 
Latona. The city of Buto Herodotus 
here speaks of stood between the Se- 
bennytic and Bolbitine branches, near 
the Lake of Buto, now Lake Boorlos. 
The Sebennytic branch appears here 
to have been divided into several 
channels, as one of them passed, 
according to Herodotus and Ptolemy, 
near to Buto, which was at no great 
distance from the Canopio branch, 
where it separated from the Bolbitine. 
(See Rennell, ii, p. 168).— [G. W.] 



Book IL 

castanets, which they strike, while some of the men pipe 
during the whole time of the voyage ; the remainder of the 
voyagers, male and female, sing the while, and make a 
clapping with their hands. When they arrive opposite any 
of the towns upon the banks of the stream, they approach the 
shore, and, while some of the women continue to play and 
sing, others call aloud to the females of the place and load 
them with abuse, while a certain number dance, and some 
standing up uncover themselves. After proceeding in this 
way all along the river-course, they reach Bubastis, where 
they celebrate the feast with abundant sacrifices. More 
grape-wine ^ is consumed at this festival than in all the rest of 
the year besides. The number of those who attend, counting 
only the men and women, and omitting the children, amounts, 
according to the native reports, to sevea hundred thousand. 
61. The ceremonies at the feast of Isis in the city of Busiris' 

'^ This is to be distingnisbed from 
beer, ohos KplOtvos, "barley-wine," 
both of which were made in great 
quantities in Egypt. The most noted 
were those of Mareotis, Anthylla, 
Plinthine, Coptos, and the Teniotio, 
Sebennytic, and Alexandrian ; and 
many were noticed in the offerings 
made in the tombs and temples of 
^^7P^* Among them wine of the 
"Northern Country" is mentioned, 
and that long before the Greeks car- 
ried wine to Egypt. In later times, 
when the prejudices of the Egyptians 
had begun to relax, a trade was estab- 
lished with the Greeks, and Egypt 
received wine from Greece and Pho). 
nicia twice every year (Herod, iii. 6), 
and many Greeks oarrieid it direct to 
Naucratis. (See note ' on oh. 18 and 
note 'on 37 ; and on beer, n. *, ch. 77. 
On the wines of Egypt, see At. Eg. 
W. vol. ii. p. 158 to 170.) The wine- 
presses and offerings of wine in the 
tombs at the Pyramids show wine was 
made in Egypt at least as early as the 
4th dynasty.— [G. W.] 

• There were several places called 
Busiris in Egypt (Diod. i. 17 ; i. 88 ; 
Plin. T. 10; and xxxvi. 12). It sig- 

nifies the burial-place of Osiris, and 
therefore corresponds in meaning to 
Taposiris, a Greek name given to an- 
other town on the sea-coast to the W. 
of Aiexandria. Many places claim the 
honour of having the body of Osiris, 
the chief of which were Memphis, 
Busiris, PhilsD, Taposiris, and Abydos 
(Pint, de Is. s. 21). The Busiris men- 
tioned by Herodotus stood a little to 
the S. of Sebennytus and the modem 
Ahooseer, the Coptic Busiri, of which 
nothing now remains but some granite 
blocks since used as the thiesholdB 
of doors, and a few stones, one of 
which is of very early time. This is a 
sepulchral monument, probably of the 
time of the 4th dynasty, which h^a 
the funeral eye on each side. There 
was also a Busiiis near the Py^^^i^^* 
which gave its name to the modem 
Ahoosirf near which the burial-place 
of Apis, called Apis-Osiris, has lately 
been discovered. The city of Isis was 
lower down the river, and it is more 
probable that the f dte of Isis was held 
there than at Busiris. It is now called 
Behayt, and its site is marked by the 
ruins of a granite temple, the only- 
one, except that at Bnbastia, entirely 

Chap. 60, 61. 



have been already spoken of. It is there that the whole 
mnltitade, both of men and women, many thousands in 

bout of tliat beantifal and costly 
material, which was doubtless thought 
worthy to succeed " the very large 
temple to Isis'* mentioned by Hero- 
dotus — for it was built during the 
reign of the Ptolemies. It was for- 
merly called Iseum, and by the ancient 
Egyptians Hehcti or Hebaitf of which 
I»s is always called in the sculptures, 
" the Mistress." Hehai sig- 
nified a "panegyry," or as- 
sembly, and this was the real 
meamng of the name of the 
place. Osiris is also some- 
timea called in the legends 
there, "Lord of the land of 
HebaL** There was another 
ancient town, in Middle 
Eg3rpt, apparently oonse- 
crated |o Isis, the ruins €€ ^^ Q 
which are now called Hayhee, 
On a wall at JBcMyt, probably once 
part of the sdkos, is a remarkable bas- 
relief of the ark of Isis, in the centre 
of which the Goddess sits on a lotus- 
flower, a female standing on either 
side with outstretched wings ; below 
the same three are kneeling, and under 
this are the Goddess or Genius Mert 
or Milt, with the usual four kneeling 
figures (one with the head of a man 
and three with jackals' -heads) beating 
themselves, illustrating what Hero- 
di^ns says in ch. 40. This was done 
in honour of Osiris, whose death was 
lamented, as that of Adonis (Adoni ; 
cp. Judg. i. 6; Josh. X. 1) by the 
Syrians, alluded to in Ezekiel (yiii. 
14) : — " There sat women weeping for 
Tajmn^" This last name, meaning 
"concealed," may be related to the 
Atmoo of Egypt, who answers to '* Sol 
Inf ems ; " and tiie mention (in Ezek. 
Tiii. 16) of men worshipping "the 
Sun" (though it should have been 
the West, rather than towards " the 
East '9 seems to confirm this. (See 
tiotes ^ and ' on chaps. 85 and 171.) 
The temple of Beh^jt is now so com- 
pletely destroyed that it is difficult to 
aflcertaiu its exact plan; the stones 

are thrown together in the greatest 
confusion, and a man can go down 
beneath them to the depth of 12 to 15 
feet. None seem to be in their origi. 
nal places, though some of the door- 
ways can be traced ; and fragments 
of cornices, and ceilings, with the 
usual white stars on a blue ground, 
lie in a mass heaped one on the other. 
The force and labour employed in its 
destruction must have been very 
great. AU the remaining sculptures 
are of the time of Ptolemy Philadel- 
phus, and it is probable that the 
temple was rebuilt in his reign, of 
those unusual materials, which would 
have justified the remark applied by 
Herodotus to that of Bubastis, that 
many temples were larger but few so 
beautiful, and which prove that the 
Egyptians then, as before the time of 
Herodotus, sought to honour Isis with 
monuments worthy of her importance. 
The sculptures in relief on the granite 
show the immense labour bestowed 
upon them, and some of the hiero- 
glyphics on the architraves are 14 
inches long. On the cornices are the 
names of Ptolemy alternating with 
three feather ornaments forming an 
Egyptian triglyph, and one of them 
has the heads of Isis alternating with 
kings' names. The large columns 
were surmounted by heads of Isis, 
like those of Dendera, but with the 
remarkable difference that they were 
of granite; and on the bases of the 
walls was the not unusual row of 
figures of the God Nilus, bearing vases 
and emblems. The sculptures mostly 
represent offerings made to Isis (fre- 
quently with the emblem of Athor), 
to Osiris, Anubis, and the crocodile- 
headed Gk)d ; and the hawk-headed 
Hor-Hat is figured in one place leading 
up the King to the presence of Isis, 
who is styled " defender of her brother 
(Osiris)." A crude brick wall sur- 
rounded the temenos or sacred enclosure, 
in which the temple stood, and which 
had as usual stone gateways. — [G.W.] 



Book n. 

number, beat themselves at the close of the sacrifice, in hononr 
of a god, whose name a religious scruple forbids me to 
mention.^ The Carian dwellers in Egypt proceed on this 
occasion to still greater lengths, even cutting their faces with 
their knives,® whereby they let it be seen that they are not 
Egyptians but foreigners. 

62. At Sais,' when the assembly takes place for the sacri- 

7 This was Osiris ; and men are often 
represented doing this in the paint- 
ings of the tombs. See the preceding 
note, and n. ', chap. 85. — [G. W.] 

8 The cnstom of cutting themselyes 
was not Egyptian : and it is therefore 
evident that the command in Leviti- 
ens (idx, 28; xxi. 5) against making 
"any cuttings in their flesh" was not 
directed against a cnstom derived 
from Egypt, but from Syria, where 
the worshippers of Baal "cut them- 
selves after their manner with knives 
and lancets'* (lances), 1 Kings zviiL 
28.— [G. W.] 

^ The site of SaTs is marked by 
lofty mounds, enclosing a space of 
great extent. (See n. ^ ch. 169, and 
n. ^, ch. 170.) Its modem name 8a, 
or 8a.eUHugar, " Sa of the stone," 
from the ruins formerly there, shows 
it was derived from this ancient Ssa, 
or SaYs, of which Neith (Minerva) is 
said in the legends to be the " Mis- 
tress ; " showing that Plato is right in 
calling Neith the Minerva of 
Bats (TimsBUS, p. 22, A.). 
She is sometimes called Neit- 
Ank, or Onk, in which we 
*2^0 recognise Onka, the name 
j^^ £^ ven to the Besot ian Minerva, 
according to Plutarch, and 
confirmed by ^schylus, who calls her 
Onka Pallas, and speaks of a gate at 
Thebes, called Oncaoan after her (Sept. 
c. Theb. 487). It is also called On- 
ceean by Apollodorus ; but Euripides, 
Pausanias, and Statins call it Ogygian. 
The scholiast on ^schylus says Cad- 
mus founded a temple there to the 
Egyptian Minerva, who was called 
Oncssa. This temple and name are 
also mentioned by the SchoL Pind. OL 
ii. 44, who says the name is Phoenician. 

Pausanias also calls it Phoenician (ix. 
12, 2), and uses it as an argument to 
prove Cadmus was a Phoenician and 
not an Egyptian, as some supposed 
(See Gale and Selden). But Otik is 
the name of the Egyptian Vesta, mado 
into Anoukd by the Greeks, who ia 
shown to be a character of Neith or 
Minerva by the hieroglyphio legends. 
Anoukd was a very ancient goddess, 
and the third person of the triad at 
the first cataract. Nepthys, N6b-t-^ 
("the lady of the house"), has even 
the title of Ank in a legend at Den- 
dera; she was also a character of 
Vesta, with whom she agrees aa 
daughter of Saturn and Bbea (Seb 
and Netpe), and was protectress of 
the hearth; one of many proofs how 
much the deities of different orders 
have in common with each other; 
Nepthys being connected with Neith, 
as Isis, the mother of the child, is 
with Mnut, "the mother** goddess. 
Plutarch (do Is. a. 9) mentions an in- 
scription in the temple of Minerva — 
" I am everything which has been, 
which is, and which will be, and no 
mortal has yet lifted my veil;" but 
he is wrong in considering the still 
unveiled or the unmarried goddess the 
same as Isis, and in saying the latter 
was called by the Egyptians "Athena,*' 
signifying "I proceeded from myself*' 
(de Is. s. 62). Nor did the Egyptians 
attribute the gift of the olive to 
Minerva, but to Mercury (Diodor. i. 
16). StiU less is Zeth, ''olive," of the 
Hebrew (the Arabic Z4t, " oil," Z^toim, 
" olive ") related to the name of Sais. 
Neith is often represented with a bow 
and arrows, being, as Proclus says (in 
Tim.), goddess of war as well as of 
philosophy ; and her holding the seep. 

Chap. 61-63. 



fices, there is one night on which the inhabitants all bum a 
multitude of lights in the open air round their houses* They 
use lamps in the shape of flat saucers filled with a mixture of 
oil and salt/ on the top of which the wick floats. These bum 
the whole night, and give to the festival the name of the Feast 
of Lamps. The Egyptians who are absent from the festival 
observe the night of the sacrifice, no less than the rest, by a 
general lighting of lamps ; so that the illumination is not con- 
fined to the city of Saas, but extends over the whole of Egypt. 
And there is a reUgious reason assigned for the special honour 
paid to this night, as well as for the illumination which accom- 
panies it. 

63. At Heliopolis^ and Buto' the assemblies are merely for 
the purpose of sacrifice ; but at Papremis,* besides the sacri- 

ire of the male deities is oonBistent 
with her beifig " apfftt^OfiKvs.** Pliny 
njTB Minerra was armed to show that 
both m^e and female natures can 
pnrsne ererj virtne. Some think 
*A&npa a transposition of the Egyptian 
lfy«.— [G. W.] 

^ The oil floated on water mixed 
with salt. This f6te of lamps calls to 
mind a Chinese as well as an Indian 
csstom. It is remarkable that Homer 
mentions no one bat Minerya with an 
oil-lamp (Odys. ziz. 34) ; and her 
figure is sometimes attached to the 
upright terra-cotta lamps of the Etms- 
cans. (See Batraohom. 179, Strab. 
ix. 896, Pint. Sympos. viii. 716 E, 
Pansan. i. 26, 7.) There was a festival 
or race of torches at Athens (Aristoph. 
Wasps 1203, Frogs 131, 1087, 1098, 
and Sch.), but this was quite di£Ferent 
from the fSte of lamps at Sals. Strabo 
(iz. p. 574) speaks of the old temple 
of Minerra Polias in the Acropolis of 
Athens, in which a lamp was always 
kept burning. The Minerva and Yul. 
can of Athens were supposed to have 
been derived from Egypt. — [Q. W.] 

' PIntarch asserts that when the 
sacrifices were offered at Heliopolis, 
no wine was allowed to be taken into 
the temple of the sun ; but this may 

only signify that they were forbidden 
to drink it in the temple, *'it being 
indecent to do so under the eyes of 
their lord and king" (de Is. s. 6). 
See note' on ch. 37.— [G. W.] 

' See n. ' on oh. 69 and n. ' on oh. 

* Paprdmis is not known in the 
sculptures as the name of the Eg3rp. 
tian Mars ; and it may only have been 
that of the city, the capital of a nome 
(ch. 165) which stood between the 
modem Menzaleh and Damietta in the 
Delta. It was here that Inaros routed 
the Persians (infra, iii. 12) ; and it is 
remarkable that in this very island, 
formed by the old Mendesian and the 
modem Damietta branches, the Cru- 
saders were defeated in 1220, and 
again in 1249, when Louis IX. was 
taken prisoner. The deity who seems 
to have borne the most resemblance 
to Mars was Mandoo; Banpo (sup. 
posed to be Bemphan) and Anta being 
the god and goddess of war. Honu- 
rius, a name of Mars, which is also 
unknown in the sculptures, may be 
a corruption of Horus. The hippopo- 
tamus was sacred to Mars, and is said 
to have been worshipped at PaprSmis 
(ch. 71). Macrobius considers Mars 
the sun, which agrees with the chorac- 



' fices and other liteB which are performed there as elsewhere, 
the following custom is observed : — When the sun ia getting 
low, a few only of the priests continae occupied about the 
image of the god, while the greater number, armed with 
wooden clubs, take their station at the portal of the temple. 
Opposite to them is drawn np a body of men, in number above 
a thoufiand, armed like the others with clubs, consisting of 
persons engaged in the performance of their tows. The image 
of the god, which is kept in a small wooden shrine covered 
with plates of gold, is conveyed from the temple into a second 
sacred building the day before the festival begins. The few 
priests still in attendance upon the image place it, together 
with the shrine containing it, on a four-wheeled car,' and 
begin to drag it along ; the others, stationed at the gateway of 
the temple, oppose its admission. Then the votaries come 
forward to espouse the quarrel of the god, and set upon the 
opponents, who are sure to offer resistance. A sharp fight 

tor of Mondoo or Mandoo-Ho (Saturn, 
i. 19). Some sappoae tbe fortified 
town of Ibrtem (Pnnui-pirTB) to hftve 
beea called &om bim.— [O. W.] 

* ThiB w&B of unnflnal occarrenoe in 
the Egyptian Bcnlptnjea ; but a repre- 
sentation at a car bearing a Bm&U 
ihrine in a boat, fonnd on the band, 
ages of a mnnuny belonging to Signor 
d'Atbantwi, seems to be similar to tbe 
one mentioned bj Heiodotua, with 

this difTerence, that tbe tgnre repre- 
senting tbe deceased is recumbent in- 
stead of being the standing image of 
a deitj. Foor.irheeled cars nere oom- 
moD in naay coontries. Tbe Latin 
name petoritnai is derived, aa Festiis 
sayd, from petor " tour " in Oscsn, and 
r»( (rota) " wheel." Petflr is another 
form of quatuor, the Gothio Jidvdr, 
JEoUo Fisurts, Sansciit Chatir, — 
[G. W.] 



with dabs ensties, in which heads are commonly broken on 
both sides. Many, I am convinced, die of the wounds that 
they receive, though the Egyptians insist that no one is ever 

64. The natives give the subjoined account of this festival. 
They say that the mother of the god Mars once dwelt in the 
temple. Brought up at a distance from his parent, when he 
grew to man's estate, he conceived a wish to visit her. Ac- 
cordingly he came ; but the attendants, who had never seen 
him before, refused him entrance, and succeeded in keeping 
him oui. So he went to another city and collected a body of 
men, with whose aid he handled the attendants very roughly, 
and forced his way in to his mother. Hence they say arose 
the custom of a fight with sticks in honour of Mars at this 

The Egyptians first made it a point of religion to have no 
converse with women in the sacred places, and not to enter 
them without washing, after such converse. Almost all other 
nations, except the Greeks and the Egyptians, act differently, 
regarding man as in this matter under no other law than the 
brutes. Many animals, they say, and various kinds of birds, 
may be seen to couple in the temples and the sacred precincts, 
which would certainly not happen if the gods were displeased 
at it. Such are the arguments by which they defend their 
practice ; but I nevertheless can by no means approve of it. 
In these points the Egyptians are specially careful, as they are 
indeed in everything which concerns their sacred edifices. 

65. Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, is not a region 
abounding in wild animals.^ The animals that do exist in the 

* Tins was thonght to be eztraor- 
dhiMrj, becMue Africa abounded in 
wild ^T»im*l« (infm, iv. 191-2) ; but it 
wma on the west and south, and not on 
the oonfineit of Egypt, that they were 
nnmenms. Though Herodotus abstains 
from saying why the Egyptians held 
■ome ^wtTwftia sacredy he explains it in 
nnw degree by obserring that Egypt 

did not abound in animals. It was 
therefore found necessary to ensure 
the preservation of some, as in the 
case of cows and sheep ; others were 
sacred in consequence of their being 
unwholesome food, as swine, and cer- 
tain fish; and others &om their utility 
in destroying noxious reptiles, as the 
oat^ iohneomon, ibis, vulture, and 



Book II. 

country, whether domesticated or otherwise, are all regarded 
as sacred. If I were to explain why they are consecrated to 
the several gods, I should he led to speak of religious matters, 
which I particularly shrink from mentioning; the points 
whereon I have touched slightly hitherto have all been intro- 
duced from sheer necessity. Their custom with respect to 
animals is as follows : — For every kind there are appointed 
certain guardians, some male, some female,'^ whose business 
it is to look after them ; and this honour ^ is made to descend 

falcon tribe : or for some particular 
pnrpoBe, as the crocodile was sacred 
in places distant from the Nile, where 
the canals required keeping up. The 
same is stated by Porphyry (de Sacri- 
ficiis) and Cicero (Nat. Deor. i. 36), 
who says that the custom of " repre- 
senting the gods with the heads of 
oxen, birds, and other creatures, was 
introduced in order that the people 
might abstain from eating them, or 
for some other mysterious reason." 
In this they observed certain gra- 
dations. All that are said to have 
been worshipped did not really receive 
that honour. Some were in them- 
selves sacred, being looked upon, as 
Strabo and Porphyry say, "really to 
be gods," as the bull Apis, and others ; 
some were only representations of 
certain deities, and many were mere 
emblems. Diodorus and Cicero also 
attribute their worship to their utility 
to man; but the same satisfactory 
reason is not to be found in all cases. 
See above, note * on ch. 42. — [Q. W.] 

' Women were probably employed 
to give the food to many of the ani- 
mals ; but the curators appear to have 
been men of the sacerdotal class. 
Diodorus speaks of certain revenues 
for the support of the sacred animals, 
besides the donations of the devout; 
and he describes their feeding the 
hawks by throwing up the meat cut 
into small pieces; the cats and ich- 
neumons being fed with bread soaked 
in milk, or with fish cut up for them* 
Even in the present day cats are fed 
at the Kadi's court and at the Nahasin 
(oopper-market) of the Khan Khaleel, 

in Cairo, from funds left for the par- 
pose. See At. Eg- W. voL v. p. 165— 
[Q. W.] 

^ Herodotus and Diodorus agree in 
representing the offioe of feeding the 
sacred animals as an honourable one : 
"and BO far" says Diodorus, "are 
they from declining or feeling ashamed 
openly io fulfil this office, that they 
pride themselves upon it, going in 
procession through the towns and 
country, with the distinguishing marks 
of their occupation, as if they were 
partakers of the highest honours of 
the gods. And being known by a 
peculiar emblem belonging to each, 
the people perceive^ on tibeir approach, 
of what animal they have the care, 
and show them respect by bowing to 
the ground, and by other marks of 
honour " (i. 83). The expense incur- 
red for the maintenance of these 
animals was often very great, and 
their funerals were sometimes per. 
formed in so sumptuous a manner, 
that they cost the curators more than 
they had the means of pa3ring: and. 
when in foreign countries, the Egyp- 
tian army was never known to leave 
behind it the cats and hawks, even 
though they had a difficulty in obtain- 
ing the means of transport ; and they 
were always brought back to Eg^yp^ 
to be buried in holy ground. In con- 
sequence of various reasons for the 
respect or the hostility felt towards 
a particular animal in different parta 
of Egypt, many quarrels took place in 
later times between towns and dis- 
tricts (Juven. Sat. zv. 86 ; see above 
n. ^ on oh. 42). Bat these were no^ 



from father to sod. The inhabitants of the TBjionB cities, 
when they have mode a vow to any god, pay it to his animals 
in the way which I will now explain. At the time of making 
the vow they shave the head of the child,^ cntting ofF all the 

Ukelf to bBTe been permiHad during 
tlie age of the Fhoiaohs, wheo the law 
vii ttroag, the real object better 
nndsitood, and the priegte were mora 
iDturaled in m&intainitig tbeir sntho- 
ntj, tod in preyenting on eipOBoi^ of 
tbeir ijstem ; and no opinion can be 
tormed of the Egyptians or their coa- 
tma when in the degraded state to 
which tbej bad fallen under the 
BomuiB. For, &a De Paaw observes, 
" there is zto more reaaon to believe 

nittad ii 


than U> expect the modem 
towni of EoTope to make war on each 
MluT in order to maintain the pre- 
eminencB of their aaints and patrong" 
(Becb. nir lea £g. et Chinois, i. 146). 
Bq( whatever may hare been the 
onginal motive, thete is no donbt that 
the effect of tbia aanotity of animala 
vu only what might have been f ore- 
Ken, and like the division of the deity 
iolo varioiu tonus and atlribntea, or 
the adotation of any bnt the Sopreme 
Being, could not possibly end 

. And 

tliingh Flntan-h (de la, s. 8) thinks 
lliat "the religions rites and oere- 
moniss of the Egyptians were never 
nutituled on irrational groiuidB, or 
halt on mere fable," he feels obliged 
to aUow that, by adoring the animals 
thsmaelvea, the reverencing them as 

gods, the Egyptians, at least the 
greater part of them, have not only 
filled their religiona worship with 
many contemptible and ridionlons 
rites, bat have given ocoasioa to 
notions of the moet dangerous con- 
seqnence, driving the weak and simple, 
minded into all the eitiavaganoe o( 
saperstition. See At. Eg. W. vol. 
V. p. 91-114; and compare note' on 
oh. 37.— [O. W.] 

• Though Egyptian men shaved their 
heads, boys had several tofts of hair 
left, as in modem Egypt and China. 
Princes also wore a long plaited lock, 
falling from near the top of the head, 
behind the ear, to the neck. This was 
the sign of childhood, and was given 
to the infant Harpocratee, To it 
Lncian allados when he says (Navig. 
8), "It is a sign ot 
nobility in Egypt, 
for all 
yoDths to plait their 
hair nntil the age 
ot pnberty," though 
in Greece " the hair 
twisted back and 
plaited is a sign of 
one not being free." 
The lock worn by - 
princes was not always real faair, but 
a false one appended to the wig they 
~ plaited to resemble 




hair, or else half, or sometimes a third part, which they then 
weigh in a balance against a sum of silver ; and whatever sum 
the hair weighs is presented to the guardian of the animals, 
who thereupon cuts up some fish, and gives it to them for food 
— such being the stuflf whereon they are fed. When a man 
has killed one of the sacred animals, if he did it with malice 
prepense, he is punished with death ; ^ if unwittingly, he has 
to pay such a fine as the priests choose to impose. When an 
ibis, however, or a hawk is killed, whether it was done by 
accident or on purpose, the man must needs die. 

66. The number of domestic animals in Egypt is very great, 
and would be still greater were it not for what befals the cats. 
As the females, when they have kittened, no longer seek the 
company of the males, these last, to obtain once more their 
companionship, practise a curious artifice. They seize the 
kittens, carry them off, and kill them, but do not eat them 
afterwards. Upon this the females, being deprived of their 
young, and longing to supply their place, seek the males once 
more, since they are particularly fond of their offspring. On 
every occasion of a fire in Egypt the strangest prodigy occurs 
with the cats. The inhabitants allow the fire to rage as it 

hair, sometimes within a ooTering 
fastened to the side of the head- 
dress. One of these, worn hj a Prince 
Bemeses, was highly ornamented. 
-[G. W.] 

^ The law was, as Herodotns says, 
against a i>erson killing them on pnr> 
pose ; bnt the prejudiced popolace in 
after times did not always keep within 
the law ; and Diodoms declares that 
if any person killed an ibis, or a cat, 
even nnintentionally, it infallibly cost 
him his life, the multitude collecting 
and tearing him to pieces ; for fear of 
which calamity, if anybody found one 
of them dead he stood at a distance, 
and calling with a loud voice made 
every demonstration of grief, and pro- 
tested that it was found lifeless. And 
to such an extent did they carry this, 
that they could not be deterred by any 
representation from their own magis- 

trates from killing a Boman who had 
accidentally caused the death of a cat 
(Diod. i. 83). This confirms the state- 
ment in a previous note (ch. 65, note ^) 
of the change since the time of the 
Pharaohs. A similar prejudice exists 
in India in favour of their sacred ani- 
mals. Cicero said it was a capital 
offence in Egypt to kill " an ibis, an 
asp, a cat, a dog, or a crocodile" 
(Tusc. Disp. V. 27) ; but the croco- 
dile was not sacred throughout the 
country. Plutarch mentions the ibis, 
hawk, cynocephalus, and the apis, as 
the animals in universal estimation 
throughout Egypt, to which the cat, 
dog, cow, vulture, and asp should 
have been added. Great respect was 
also paid to the jackal, as the emblem 
of Anubis ; but many others merely 
enjoyed local honours. — [G. W.] 

Chap. 66-67. 



pleases, while they stand about at intervals and watch these 
animals, which, sUpping by the men or else leaping over 
them, rush headlong into the flames.^ When this happens, 
the Egyptians are in deep affliction. If a cat dies in a private 
bouse by a natural death, all the inmates of the house shave 
their eyebrows ; on the death of a dog they shave the head 
and the whole of the body. 

67. The cats on their decease are taken to the city of 
Bubastis,' where they are embalmed, after which they are 
buried in certain sacred repositories. The dogs are interred 
in the cities to which they belong, also in sacred burial-places. 
The same practice obtains with respect to the ichneumons ; ^ 

' The Terf measnres adopted hj the 
Sgyptians to prevent the oats being 
bornt frightened them (as Larcher 
supposes), and made them rash into 
the danger.— [G.W.] 

* Cats were embahned and buried 
where they died» except perhaps in 
the neighbonrhood of Babastis; for 
we find their mnmmies at Thebes and 
other Egyptian towns, and the same 
may be said of hawks and ibises. At 
Thebe* nnmerons ibis mummies are 
foond, as well as in the well-known 
ibis-mmnmy pit of Sakkara ; and 
oowB, dogs, hiawks, mice, and other 
animals are fonnd embalmed and 
boried at Thebes. They did not there- 
tare carry all the cats to Bubastis} 
the shrew.mice and hawks to Bnto; 
cor the ibis to Hermopolis. Bat it is 
Tery possible that persons whose 
religions scruples were very strong, 
or who wished to show greater honour 
to one of those animals, sent them to 
be buried at the city of the god to 
whom they were sacred, as individuals 
sometimes preferred having their 
bodies interred at Abydus, because it 
was the holy burial place of Osiris, 
This explains the statement of Hero- 
dotus, as well as the fact of a great 
nxmiber of cat mummies being found 
at the Speos Artemidos, and the 
number of dog mummies in the Cyno- 
polite Dome, and of wolf mummies at 
LyoopoUs. In some places the mum- 

VOL. n. 

mies of oxen, sheep, dogs, oats, bbT' 
pents, and fishes, were buried in a 
oonmion repository; but wherever 
particular animals were sacred, small 
tombs, or cavities in the rock, were 
made for their reception, and sepul- 
chres were set apart for certain ani- 
mals in the oemeteries of other towns. 
— [G. W.] 

* The viverra ichneumon is still very 
common in Egypt, particularly on the 
western bank, from the modem Geezeh 
to the Fy<5om. It was supposed to be 
sacred to Lucina and Latona. Hera- 
cleopolis was the city where it was 
principally honoured ; and its hostility 
to the crocodile, in destroying its eggs, 
was the cause of the ill-will that sub- 
sisted between the Heradeopolites 
and the people of the neighbouring 
nome of Crooodilopolis (the modern 
Fydom), Its habit of destroying eggs 
is well known ; and this is frequently 
represented in the paintings of Thebes, 
Beni Hassan, and Sakkara. It is now 
called nimSf or Qot, i,e. (Kot) Fha. 

radon, " Pharaoh's cat," probably from 
the reverence it formerly received in 
Egypt. This was from its hostility to 





the hawks and shrew-mice, on the contrary, are conveyed to 
the city of Buto for burial, and the ibises® to Hermopolis. 
The bears, which are scarce in Egypt,® and the wolves, which 
are not much bigger than foxes,'' they bury wherever they 
happen to find them lying. 

68. The following are the peculiarities of the crocodile : — 
During the four winter months they eat nothing : ® they are 

oats ; and above all from its antipathy 
to serpents, whioh it certainly has a 
remarkable facility of destroying, 
^lian, and other ancient writers, have 
overloaded the truth with so many 
idle tales, that the feats of the ichneu- 
mon appear altogether fabaloos ; the 
destmction of the crocodile's eggs 
having been converted into a direct 
attack on the crocodile itself, and a 
cuirass of mud against a snake having 
been thought necessary to account for 
what is really done by its extreme 
quickness. See At. Eg. W. vol. ii. 
p. 31, and voL v. p. 149 to 167.— 
[G. W.] 

^ These birds were sacred to Thoth, 
the god of letters, and the moon, who 
corresponded to Mercury, being the 
intermediate agent between the gods 
and man. He was particularly wor- 
shipped at Hermopolis Mag^na, now 
Oshrnoonayn, in Coptic Shmoun B, or 
the 'Hwo Eights," in allusion to his 
title of ** Lord of the eight regions," 
common in the hieroglyphic legends. 
On the edge of the desert, west of that 
place, are many pits where the sacred 
ibises were buried. Hermopolis Farva, 
now Damna/nhov/r in the Delta, was 
also a city named after this god. 
Another, called Ibeum, nearly opposite 
Ac6ris, was either sacred to, or was 
the burial-place of, the ibis; and 
Champollion supposed it received the 
name of Nibis from Ha.n.hip, or 
n.hip "the place (city) of the ibis," 
which in Egypt was cs^ed Hip. (See 
below, note • on oh. 76.) The Cyno- 
oephalus ape was also sacred to Thoth. 
— [G. W.] 

* It is very evident that bears were 
not natives of Egypt; they are not 
represented among the animals of the 

country ; and no instance occurs of a 
bear in the sculptures, except as a 
curiosity brought by foreigners. These 
people are the Bot-!i-no (divided by 
the Egyptians into " upper and lower") 
who Uved by Mesopotamia; and the 
coming of the bear from tiie neigh, 
bourhood of the Euphrates accords 
well with the present hahittU of the 
small light.coloured Ursus Syriacus, — 
[G. W.] 

7 Herodotus is quite correct in say- 
ing that wolves in Egypt were scarcely 
larger than foxes. It is singular that 
he omits aU mention of the hyaena, 
which is so common in the country, 
and which is represented in the sculp- 
tures of Upper and Lower Egypt. 
The wolf is an animal of Upper and 
Lower Egypt. Its Egyptian name was 
" Ou6n8K"—lG. W.] 

* If the crocodile rarely comes oai 
of the river in the cold weather, be* 
cause it finds the water warmer than. 
the external air at that season, there 
is no reason to believe it remains 
torpid all that time, though, like all 
the lizard tribe, it can exist a long 
time without eatipg, and I have known 
them live in a house for three momths 
without food, sleeping most of the 
time; indeed, when the weather is 
warm, even in winter, it frequently 
comes out of the water to bask on the 
sand-banks, and there during^ the 
great heats of the summer it sleeps 
with its mouth wide open towards the 
wind. In Herodotus' time crooodiles 
frequented the lower part of the Nile 
more than at present, and may hsTO 
remained longer under water in that 
latitude. Indeed for many months 
they have little opportunity of being 
Been, owing to the inundation <x»yer. 

Chap. G7, 68. 



four-footed, and live indifferently on land or in the water. 
The female lays and hatches her eggs ashore, passing the 
greater portion of the day on dry land, but at night retiring to 
the river, the water of which is warmer than the night-air and 
the dew. Of all known animals this is the one which from 
the smallest size grows to be the greatest : for the egg of the 
crocodile is but little bigger than that of the goose, and the 
young crocodile is in proportion to the egg ; yet when it is full 
grown, the animal measures frequently seventeen cubits and 
even more. It has the eyes of a pig, teeth large and tusk-Hke, 
of a size proportioned to its frame ; unlike any other animal, 
it is without a tongue ; it cannot move its imder jaw, and in 

ing iheax {avonrite sand-banks. They 
do not DOW frequent the Nile below 
Beni Hmbmi, and they are seldom 
»een north of the latitude of Manfa. 
loot. Their eg^, as Herodotus says, 
are laid in the sand, often under the 
bank, and hatched by the heat of the 
cun ; and the great disparity between 
the animal when full grown, and its 
original size in the egg, is remarkable, 
ainoe the latter only measures three 
inches in length and two inches in 
breadth (or diameter), being less than 
that of the goose, which measures 
Sf by 2|. The two ends are exactly 
alike. When formed, the young croco> 
dile lies within with its tail turned 
icnind to its head; and when full 
grown it becomes nearly 70 times 
longer than the egg, the crocodile of 
Egypt attaining to the size of 20 to 22 
feet. In Ethiopia it is larger; and 
Herodotus gives it 17 cubits ( — 25} 
feet or 29, if by the cubit of the 
Nilometer) in Egypt, or even more. 
Its small eyes are long, which makes 
Herodotus compare them to those of a 
pig, and they are covered by a thin 
pellucid (nictitating) membrane, men. 
tioned by Plutarch (de Is. s. 75), 
which passes over tiiem from the 
outer corner, and continues there 
while it sleeps. It is perfectly true 
that it has no tongue ; and the throat 
is closed by a thick membrane which 
jM only opened when it swallowB ; but 

the story of its moving its upper jaw 
is owing to its throwing up its whole 
head when it seises . its prey, at the 
same time that it really moves its 
lower jaw doumwa/rds. The strength 
of its skin, particularly on the back, 
where it is covered with scales, has 
made it useful for shields (as Pliny 
says of the Hippopotamus, " Terg^ris 
ad scuta galeasque impenetrabilis "), 
which are still xxiade of it in Ethiopia. 
Though the scales serve to indicate 
the two species known in the Nile, 
they differ very little in their position ; 
and the black and green colour of the 
two crocodiles is a more evident dis- 
tinction. The notion of this animal, 
which catches fish, not being able to 
see xmder water, is contrary to all 
reason, as is the annoyance to which 
Herodotus supposes it subject, of 
having its mouth invaded by leeches. 
The story of the friendly offices of the 
Trochilus appears to be derived from 
that bird's uttering a shrill note as it 
flies away on the approach of man, 
and (quite unintentionally) warning 
the crocodile of danger. In its range 
of long tusks the two end ones of the 
lower jaw pass through corresponding 
holes in the upper jaw, near the nose, 
when the mouth is closed. These are 
formed by the teeth growing long, 
there being as yet no such holes while 
the animal is young. — [G. W.] 



Book H. 

this respect too it is singular, being the only animal in the 
world which moves the upper jaw but not the under. It has 
strong claws and a scaly skin, impenetrable upon the back. 
In the water it is blind, but on land it is very keen of sight. 
As it lives chiefly in the river, it has the inside of its mouth 
constantly covered with leeches ; hence it happens that, while 
aU the other birds and beasts avoid it, with the trochilus it 
lives at peace, since it owes much to that bird: for the 
crocodile, when he leaves the water and comes out upon the 
land, is in the habit of lying with his mouth wide open, facing 
the western breeze : at such times the trochilus goes into his 
mouth and devours the leeches. This benefits the crocodile, 
who is pleased, and takes care not to hurt the trochilus. 

69. The crocodile is esteemed sacred by some of the 
Egyptians ; by others he is treated as an enemy .^ Those who 

* See above, note ', on ob. 42. 
Strabo speaks of a sacred orocodile 
kept at CrooodilopoUs (afterwards 
called Arsinoe) oaUed Suchas, wbiob 
was fed by the pdests with the 
bread, meat, and wine oontribated by 
strangers. This name was evidently 
taken from Savak, the crocodile- 
headed god — and that mentioned by 
Herodotns, '* Champses,'* was the 
Egyptian msah, or emsdh, which may 
be traced in the Arabic temsah. The 
Greeks prefixed the x ^ ^^7 ^^^ 
change the h of Arabic into a hard k, 
as " kagi " for " hagi," Ac. At Croco- 
dilopoUs, and at another town of the 
same name above Hermopolis, at 
Ombos, Goptos, Athribis (called also 
Crocodilopolis), and even at Thebes, 
and some other places, the crocodile 
was greatly hononred ; and ^lian 
(x. 24) says that their numbers in- 
creased so much that it was not safe 
for any one to wash his feet, or draw 
water at the river near those towns ; 
and no one conld walk by the stream 
at Ombos, Goptos, or Arsinoe, withoat 
great caution. Herodotus says the 
sacred crocodiles of the Crocodilopolite 
nome were buried in the lower cham- 
bers of the Labyrinth (infra, ch. 148). 

The Tentyrites, and the people of 
Apollinopolis, Heracleop9lis, and the 
island of Elephantine, looked upon them, 
with particular aversion, and the same 
hatred was shown to them whenever 
they were considered types of the 
Svil Being. The skill of the Tenty. 
rites in destroying them was well 
known, and their facility in over* 
powering them in the water ia attri. 
buted by Pliny (viii. 25) and Seneca 
(Nat. QusDst .iv. 2) to their courage, 
as well as to their dexterity, the 
crocodile being "timid before the 
bold, and moat ready to attack those 
who were afraid of it." The truth of 
the skill of the Tentyrites was even 
tested at Rome ; and Strabo savs they 
went after them into a tank ox water 
prepared for the purpose, and en. 
tangling them in a net dragged them 
to its shelving edge and back a^^ain 
into the water, in the presence of 
numerous spectators. Mummies of 
crocodiles have been found at Thebea 
and other places, but principally at 
the large natural cave near MaAbdeh 
(opposite ManfaJoot), near which it is 
probable that some town formerly 
stood where they were partioolarly 
honoured. — [Q. W.] 



live near Thebes, and those who dwell aronnd Lake Moeris, 
regard them with especial veneration. In each of these places 
they keep one crocodile in particular, who is taught to be tame 
and tractable. They adorn his ears ^ with ear-rings of molten 
stone* or gold, and put bracelets on his fore-paws, giving him 
daily a set portion of bread, with a certain number of victims ; 
and, after having thus treated him with the greatest possible 
attention while alive, they embalm him when he dies, and bury 
him in a sacred repository. The people of Elephantine, on 
the other hand, are so far from considering these animals as 
sacred, that they even eat their flesh. In the Egyptian 
language they are not called crocodiles, but Ghampsae. The 
name of crocodiles was given them by the lonians, who re- 
marked their resemblance to the lizards, which in Ionia live 
in the walls, and are called crocodiles/ ' 

70. The modes of catching the crocodile^ are many and 
various. I shall only describe the one which seems to me 
most worthy of mention. They bait a hook with a chine of 
pork and let the meat be carried out into the middle of the 

' The crocodile's ears are merely 
small openings withoat any flesh pro- 
jecting beyond the head. — [Q. W.] 

* By molten stone seems to be 
meant glass, which was well known 
to the Egyptians (see note ^ on ch. 44), 
aa it was also to the Assyrians (Lay- 
aid's Kinereh and Babylon, pp. 196-7, 
&C.) and Babylonians (ibid. p. 608). 

* KpomSitiXos was the term given 
by the lonians to lizards, as the Por- 
togneee ol legato " the lizard " is the 
origin of onr alligator. The lonians 
are here the descendants of the Ionian 
soldiers of Psammetichns. The croco- 
dile is not the Leviathan of Job xli. 
as some have supposed. Isaiah, zzvii. 
1, calls " Leviathan the piercing ser- 
penty** and "that crooked serpent," 
ocoresponding to the Aphophis or 
"great serpent" of Egypt, the em. 
blem of sin. — [G. W.] 

* One, which is now adopted, is to 
fasten a little pnppy on a log of wood, 

to the middle of which a strong rope 
is tied, protected to a certain distance 
by iron wire, and this, wheai swallowed 
by the crocodile, turns, on being pulled, 
across its throat. It is then dragged 
ashore, and soon killed by blows on 
the head from poles and hatchets. 
They have another mode of catching 
it. A man swims, having his head 
covered by a gonrd with two holes 
for his eyes, to a sandbank where the 
crocodile is sleeping; and when he 
has reached it, he rises from the water 
with a shont, and throws a spear into 
its side, or armpit if possible, when 
feeling itself wonnded it rashes into 
the water. The head of the barbed 
spear having a rope attached to it, the 
crocodile .is thereby polled in, and 
wonnded again by the man (and his 
companions who join him) until it is 
exhausted and killed; and thb same 
method is adopted for catching the 
hippopotamus in Ethiopia.— [G. W.] 




stream, while the hnnter upon the bank holds a living pig, 
which he belabours. The crocodile hears its cries, and, malf'^g 
for the sound, encounters the pork, which he instantly swallows 
down. The men on the shore haul, and when they have got 
him to land, the first thing the hunter does is to pla.ster bis 
eyes with mud. This once accomplished, the animal is 
despatched with ease, otherwise he gives great trouble. 

71. The hippopotamus,*^ in the canton of Papremis, is a 
sacred animal, but not in any other part of Egypt. It may 
be thus described: — ^It is a quadruped, cloven-footed, with 
hoofs like an ox, and a flat nose. It has the mane and tail of 
a horse, huge tusks which are very conspicuous, and a voice 
like a horse's neigh. In size it equals the biggest oxen, and 
its skin is so tough that when dried it is made into javelins.^ 

' Tliis animal was formerly common 
in Egypt, but is now rarelj seen as 
low as the second cataract. The chase 
of the hippopotamns was a favourite 
amusement. It was entangled by a 
running noose, and then struck by a 
spear, to the barbed blade of which a 
strong line was fastened. On striking 
it the shaft left the blade, the line 
running on a reel was let out, and it 
was then dragg^ back again to re- 
ceive other spear-wounds till it was 
exhausted, when the ropes of the va. 
rious blades were used to secure it. 
(Cp. Diodor. L 35 ; see pi. zv. At. Eg. 
W. vol. iii. p. 71.) The description 
of the hippopotamus by Herodotus is 
far from correct. Its feet are divided 
into four short toes, not like the hoof 
of an oz ; the teeth certainly project, 
but it has no mane, and its tail, almost 
trilateral at the end, is very unlike 
that of a horse ; nor does it neigh, the 
noise being between lowing and grunt, 
ing. Its size fsx exceeds that of the 
largest ox, being, when full grown, 
from 14 to 18 ft. long. Shafts of 
javelins (cp. i. 52) may possibly have 
been made of the hide, but it is better 
suited for whips (now called corhdg) 
and shields, both which were made df 
it in ancient as in modem times. 
Pliny justly says, '< ad scuta galeasque 

impenetrabilis *• (vlii. 25). Its Egyp- 
tian name was opt, with the article 
P'Opt It is said to have been sacred 
to Mars (ch. 63), probably the pigmy 
deity armed with sword and sMeld 
(At. Eg. pi. zli. pt. 1). It was a 
Typhonian animal, and "a hippopo. 
tiunus bound " was stamped on the 
cakes used in the sacrifices of the 
festival for the return of Ids from 
Fhoanicia, on the 11th of Tybi (Pint, 
de Is. B. 50). It was probably the 
hehemdth of Job (xl. 15) that '*eateth 
grass like an ox," and ** lieth .... in 
the covert of the reed and fens." Sea 
Gesenius, Heb. Lex., where the word 
is thought to be Egyptian, P'She^mivt, 
''the water-ox.** Shields are still 
made of its hide by the Ethiopians 
and Blacks of Afrioa as of old, as well 
as of the crocodile, gunffe, and bnU'a 
hide.— [G. W.] 

' According to Porphyry (ap. Euseb. 
Prsep. Ev. X. iii. p. 166 B.) Hero- 
dotus transferred his accounts of 
the phoenix, the hippopotamus, and 
the mode of catching the crocodile 
bodily from Hecatssus, making only a 
few verbal alterations. It is possible 
that the statement may be true as 
regards the two quadrupeds, though 
one would think that Herodotus might 
have had equal means of pencmal 


72. Otters '' also are fotind in the Kile, and are considered 
sacred. Only two sorts of fish are venerated,^ that called the 

oteerration nitli the earlier writer. 
In the cmae of the phcemi, ForphyiT's 
aecntint cannot be received, for it is 
erident that Horodotng drew directly 
from the Egyptian piotores. He ■&7B, 
moreoTOt (infra, ch, 99), that nil hia 
ncconnt of Egypt ia the result of his 
own ideas aiid obaarratinnB. Thi^ 
howerer, maj be an eiaggeiatian. 

' The oams i^piti is indefinite, 
and the otter ia unknown in Egypt 1 
bnt Atnnuantu Haroellinna (ziii. 14 ; 
p. S36) eiplaini it by showing that 
the "hjdrna was a Irind of ichnen' 
nuD ; " and thongh Henidota* waa 
aware of the exittenoe of the iohneo- 
mon, ha may easily have miitaken it 

for the otter, u modem traTellan are 
known to do, on seeing it coming ont 
of the riTer.— [G. W.] 

* The fish particolarly sacred were 
the Oiyrbinohos, the Lepidotns, and 
the Phagma or eel ; and the Latos 
waa mored at Latopolis, aa the MEeotes 
at Elephantine. The OryrMnchai, 
which gave ita name to the oity where 
it waa partioDlarty hononred, had, aa 
its name ahowa, a " pointed nose," and 
waa the some sa the modern Uiideh, 
the Hormyms Oiyrhinchos. It ia 
often fomid in bronse. So highly was 
it levered at Oiyrhinchns that a 
qnorrel took plooe between that oity 
and the people of Cynopolia, in 00a- 


lepidotne and the eel. These are regarded ae sacred to the 
Kile, &B likewise among birds is the yulparteer, oi fox-goose.' 

•Bqnraioe of their hariiig eaten one; 
and no OijrhiDohito ironld eat auj 
nhcr Gih taken by a hook, leat it 
■hoild hare been defiled by having at 
•ly time wonnded one of tlieir eacrcd 
M (Plut. de la. vii. 18, 2S), The 
LqridotDs WB8 a acaly fiali, bat it ia 
nucertwn whether it wm the Kelb.el. 
Bthi (aabuo dentei), the Eiaher (or 

the Ptaa Nilotica, or the Benny 
(Cfpiitiiig Lcpidotos) ; and the brooxe 
nprMentatianR do not ole&r up the 
■Iiftioii, though they faronr the 
cUisu c^ the last of the three (see 
Flut. de la. s. 18). The FhagruB or 
Ml Tu lacred at Syene and at Fha- 
girriopoli^, and the reanm of ita being 
ncnd at this last place was evidently 
in order to indnoe the people t« keep 
up the canal Of the habits of some 
M of Sgypt, see Stnbo, zr. p. 486. 
'* ' — n what speoies the Latoa 

uid Hffiotes were, and Lilian t bi^lrn 
the Fhagms and Muotes were the 
same fish (see At. Eg-, yt. vol. t. p. 
268). Bat all people did not regard 
these fish iiith the same feoUngs, and 
bU kinds are represented as caught 
and eaten in different parts of Egypt. 
The people, not prieats, ate them both 
freeh and Baited, and fishing with the 
hook, the bident (At. Eg. W. vol. iii. 
p. 41), and the net, are among the 
moat oonunoD repreaentatioDa in the 
paintings of Thebea and other places, 
and an amnaement of the rich aa well 
as an occupation of the pcK)r. Several 
fish have been foond embalmed in the 
tombs i bnt it has been diffionlt to 
ascertun their speclea ; thODgh this 
would not prove their aancity, aa 
ererything fonnd dead was embalmed 
and bnried to prevent ita tainting the 
air.— [G.W.] 

'This goose of the Nile was an 
<nd>lem of the God Seb, the father ot 
Ouiii ; but it was not a aacred bird. 
It lignified in hieroglyphics a, " son," 
Bid occurs over the nomens of Fha- 
ndis with the Sun, aignlfying " hd 

of the Ecn." Horapollo pretends that 
it was 80 oaed beoaose of ita aSeetion 
for its young; bat thoogh it doas dis- 
play great courage and canning in 
protecting them, it was not adopted 
on that Mjoooiit, bat from the phouetio 




73. They have also another sacred bird called the phoenix,^ 
which I myself have never seen, except in pictures. Indeed, 
it is a great rarity, even in Egypt, only coming there (accord- 
ing to the accounts of the people of Heliopolis) once in five 
hundred years, when the old phoenix dies. Its size and ap- 
pearance, if it is like the pictures, are as follows: — The plum- 
age is partly red, partly golden, while the general make and 
size are almost exactly that of the eagle. They tell a story of 
what this bird does, which does not seem to me to be credible : 

M, "eon.** 

initial of its name, s, with a line being 
As an emblem of Seb it 
was connected with 
the great Mnndane 
Egg, in which form 
the chaotic mass of 
the world was pro- 
duced. Part of the 
26th chapter of the 
limereal ritual trans, 
lated by Dr. Hincks contains this 
dogma, alluded to in the Orphic Cos- 
mogony : ** I am the Egg of the Great 
Caokler. I have protected the Great 
Egg laid by Seb in the world : I grow, 
it grows in turn: I live, it lives in 
turn : I breathe, it breathes in turn." 
This Mr. Birch shows to be used on 
ooflSns of the period about the 12th 
dynasty. (See Gliddon's Otia Eg. p. 
88.) On the Orphic Ck)smogony and 
the connection between the Egg and 
Chronus (Saturn, the Seb of Egypt), 
see Damascius in Cory's Fragments, 
p. 318; Aristophanes (Birds 700) 
mentions the egg produced by *' black- 
winged night." (Cory, p. 298, and 
see Orphic Hymn to Frotogonus, p. 
294.) As Seb and Netpe answered to 

Saturn and Bhea, their children Osiris 
and Isis, being brother and sister, 
answered to Jupiter and Juno, thoogh 
they did not really bear any other 
resemblance to them. Seb and Netpe 
were the Earth and the Ueaven above. 
— [G. W.] 

' This bird I formerly supposed to 
be the one represented on the mona- 
ments with human hands, and often 
with a man's head and legs, in an 
attitude of prayer (figs, 1, 2), but it is 
evident that Sir. Stuart Poole is right 
in considering the Benno (the bird of 
Osiris) the true FhcBniz (fig. 3) ; and 
the former appears to be the "pore 
soul " of the king. Herodotus, 'Taoi- 
tuB, and Pomp. Mela fix its return at 
600 years, which is evidently an aa. 
tronomical period; but Tacitus says 
some give it 1461 years, which points 
to the coincidence of the 1460 inter- 
calated with the 1461 vague years : 
and this is confirmed by its bein^ 
placed at an equal distance of time 
between each Sothic period (or 730 
years before and after the dog-star), 
on the ceiling of the Memnonium.-^ 
[G. W.] 

Chap. 73, 74. 



that he comes all the way from Arabia, and brings the parent 
bird, all plastered over with myrrh, to the temple of the smi, 
and there buries the body. In order to bring him, they say, 
he first forms a ball of myrrh as big as he finds that he can 
carry ; then he hollows out the ball, and puts his parent in- 
side, after which he covers over the opening with fresh myrrh, 
and the ball is then of exactly the same weight as at first ; so 
he brings it to Egypt, plastered over as I have said, and de- 
posits it in the temple of the Sun. Such is the story they tell 
of the doings of this bird. 

74. In the neighbourhood of Thebes there are some sacred 
serpents' which are perfectly harmless.' They are of small 

' Tbe homed snake, vipera cerastes, 
is eommon in Upper Egypt and 
ihroo^bont the desierte. It is yery 
poisonoos, and its habit of burying 
itself in the sand renders it partica- 
Isrly dangerous. Flinj (N. H. viii. 23) 
notices this habit. Herodotns is oor- 
rect in describing it of small size, but 
the hannless snakes he mentions had 
doubtless beenmade so ; and Diodoms 
▼ e iy inroperly classes them among 
Tenomons reptiles. There is no an- 
thority from the sonlptnres for its 
being sacred, eren at Thebes, though 
the asp is shown to have been a sacrod 
snake. The frequent repetition of the 
cerastes in the hieroglyphics is owing 
to its occurring so often in "he," 
••him," "his," and for the letter / in 
other words. It is found embalmed 
at Thebes, like other reptiles and 
animalfl which haye no claim to sanc- 
tity, and in ordinary tombs, but not in 
tile temple of Amun. Diodorus eren 
thinks the hawk was honoured on ac- 
count of its hostility to these, as well as 
other, noxious reptiles ; and as Hero- 
dotus does not notice the asp, it is 
poMible that he may have attributed 
to tbe cerastes the honour that really 
belonged to that sacred snake. The 
aq> or Naia was the emblem of the 
Goddess Banno, and was chosen to 
preside over gai^ens, from its destroy, 
ing rats and other vermin. Alturs 
and offerings were placed before it, as 

before dragons in Etmria and Bome. 
It was also the snake of Neph or Nou, 
and apparently the representative of 
Agathodeamon. In hieroglyphics it 
sig^nified " Goddess ; " it was attached 
to the head-dresses of gods and king^ 
and a circle of those snakes composed 
the ** asp.formed crowns " mentioned 
in the Boeetta stone. Being the sig^ 
of royalty, it was called fiaurOdtntos 
(basilisk), ''royal," equivalent to its 
Egyptian name wrctusy from otcro. 


king." It is still conunon in g^- 
dens, and called in Arabic Ndaher, In 
length it varies from 3 to 4^ feet, and 
the largest I have found was 5 feet 
11 inches. It is very venomous. It 
resembles the Indian cobra {Naia tri- 
pudians) in its mode of raising itself, 
and expanding its breast ; but it has no 
"spectacles" on its head. If Cleo- 
patra's death had been caused by any 
serpent, the small viper would rather 
have been chosen than the large asp ; 
but the story is disproved by her 
having decked herself in "the royal 
ornaments," and being found dead 
"without any mark of suspicion of 
poison on her body." Death from a 
serpent's bite could not have been 
mistaken; and her vanity would not 
have allowed her to choose one which 
would have disfig^nred her In so fright- 
ful a manner. Other poisons were 
well understood and easy of access, 
and no boy would have ventured to 




size, and have two horns growing out of the top of the head. 
These snakes, when they die, are buried in the temple of 
Jupiter, the god to whom they are sacred. 

76. I went once to a certain place in Arabia, almost exactly 
opposite the city of Buto,* to make inquiries concerning the 
winged serpents.*^ On my arrival I saw the back-bones and 
ribs of serpents in such numbers as it is impossible to de- 
scribe: of the ribs there were a multitude of heaps, some 
great, some small, some middle-sized. The place where the 

carry an asp in a basket of figs, some 
of which he even offered to the guards 
as he passed, and Platarch (Vit. 
Anton.) shows that the story of the 
asp was donbted. Nor is the statue 
carried in Angostns' triumph which 
had an asp upon it any proof of his 
belief in it, since that snake waa the 
emblem of Egyptian royalty : the 
statue (or the crown) of Cleopatra 
could not haye been without one, and 
this was probably the origin of the 
whole story. — [G. W.] 

* The bite of the cerastes or homed 
snskke is deadly; but of the many 
serpents in Egypt, three only are 
poisonous — the cerastes, the asp or 
naia, and the common viper. Strabo 
(zT. p. 1004) mentions large vipers in 
Egypt, nearly 9 cubits long, but the 
longest asp does not exceed 6 feet, 
and that is very unusuaL — [G. W.] 

^ This city of Buto was different 
firom that in the Delta. Some think 
tt was at Belbdys (Bubastis Agria), or 
at Ahha84eh,—IQ. W.] 

* The winged serpents of Herodotus 
have puzzled many persons from the 
time of Pausanias to the present day. 
Isaiah (zxx. 6) mentions the "fiery 
flying serpent." The Egyptian sculp- 
tures represent some emblematic 
snakes with bird's wing^ and human 
legs. The Draco vola/na of Linnseus 
has wings, which might answer to the 
description given by Herodotus, but it 
does not frequent Egypt. The only 
flying creature the ibis could be ex- 
pected to attack, on its flight into 
Egypt, and for which it would have 

been looked upon as a particular bene- 
factor to Egypt, was the locust ; and 
the swarms of these large destructive 
insects do come trom the east. In 
Syria I have seen them just hatcbed 
in the spring still unable to fly ; and 
some idea of the size and destructive- 
ness of a flight of locusts may be 
derived from the fact of a swarm 
settling and covering the ground for 
a distance of 4i miles. It is singular 
that Herodotus should not have men- 
tioned locusts, flights of which sure 
seen in winter, spring, and summer ; 
and among the many monsters, real 
animals, and birds represented in tbe 
Egyptian paintings, so extraordinary 
a serpent could not be unnotioed. The 
locusts and the real existence of a 
Draco volans may have led to the 
story; and, as Cuvier remarks, all 
that can be said is that Herodotus 
saw a heap of bones without having 
ascertained, beyond report, how they 
came there. Pausanias seems to have 
convinced himself of their existence 
by believing in a still stranger reptile, 
a scorpion with wings like a bat's, 
brought by a Phrygian (ix. c 21). 
There is, however, no doubt that the 
ibis destroyed snakes; and Cuvier 
found the skin of one partly digested 
in the intestines of one of those 
mummied birds. Its food also con- 
sisted of beetles, which have been 
found in another specimen* See He. 
rodotns, B. iii. ch. 108, where he 
describes the winged serpents of 
Arabia.— [G. W.] 

Chap. 74-76. 



bonee lie is at the entrance of a narrow gorge between steep 
moantains, which there open upon a spacious plain communi- 
cating with the great plain of Egypt. The story goes, that 
with the spring the winged snakes come flying from Arabia 
towards Egypt, but are met in this gorge by the birds called 
ibises, who forbid their entrance and destroy them all. The 
Arabians assert, and the Egyptians also admit, that it is on 
account of the service thus rendered that the Egyptians hold 
the ibis in so much reverence. 

76. The ibis is a bird of a deep-black colour, vnth legs like 
a crane ; its beak is strongly hooked, and its size is about that 
of the landrail. This is a description of the black ibis which 
contends with the serpents. The commoner sort, for there 
are two quite distinct species,^ has the head and the whole 
throat bare of feathers ; its general plumage is white, but the 
head and neck are jet black, as also are the tips of the wings 
and the extremity of the tail ; in its beak and legs it resembles 
the other species. The winged serpent is shaped like the 
water-snake. Its wings are not feathered, but resemble very 
closely those of the bat. And thus I conclude the subject of 
the sacred animals. 

• The firgt descnbed by Herodotag 
as aU black, was the one which fonght 
agamst the (winged) serpents. It is 
the Ibis FaUineUm (Temm.), or glossy 
ibifl^ The colour is a reddish.brown 
shot with dark-green and pnrple ; the 
■iae 1 foot from the breast to the end 
of tbe taiL The other is the ** Nume- 
nnu Ibis," or "Ibis religiosa" of 
modem naturalists, the Aboo Hannes 
of Bruce, which is white with black 
pinions and tail ; the head and part of 
the back being without feathers, aa 
described by Herodotus. This is the 
one 80 frequently found embalmed in 
£gypt. Its body measures 12 inches 
in length, and 4|- in diameter, and the 
beak 6 inches* The leg from the knee 
to the plant of the foot is about 4^ 
inches. (See Cnyier's Theory of the 
£arthy Jameson, p. 300.) Both species 

haye a curved beak. The great ser- 
vices the ibis rendered by destroying 
snakes and noxious insects were the 
cause of its being in such esteem in 
Egypt. The stork was honoured for 
the same reason in Thessaly ; and even 
now the Turks look upon it with such 
good-will that it would be considered 
a sin to kill one ; on which account it 
feels so secure that, in Asia Minor, it 
builds its nest on the walls and houses 
within reach of man; and to the 
credit of the Turks it must be said 
that they treat animals in general 
much more kindly than Europeans. 
A similar regard is paid to stiurks in 

The ibis was sacred to Thoth, the 
Egyptian Hermes. See above, note '^ , 
on ch. 67.— [G. W.] 



77. With respect to the Egyptians themselves, it is to he 
remarked that those who live in the com conntry,' devoting 
themselves, as the; do, far more than an; other people in the 
■world, to the preservation of the memory of past actions, are 
the hest skilled in history of any men that I have ever met. 
The following is the mode of life habitual to them : — For three 
sncceBBive days in each month they purge the body by means 
of emetics and clysters, which is done out of a reg^ for their 

' This ia in oontAdiEtinction to tho 
marsh-lajida, and Bignifies Upper Egypt, 
as it inclndeB the cit; of Cbammifl ; 
but when be aajs they have no tiqm 
in the conntpf , mi onlf drink beer, 
liiB Btatement iB opposed to fftct, acd 
to the ordinarj habits of the Eg;P' 
tians. In the neighbonrhood of 
Mempbia, at Thebea, and tbe places 
between those two cities, as well Be at 
Eileitbyiaa, nJl aorn-gTowin^ distriota, 
they ate wboaten br^id and coItivBted 
the rine. Herodotas may, therefore, 
have bad in view the oom-conntry, in 
the interior of the broad Delta, 
when the allavial soil was not well 
Baited to the vine, and where Sobenny- 
tns alone was noted for ita wine. 
Host of the other vineyardi were at 
Hsrea, and in places similar); sita- 
ated near the edi^e of the desert, 
where the light soil was better suited 
to them ; though grapes for the table 
were pnjdnced in all parts of the 
oonntry. Wine was muTersally used 
by the rich thronghoot Egypt, and 
beer sappUed its place at the tables of 
the poor, not becaase "they had no 
Tines in their conntry," but bocanse it 
was cheaper ; and the same was their 
reason for eating bread made of the 
Holcat torghum (or Doora) lilte the 
peasuita of modeni Egypt, and not 
because it was " the greatest disgrace 
to eat wheaten bread." (See above, 
note ■ on oh. S6.) And that wine was 
known in Lower as well as Upper 
Egypt is shown by the Israelitei 
mentioning the desert M a place 
which had " no flgs, or ii'nss, or pome- 
granates" in coDtradiatinction to 
Egypt (Gen. zL 10 ; 2f umb. xz. 6.) 

Wines of varions kinds were offered in 
the temples ; and being very gene- 
rally placed by tbe altar in glass 
bottles of a particular shape, these 
oame to represent in hieroglyphics 
what they contained, and to signify 
"wine," without tbe word itself 
"erp" being mentioned. It is re- 
tnarliable that this word "orpia" ia 


'Ep>iJk i' JXw 'piriif $toU oi'o%iitrm, 

nnleas indeed he uses it for fUir, " > 
ladle," ot "small jng," whiob tli« 
sense aeems to reqaire, and which ia 
in X., 42& D. (See note on cha. IS, 
87, and 60.) Another reading haa 
Jpwiv .... otvDx«4<rin>. Athenmu 
(i. p. 88 K) describee the Egyptians 
as mach addicted to wine, on hia own 
and on the authority of Dio ; and saya 
(l p. 34 a) that Eellaniona Eanoiea 
the vine waa first discovered at Fliiu 
thini, a oit; of Egypt.— [G. W.J 



health, Bince they have a perBnaeion that eveiy disease to which 
men are liable is occasioned bythe snbstances whereon they feed. 
Apart from any such precautions, they are, I believe, next to 
the Libyans,^ the healthiest people in the world — an effect 
of their climate, in my opinion, which has no sndden changes. 
Diseases almost always attack men when they are exposed to 
a change, and never more than during changes of the weather. 
They live on bread made of spelt, which they form into loaves 
called in their own tongue eyUettu? Their drink is a wine which 
they obtain &om barley,^ as they have no vines in their country. 
Many kinds of fish they eat raw, either salted or dried in the sun.' 

* Their health waB attribatable to 
their living in the dry atmoHpbere of 
tJio desert, where gicknesa i« rarely 
knowD, as the Arabs show who now 
live there. See note ' QD cb. 61k — 

■ AthenffiaB [X. p. 418 x) Bays the 
Egyptians were great eaten of bread, 
and had a kind called CyllSstia. This 
he affiung on the authority of Heca- 
tsoa. He also ipeabl of a"sabacid 
biBBd of the Egyptians, called Cyllaa- 
tii, mentioned by Arittophanea in 
the Danaids } " and adds, " Nicandar 
mentions it as made of barley " (iii. 
p. 114]. Hesyohios lays, Ki\Xamis 
tftas Tii ir AVry ^^ H*» H 
iAipM-— [0- W.] 

■ This ii the orni apUint of Zeno- 
pbon. Diodoma (i. S4) mentions it as 
" a bererage from barley called by the 
Egyptians zythur," which he Hunks 
"notmnch inferioi to wine." Athe- 
iuBiis(Lp.S4At X. p. 418 ■)«aUs it 

barley ; " and says Aris- 
totle supposes that men drank with 
wine lie oq their fooea, bat thoee 
with beer on their bocks. He cites 
Hecateens respecting the use of. beer 
in Egypt, whose words are, rit Kpdai 
tli th irina KaraXiovm. I have found 
the reaidne of some malt at Thebes, 
once nsed for making beer. Xenophon 
(Anab. iv. 6) speaks of a sort of 
fermity of beer in Armenia drank 
throagh reeds having no joiats. — 
[O. W.] 

' The custom of drying fiah is (ia- 
qaently represented in the ecn1ptDi«a 
of Upper and Lower Egypt. (On the 
Osheries, see n. * ch. 1^.) Fishing 
was a favonrite amasement of the 
Egyptians ; and the skill of sports- 
tnen was shown by spearing fish with 
tha bident. The fishermen by trade 
caoght them in long disg.nets, the 
line being confined bi poor people, and 
to those who " oast angle " for amnae- 

Quails ^ also, and dnclcs and small birds, they eat tmcooked, 
merely first salting them. All other birds and fishes, ezcept- 

nient ; and a lar^ doablB'hsndled I used the wicker trap of modem Egypt 

landing-net waa employed for shoala and India. It ia a basket abont 2^ 

of small fry. It is also probable that feet high, entirely open at the bottom, 

when the innndation retired, they I where it if abont 2 feet wide, and 

No. II. Ct. V. DSM S. 

FISH iSD Bntx>a 

ing those which are set apart as sacred, are eaten either 
roasted or boiled. 

witli ■ imkner opening at the top 
tbnat 8 inchas in diameter ; and 
Iniiig put down into ihallow water, 
vlwteTsr fieh is encloeed within it ia 
itkea out b^ the man wbo thrmts his 
inn through the apper orifice. See 
AbEg.W. ToLiii.p.41aiid G3-68.— 

■ Quails were oaoglit, both in Upper 
and Lower Egypt, like other birds, in 
large olap-nota and id trapa (woodcnta 
T. Bjid II.) ; and at Bhinocolnra, on the 
edge of the Sjrian desert, the cnlprits, 
baniahed by AotJeanea t«3 that spot, 
caaght them in long nets made of 
iplii r«eda (Diod. i. 60). The catch- 



Boot L 

78. In Bocial meetings among the rich, 'vhen the banquet ia 
ended, s servant carries round to the several guests a coffin, 
in which there is a 'wooden image of a corpse/ carved and 
painted to resemble nature as nearly as possible, about a cubit 
or two cubits in length. As he shows it to each guest in tiim, 
the servant says, *' Gaze here, and drink and be merry ; for 
when you die, such will you be." 

79. The Egyptians adhere to their own national cnstoms, 
and adopt no foreign usages. Many of these customs are 
worthy of note : among others their song, the Linnfi,^ which 

iag, drying, and laltmK of birda lire 
frequently represented in the BciJp- 
taree. (Woodcot 111.)— [Q. W.] 

*Tho figure introdaced at snpper 
irae of a mnmm^ in the usual form of 
OsirJB, either Btundiug, or lyiog on ft 

bier, intended l« warn the RQCstj of 
their mortality; and the sajne is 
deecribed at the fpast of Trimalohio 
(Petron. Satyho. o. 31). The original 

objeot of the onBtom waa donbOeia 
with a Tiew to teach men " to lore 
one another, and to avoid thoce evils 
which t«nd to make them oonaider 
life too long, when in reality it ia too 
ihort" (see Plat, de la. a. 16 ; and 
Sept. Sap. ConviT. p. 148 *) r bnt the 
salutary adrioe was often diarej^rdeil, 
and ibe aenae of it perverted b; many 
who copied the cuatom ; aa the " nn- 
godly " in Jadsa aaed it to urge men 
W enjoy the good things of thia life, 
and baniah the thoughta of all beyond 
the present. (Boot of Wisdom, iL 1, 
Ao. ; la. ixii. 3 ; Iri. 12 ; Ecclea. ii. 
24 ; Lake lii. 19 ; and 1 Corinth. XT. 
S2. Cp. Anac Od. iv. and Hor. 2 Od. 
iii. 13.) Some have snppoaed tiiis 
oaatoTD proved the Egyptinna tt> be of 
a aerioDS character, thongh it wonld 
rather be a neoeaaary hint for a too 
lively people. Bat their view of doatli 
was not ft gloomy one, connected aa it 
was with the proapect of a happy 
nnion with Oairia.— [0. W.J 

' Thia Bong had Afferent namea in 
Egypt, in Phcenicia, in Cypma, and 
other plocea. In Greece it waa called 
Linna, in Egypt Maueroe. The etoriea 
told of Liniu, the inventor of melody, 
and of hJB death, are mere fables : 
and it ia highly improbable that the 
death of Haneroe, the son of the first 
king of Egypt, ahonid have been 
recorded in the eongs of Syria. JdUqb 
Pollnx (iv. 7) aaya the song of Hane- 
ro8 waa anng by the Egyptian pea- 
aaata, and that thia faboloiia pereonage 
was tLe inventor of huabond^y, un 

Chap. 78, 79. 



is sung Tinder various names not only in Egypt but in 
Phoenicia, in Cyprus, and in other places ; and which seems 
to be exactly the same as that in use among the Greeks, and 
by them called Linus. There were very many things in 
Egypt which filled me with astonishment, and this was one of 
them. Whence could the Egyptians have got the Linus ? It 
appears to have been sung by them from the very earliest 
times/ For the Linus in Egyptian is called Manerds; and 

honour alwajs giren to Osiris — ytup- 
yias cdprr^f, VLovcup fioBiyr^s, Some 
think the ''son of the first king" 
means Horns, the son of Osiris ; and 
the name might be Man-Hor. Indeed 
there appears in the hieroglyphics to 
be this l^end, ''Men-Be, the maker 
of hjmns," which wonld apply to Re, 
the Sim. Plutarch (de Is. s. 17) states 
thai the song was suited to festivities 
and the pleasures of the tables and 
adds that Haneros was not a name, 
bot a complimentary mode of greeting, 
and a wish "that what they were 
engaged in might turn out fortu- 
nate^." Pausanias (ix. 29) says that 
Linns and Adonis were sung together 
by Sappho, and thinks that Homer 
mentions hhn (XL xviii. 570) ; though 
others refer xipoy to the flaxen oords 
of the lyre (on the shield of Achil- 
les) :— 

TO«ir*v V iv fiiv^otvt vcut ^Spfufji Xtftlp 

when haying gathered the grapes, they 
danced to the air. Athenssus (Deipn. 
xir. p. 620 a) says, " Nymphis speaks 
cf a youth having gone to letoh water 
{<a^ the reapers, who never returned, 
and was lamented by different people. 
In Egypt he was called Maneros." 
The najne Linos was related to afXtyov, 
an expression of grief (odfXivi /xoi 
aT<»«x««'«» Mosch. Id. 1), partly com- 
pounded of the usual exclamation a7, 
aod some think of the Hebrew hin, 
" to complain " or ** murmur." (Cp. 
Exod. XV. 24 ; and melinim, " murmur- 
inga;" Nonibers xiv. 27.) But the 
song of Linus, like that of Maneros, 
WM not necesBarily of grief 1 and 

Euripides (cited by Athenseus, xiv. p. 
619 c) says Linus and Ailinns were 
suited to joy also. Linus and Maneros 
were probably the genius or imperson- 
ation of song. The Egyptians now 
use " ya laylee ! ya layl / " as a chorus 
for lively songs, meaning " my joy ! 
night!" alluding to the wedding- 
night; **ya layleet doos, ya laylee/" 
" O my joy, step, O my joy ! " alluding 
to the dance. Cp. Hebr. Hallel^ " sing- 
ing, praising," whence haUelu-iah. — 
[G. W.] 

' The Egyptian songs and hymns 
were of the earliest date, and, like 
their knowledge of painting and sculp- 
ture, were said to be 10,000 years old ; 
but Porphyry hints at the reason of 
their origin being attributed to Isis, 
for it was in order to ensure respect 
for them that " they were preserved 
through successive ages as the actual 
poems of that Goddess." (Plato's 
Laws, book ii. p. 790.) Some haye 
supposed their songs were of a mourn- 
ful kind, and the character of the 

^STPt^^^i^ to ^ ^^o same; but the 
term "magis moestiores" applied to 
them by Ammianus Marcellinus is not 
consistent with their habits of buf- 
foonery, love of caricature, and natural 
quickness, nor with the opinion of 
Xenophon, confirmed by Polybius 
(v. SI), who says, of all people they 
were the most addicted to raillery. 
(Cp. Her. ii. 60, 221. See At. Eg. W. 
ii. p. 264. 442.) This is inherited by 
their successors; as well as "grati- 
tude for favours conferred on them," 
which Diodorus (i. 90) says was most 
remarkable in the Egyptians. — [G. W.j 




they told me that Manerds was the only son of their first king, 
and that on his untimely death he was honoured by the 
Egyptians with these dirgelike strains, and in this way they 
got their first and only melody. 

80. There is another custom in which the Egyptians re- 
semble a particular Greek people, namely the LacedfiBmonians. 
Their young men, when they meet their elders in the streets, 
give way to them and step aside ; ^ and if an elder come in 
where young are present, these latter rise from their seats. 
In a third point they differ entirely from all the nations of 
Greece. Instead of speaking to each other when they meet in 
the streets, they make an obeisance, sinking the hand to the 

81. They wear a linen tunic fringed about the legs,^ and 
called calcunris; over this they have a white wooUen garment 
thrown on afterwards. Nothing of woollen, however, is taken 
to their temples or buried with them, as their religion forbids 

^ A similar respect is paid to age hj 
the Chinese and Japanese, and even. 
bj the modem Eg^tians. In this 
the Greeks, except the LaoedsBmo- 
nians, were wanting; and the well- 
known instance at the theatre, men- 
tioned by Flntarch, agrees with what 
Herodotus says of them. The Jews 
were commanded to "rise np before 
t^e hoary head and honour the face of 
the old man" (Levit. xix. 32). The 
mode of bowing with their hand ex- 
tended towards the knee agrees with 
the sculptures; one hand was then 
placed on the other shoulder or on the 
heart, or on the mouth, to keep the 
breath from the face of a superior. 
(See woodcut in note • to ch. 177.) 
Some even prostrated themselves on 
the ground before great personages, 
" in obeisance bowing themselyes to the 
earth" (Gen. xlii. 26, 28), and knelt 
or " bowed the knee " before them, as 
the people were ordered to do before 
Joseph (Gkn. xli. 43). And it is 
worthy of remark that the word 
"aWek** or "berek" is the name 
applied in Arabic to the kneeling 

of a camel to the present day. (Cp. 
rHkbeh, "knee," hdraka, a "blessing," 
from kneeling in prayer.) Before a 
king or a statue of a God, they often 
held up both arms, and uttered an ex- 
clamation, probably resembling the 
lo triumphe, and lo Baoche, of later 
times.— [G. W.] 

^ The great use of linen has been 
noticed above (see n. * ch. 37). The 
fringes were the ends of the threads 
(see woodcut No. L figs. 7, 9, in ch. 
87). In some women's dresses the 
fringes were also left, but these wero 
also more frequently hemmed. A 
shirt given by Professor Bosellini 
(p. 113, No. I. fig. 1), h8ks the fringes. 
The same custom was adopted by the 
Israelites (Num. xr. 38), who were 
ordered to sew a blue riband on the 
fringe of the border; which calls to 
mind the blue border dyed with indigo 
found on some Egyptian linen, though, 
that of the Israelites was intended to 
prevent its tearing. The woollen upper 
garment was only worn in cold weather 
(see At Eg. W. vol iii. p. 844 to 
351), and the prejudice against its 


it. Here their practice resemblea the rites called Orphic and 
Bacchic, bat Trbich are in reality Egyptian and Pythagorean ; ' 

DM ID Bacred places is perliaps .the I most nmal dresses of mon are those 

icwon of ita ii«t being repre«eDted in shown in No. II., below. For thoso 

the paintinga. The name Calaairia is [ of the priesthood, see above n. ' oh. 

lappMed to bo Klaihr (nXiiap). The I S7. The " white " sauilal (foui^), said 


\ |.h 


to be ivom b/ the Egyptian (and I and the Pythagorano, b^nf^ the same 

Athenian) prieita, is perhaps of late as the Egyptian, nifficienti; proves 

tine. — [I G- W,] whence thejwere deriTed. SeeaboTe, 

'The fact of these, the Baochio, | note*onch. Bl.— [Q. W.] 



for no one initiated in these mysterieB can be buried in a 
■woollen shroud, a religious reason being aBsigned for the 

82. The Egyptians likewise discovered to which of the gods 
each month and day is sacred ; ' and found out from the day 

' This may partly be traced ia tba 
names of some of the months, as 
Tfaoth, Athor, and Paohoiu ; and on a 
oeiliog of the Memnoninm &t Thebaa, 
»nd CD Emothor at £dfoo, each baa 
a god to which it belongs. Some 
mppose the/ indicate the jestivab of 
the goda ; bat this would limit the 
fcativala to twelve in the year. It ifl, 
boweTer, siogular that the months are 
not called by those names, bat are 
designated, as nsaal, as the Ist, 2ni], 
3rd, and 4th months of the three 
seasons. (See n. on oh. 4 in the Ap., 
cH. ii.) The Romans also made their 
twelve gods preside over the months ; 
and the days of the week when intro- 
dacod in late times, received the 
names of the sun and moon and five 
planets, which have been retained to 
the present day. The naoies of guds 
were also affixed to each day in the 
Egyptian almanacs, according fo Chfe- 
remon, in the same manner as those 
of saints in the modern calendar. Th« 
Egyptians divided the year into 12 
months of 30 days, from the earliest 
timesof which we have any record; and 
the fabnlons reign of Osiris, 28 years, 
appears to have been taken from the 7 
days of 4 weeks, or 4 weeks of years, 
as then: period of Triacontaeteridea, of 
30 yeara. was from the month of 30 
days. Dion Cassins (mvii. 18), too, 
distinctly slates that " the practice of 
referring the days of the week to the 
7 planets began among the Egyptians." 
The week of 7 days (aheba, paff) is 
mentioned at the period of the Crea- 
tion, and it continaed to be ased in 
the time of the patriarchs (Gen. vii. 4 ; 
Jtiix. 27). It was probably of very 
early use among the Egyptians also, 
judging from the 7 days' f^te of Apis 
and other hebdomadal divisione ; hat 
they generally make mention of 
decades or tens of days, which are 

still in use among the Chineae. (Oo 
ihe nae of 7 days in Egypt, see n. on 
eh. 109 in Ap, ch. vii.) The Egyp- 
tiana had 12 hours of night and 1'2 of 
day, and each had its peculiar genina 
or goddess, represented with a star on 
her head, called Nau, " hoar." Kight 


fig.!. litDtj. l.Lg.2. UtNighl. 

wa<< considered older than day, as 
darkness preceded light, and " the 
evening and the morning wei« tho 
first day." The expression "night 
and day " is atill ased in the East, and 
our "fortnight" points to an old 
custom of counting nights instead of 
Jays. The notion that the Egyptians 
had not the 12 hours of day and of 
night in the time of HerodoCos ia 
as they oocor in a tomb of 

Cbap. 81-83. 



of a man's birth, what he will meet with in the conrse of his 
life,^ and how he will end his days, and what sort of man he 
will be — discoveries whereof the Greeks engaged in poetry 
have made a use. The Egyptians have also discovered more 
prognostics than all the rest of mankind besides. Whenever 
a prodigy takes place, they watch and record the result ; then, 
if anything similar ever happens again, they expect the same 

83. With respect to divination, they hold that it is a gift 
which no mortal possesses, but only certain of the gods : ^ thus 

the time of Fbammetidins n., and in the 
tombs of the 20th Dynasty at Thebee. 
The word ** hour " is said to be f oond 
as early as the 6th Dynasty (see Lep- 
sins, Band iii. Abth. ii. BL 72, 76), and 
with the name of King Assa. — [6. W.] 
* Horoscopes were of very early use 
in Egypt (lambL 8, 4), as well as the 
interpretation of dreams ; and Cicero 
(De Dir. i. 1) speaks of the Egyptians 
and Chaldees predicting fatm^ events, 
as well as s man's destiny at his birth, 
by their observations of the stars, 
lids was done by them, as the monu- 
ments show, by observing the consteU 
lations that appeared on the eastern 
horixon at the moment of his birth, 
or any event they wished to decide 
about, took place. The fallacy of 
predicting a particular death from the 
" ascendant " at the time of any one's 
birth has been well exposed by Cicero, 
who asks, "Were all those who fell 
at Canme bom under the same con. 
stellation, for they had all one and the 
same death ? " (De Div. ii. 47.) In- 
terpreters of dreams were often 
reeorted to in Egypt (Ezod. xli. 8) ; 
and Diodorus (i. 25) says the prayers 
of the devout were rewarded in a 
dream by an indication of the reme- 
dies an illneas required. Cicero (De 
Fato^ 0) speaks of the belief that 
"any one bom at the rising of the 
Bogstar could not be drowned in the 
■ea."— [G. W.] 

' Tet the Egyptians sought to " the 
idols, and to the charmers, and to 
them that had familiar spirits, and to 
the wisardfl " (Is* zix. 3). Herodotus 

probably means that none but oracles 
gave the real answer of the deity ; and 
this would not prevent the " prophets" 
and ''magicians" pretending to this 
art, like the fidrrtis of Greece. To the 
Israelites it was particularly forbidden 
"to use divination, to be an observer of 
times, or an enchajiter, or a witch, or a 
charmer, or a oonsulter with familiar 
spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer." 
(Deut. zviii. 10, II.) It is sing^ular 
that the Hebrew word naJuisk, "to 
use enchantments," is the same as the 
Arabic for "serpent." A Gnostio 
Papyrus in the British Museum, sup 
posed to be of the 2nd century, and 
found in Egypt, mentions divination 
" through a boy with a lamp, a bowl, 
and a pit," very like what is now 
practised in Eg^ypt and Barbary ; and 
the employment of boys of old is 
mentioned by Origen and others. It 
also contains spells for obtaining power 
over spirits, for discovering a thief, for 
commanding another man's actions, 
for obtaining any wish, for preventing 
anything, &o. Others in the Leyden 
Museum contain recipes for good 
fortune, for procuring dreams, for 
making a ring to bring good fortune 
and success in every enterprise, for 
causing separation between man and 
wife, giving restless nights, for making 
oneself loved, &o. Magical tricks 
were practised of old also (Exod. vii. 
11), and they probably became more 
general in later corrupt times. (See 
Fubl. Cambridge Ant. Soo. 8vo. N >. 2.) 
Apuleius also mentions the magiC of 
Egypt.— [Q. W.] 



Book XL 

they have an oracle of Hercules, one of Apollo, of Minerva, of 
Diana, of Mars, and of Jupiter. Besides these, there is the 
oracle of Latona at Buto, which is held in much higher repute 
than any of the rest. The mode of delivering the oracles is 
not uniform, but varies at the different shrines. 
84. Medicine is practised among them^ on a plan of 

* Not only was the study of medi- 
cine of very early date in Egypt, bnt 
medical men there were in such 
repute that they were sent for at 
Tarions times from other oonntries. 
Their knowledge of medicine is cele. 
brated by Homer (Od, iv. 229), who 
describes Polydamna, the wife of 
Thonis, as giving medicinal plants " to 
Helen, in Egypt, a country producing 

an infinite number of drug^ 

where each physician possesses know- 
ledge above all other men." " O 
virgin daughter of Egypt," says Jere- 
miah (Ixvi. 11), ** in vain shalt thou 
use many medicines." Cyrus and 
Darius both sent to Eg^ypt for medical 
men (Her. iii. 1, 132) ; and Pliny 
(six. 6) says post-mortem examina- 
tions were made in order to discover 
the nature of maladies. Doctors re- 
ceived their salaries from the treasury ; 
but they were obliged to conform in 
the treatment of a patient to the rules 
laid down in their books, his death 
being a capital crime, if he was found 

to have been treated in any other 
way. But deviations from, and ap. 
proved additions to, the sacred pre* 
Bcriptions were occasionally made; 
and the prohibition was only to pre- 
vent the experiments of young prac- 
titioners, whom Pliny considers the 
only persons privileged to kill a man 
with impunity. Aristotle indeed says 
''the Egyptian physicians were al- 
lowed after the third day to alter the 
treatment prescribed by authority, 
and even before, taking upon them- 
selves the responsibility" (Polit. iii. 
11). Experience gradually taught 
them many new remedies: and tJiat 
they had adopted a method (of no 
very old standing in modem practice) 
of stopping teeth, with gold is proved 
by some mumnues found at llhebes. 
Besides the protection of society 
from the pretensions of quacks, the 
Egyptians provided that doctors should 
not demand fees on a foreigpi journey 
or on military service, when patients 
were treated free of expense (Died. 

In Fig. 2 is a dtdioaUoo **io ▲laun-fe." 



separation; each physician treats a single disorder, and no 
more : ^ thus the country swarms with medical practitioners, 
some undertaking to cure diseases of the eye, others of the 
head, others again of the teeth, others of the intestines, and 
some those which are not local.^ 


i. 82) ; and we may conclnde that they 
were obliged to treat the poor gratis, 
on coQfiideratioii of the allowanoe paid 
them as a body by goyemment. This 
has again become the custom in 
(Modem) Egypt. Herodotus (ii. 77) 
and Diodorus (i. 82) mention some 
methods of treatment; but poor and 
euperstitions people sometimes had 
recourse to dreams, to wizards, to dona- 
tions to sacred animals, and to ewvoios 
to the gods; and the model of an 
arm, a ieg, an eye, or an ear, often 
recorded the accidental cure and the 
erident credulity of an individual, as 
in some countries at the present day. 
Cbarma were also written for the 
credulous, some of which have been 
found cm small pieces of papyrus, 
which were rolled up and worn aa by 
aim modem Egyptians. 

Accoucheurs were women; whicb 

we leam from Exodus i. 15, and from 

the sculptures ; as in modem Egypt. 

The Bedouins of the desert still retain 

a knowledge of the properties of the 

medicinal plants that grew there, 

witb some of which they supply the 

dmggista of the towns. It is to the 

Arabs, who derived it from Egypt and 

India, that Europe is indebted for its 

first acquaintance with the science of 

medicine, which grew up in the school 

of Salerno ; and a slight memento of 

it is ttiU retained in the Arab symbols 

used by our chemists. Pliny (vii. 56) 

says •** the study of medicine was 

claimed as an Egyptian invention ; by 

otlim attributed to Ardbas, the soq. A 

Babylon and Apollo."— [G- W.] 

* The medical profession being so 
dirided (as is the custom in modem 
tarope), indicates a great advance- 
iDeot of civilisation, as well as of 
nsdidnal knorwledgre. The Egyptian 
doctors were of th^. sacerdotal order, 
like the embalmers, who are called 

(in Genesis 1. 2) '* FhyBicians,** and 
were " commanded by Joseph to em- 
balm his father." They were of the 
class called Pastophori, who, accord- 
ing to Clemens (Strom, lib. 6) being 
physicians, were expected to know 
about all things relating to the body, 
and diseases, and remedies, contained 
in the six last of the sacred books of 
Hermes. Hanetho tells us that Atho- 
thes, the second king of Egypt, who 
was a physician, wrote the anatomical 
books ; and his name, translated Her- 
mogenes, may have been the origin of 
the tradition that ascribed them to 
Hermes, the Egyptian Thoth. Or the 
fable may mean that they were the 
result of intellect personified by Thoth, 
or Hermes. It is difficult to under- 
stand how their having "physicians 
for particular members of the body, 
and for particular diseases, affords 
another proof how rigidly the subdi- 
visions of the castes were kept sepa- 
rate" as Heeren imagines, for they 
were of the same class; and our 
modem custom does not certainly lead 
to such an inference. In the Hermaic 
books a whole chapter was devoted to 
diseases of the eye. — [G. W.] 

* Pliny thinks the Egyptians were 
subject to numerous diseases (xxvi. 1) ; 
but in this he differs from Herodotus 
(ii. 77). Luxury, and disregard to 
the regimen they followed of old, may 
have caused a change in later times, 
when leprosy, elephantiasis, and other 
diseases became common in Egypt ; 

**E8t Elephas morbus, qui propter flnmina Nil! 
Gignitar JEjgy^io In mediA, neque praterea 
osqaam."-— LucEKT. vl. 660. 

for Herodotus (ch. 77) shows how 
careful they were of health, and Dio- 
dorus (i. 82) says ** Btpa-wtitwffi rk 
frd>}iara Kkvtrfuits, ical Kijerrcfeuf, iced 
in4roti** as well as by abstinence; 
being persuaded that tiie majority of 

138 UOUBNINQ. Book II. 

85. The foUo^nng is the way in which they conduct their 
mournings ^ and their funerals : — On the death in any bouse of 
a man of consequence, forthwith the women of the family be- 
plaster their heads, and sometimes even their faces, with mud ; 
and then, leaving the body indoors, sally forth and wander 
through the city, with their dress fastened by a band, and 
their bosoms bare, beating themsolTes as they walk. All the 
female relations join them and do the same. The men too. 

diflordeni proceed from indigestion and 
eioesH in eating.— [Q. W.] 

' The aoBtom of weeping, and tfaroir- 
ing dnst on their heada. ia often repre- 
■ i when the 

EDBD Knd women have thcdr dressea 
fmtenod by $• band ronnd the waiat, 
the breast being bare, as described hj 
Herodotni. For iOTenty days (Gen. 
1. 3}, or, aooording to some, Beventj* 

two dajB, the fiunily 

singing the fnneral dirge, very mnoh 

aa is now done in Egypt : and daring 

this time they abstained from the 
bath, wine, delicacies of the table, and 
rich clotbing (Diod. i. 91) ; and even 

g. I. 
EJter the body had been removed to 
the tomb it was not nnaenal for the 
near relations to exhibit tokena of 
grief, when the litnrgies, or serrioes 
for the dead, were performed by the 
priests, by beating themselves on tho 
breaat in preeenoe of the mnmmy. 
"Smiting Uiemselvee on the breast" 
was a common token of grief in the 
East (Lake ziiii. 48) which oontinnes 
to the present day. (See woodoot 
above, and in n. * oh. 5S ; and oomp. 
At, Eg. W. vol. T. page 259.) The 
Egyptians did not " cnt themselveB " 
in monmiog ; this was a Syrian 
coEtom, and torbiddea to tin Jewi. 
-[Q. W.] 

Chap. 85, 86. 



similarly begirt, beat their breasts separately. 'When these 
ceremonies are over, the body is carried away to be embalmed. 
86. There are a set of men in Egypt who practise the art of 
embahningy and make it their proper business. These 
persons, when ^body is brought to them, show the bearers 
TarioQs models of corpses,^ made in wood, and painted so as 
to resemble nature. The most perfect is said to be after the 

• These were in the form of Osiris ; 
sad not 011I7 those of the best kfbd, 
but all the mmnmies were pnt up in 
the same i>ositioD, representing the 
deceased as a figure of Osiris, those 
only excepted which were of the very 
poor people, and which were merely 
wrapped up in mate, or some other 
ctanmon oorenng. Even the small 
earthenware and other fig^ares of the 
dead were in the same form of that 
Deity, whose name, Herodotus, as 
n^nial, had scruples about mentioning, 
from having been admitted to a par- 
ticfpation of the secreta of the lesser 
Mysteries. Diodorus says (i. 91), 
"The most expensive mode cost a 
talent of silver (nearly 2501.), the 
second twenty-two minae (90Z.), and 
the third was very cheap. When the 
price had been agreed upon, and the 
hody given to the embalmers, the 
scribe marked on the left side of the 
hody the extent of the incision to be 
made, and then the 'partuchistes' 
(disstctcr) cut open as much of the 
flesh as the law permitted with an 
Sthiopian stone (flint), and imme- 
diately ran away, pursued by those 
present with bitter execrations, who 
pelted him with stones. One then in. 
trodaced his hand and took out all the 
viscera, exc«9pt the kidneys and heart; 
another cleansed them with palm wine 
and aromatic preparations, and lastly, 
after having applied oil of oedar, and 
cither things to the whole body for up- 
wards of thirty days, they added 
myrrh, cinnamon, and various drug^ 
^ preserving tbe body, and it was 
lestmd to the friends, so well pre- 
served that every feature might be 
leoQgniied." On this it may be 

observed, 1st, that the opening in the 
left side is perfectly correct j and over 
it the sacred eye represented on a flat 
piece of lead, or wax, was placed ; and 
through it the viscera were returned. 
Four wax figures, of the four genii of 
Amenti, were also put in with them, 
when the viscera were not deposited 
in the vases, which are so often found 
in the tombs. Of these four vases one 
had a lid representing the head of 
a man, another had that of a Cynoce- 
phalas, another of a jackal, and the 
fourth of a hawk; and in these the 
viscera of first-class mummies were 
generally deposited. The first held 
the stomach and large intestines ; tho 
second the small intestines ; the thii*d 
the lungs and heart (showing Diodorus 
to be in error) ; and the fourth the 
gall-bladder and liver. 2nd. Herodo- 
tus and Diodorus are not justified in 
confining the modes of embalming to 
three, since the munmiies show a far 
greater variety, and the prices must 
have varied in like manner, drd. The 
execrations against the " parasohistes" 
could only ha^e been a form, if really 
uttered, which seems very doubtful. 
4th. The features could not be recog- 
nized, being covered with numerous 
folds of cloth, and the only face seen 
was that of the painted mummy case. 
The statement of Porphyry that the 
intestines were thrown into the river, 
after an invocation to the sun, is un. 
worthy of belief. Everything belong- 
ing to the body was buried, and 
apparently even the sawdust, used for 
absorbing the water that washed the 
intestines, which was put up into 
small linen bag^, and deposited in 
earthenware jars. — [Q. W.] 




manner of him whom I do not think it religious to name in 
connection with such a matter ; the second sort is inferior to 
the first, and less costly; the third is the cheapest of all. 
All this the embalmers explain, and then ask in which way it 
is wished that the corpse should be prepared. The bearers 
tell them, and having concluded their bargain, take their de- 
parture, while the embalmers, left to themselves, proceed to 
their task. The mode of embalming, according to the most 
perfect process, is the following : — They take first a crooked 
piece of iron,* and with it draw out the brain through the 

* The mammies afford ample evi- 
dence of the bram having been ex- 
tracted throngh the nostrils ; and the 
" drags ** were employed to dear oat 
what the instmment coold not toach. 
There can be no doabt that iron was 
nsed in Egypt, thoagh it is not pre- 
served there, nor in any other conntry, 
beyond a certain time. The bine 
coloor of swords, and other weapons 
in the painted tombs of Thebes, shows 
that the Egyptians nsed iron, or steel, 
as well as bronze; and this last was 

also employed by the Bomans and 
Etrascans, long after iron implements 
and arms were common. Iron was 
known in the days of Job (zxviii. 2) ; 
Moses mentions Tabal Cain, the in. 
stractor of every artificer in brass and 
iron (Gen. iv. 22), and compares £g3rpt 
to an " iron farnace " (Dent. iv. 20) ; 
Og King of Bashan, who lived aboat 
1450 B.C., had a bedstead of iron 
(Dent. iii. 11) ; and Homer shows the 
quenching of iron to case.hardoi it 
I was well known, when he adopts it as 

a simile, and compares the hissing 
noise prodnoed by piercing the eye of 
Polyphemus to the effect of plnnging 
the heated metal in water. (Od. ix. 
391.) Thrasyllus (Clem. Strom, i.) 
agrees with the Arundelian marbles 
in supposing that iron was kno¥m 
long before the Trojan war; and it 
woold be inconsistent to suppose that 
the most civilized nation of those days 
could have been ignorant of it even if 
the paintings of Thebes did not prove 

its use. We even see butchers sharp, 
ening their knives on a steel fastened 
to their apron; and weapons of that 
blue-coloured metal were represented 
in conmion use long before the Trcjan 
war. In metallurgy the Egyptians 
possessed some secrets scarcely known 
to us; for they had the means of 
enabling copper to cut stone without 
hardening it by an alloy, and of giving 
to bronze blades the elasticity of steel, 
with great hardness and sharpness of 

Chap. 88. 



nostrils, thus getting rid of a portion, while the skull is 
cleared of the rest by rinsing with drugs ; next they make a cut 
along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone,^ and take out 
the whole contents of the abdomen, which they then cleanse, 
washing it thoroughly with palm wine,* and again frequently 
with an infusion of pounded aromatics. After this they fill the 
cavity with the purest bruised myrrh, with cassia, and every 
sort of spicery' except frankincense, and sew up the opening. 

edge. In Aeia the Chftlybea were 
noted for their iron works, by which 
tbey obtained gpreat profits (Xenoph. 
Anab. s.t.); and Pliny (vii. 56) ascribes 
the inrention of steel to the Ideal 
Dactyli of Crete.— [G. W.] 

' £tM<^ian stone either is hlacJc 
flint, or an Ethiopian agate, the use of 
which was the remnant of a very 
primitive cnstom. Flints were often 
employed in Ejfypt for tipping arrows, 
in Uen of metal heads. Stone knives 
hftTe been fonnd in Egypt, which 
numy people had, as the Britons and 

others, and even the Bomans. (Li v. 
i. 24.) The Ethiopians (Her. vii. 69) 
had reed arrows tipped with agate, or 
pebbles, "on which seals were cut,*' 
and which, known to ns as " Egyptian 
pebbles," are in great abundance in 
Dongola and other districts. (See my 
n. on B. viL oh. 69.) The knife nsed 
in Egypt for sacrificing was generally 
of tempered iron, exactly like that of 
the Bomans (so often represented on 
their altars), one of which, in my 
possession, is 11^ inches long, by 2 in 
the broadest part. (Fig. 4.)— [G. W.] 

* The wine and pith (junidr, or kulb, 
" heart," in Arabic) are mentioned by 
Xenophon. (Anab. iL 3.) He is right 
in saying that when taken from it the 
tree wiUiers. In the Oasis they still 
make this wine, which they call 
UwbgeK They merely tap the centre 
of ihe date, where the branches grow, 
«ad the juice mns off into a vase 
&ste&ed there to receive it. — [G. W.] 

'The "spioery, and balm, and 

myrrh," carried by the Ishmaelitoe 
(or Arabs) to Egypt were principally 
for the embalmers, who were donbt- 
less supplied regularly with them. 
(Gen. xxxvii. 25.) Other caravans, 
like the Midianite merchantmen (Gen. 
xxxvii. 28), visited Egypt for the pur- 
poses of trade ; and ** the spice mer- 
chants " are noticed (1 Kings x. 15) 
in Solomon's timeii See my n. B. iii. 
ch. 107.— [G. W.] 




Then the body is placed in natmm* for seventy days,^ and 
covered entirely over. After the expiration of that space of 
time, which must not be exceeded, the body is washed, and 
wrapped romid, from head to foot, with bandages of fine linen 
cloth,* smeared over with gum, which is used generally by the 

^ Not nitre, bnt the snbcarboDate of 
soda, which abounds at the natron 
lakes in the Lybian desert, and at £1 
Heg^ in Upper Egypt. This com- 
pleted the nsnal mode of embalming ; 
bnt some few appear to have been 
prepared with wax and tanning, by 
which the limbs were less rigid, and 
retained great flexibility. Dr. Gran- 
ville has made some interesting experi- 
ments on preserving bodies by that 
process, in imitation of one brought 
from Eg^t, probably of late time; 
for a description of which I refer to 
his work. Mr. Pettigrew also (p. 73) 
mentions a child preserved with wax. 
— [G. W.] 

* This included the whole period of 
mourning. The embalming only occu- 
pied forty days (Gen. 1. 3) ; Diodoms 
says "upwards of thirty." Both 
seventy and seventy.two days are 
mentioned as the full number, the 
first being ten weeks of seven days, or 
seven decades; the other 12x6=72, 
the duodecimal calculation being also 
used in Egypt. 

The name mummy is supposed to 
be an Arabic word, moomta, ^om mUm, 
" wax." In Egyptian it is called sah ; 

the bier X\ Ool, 

The origin of embalming has been 
ingeniously derived from their first 
merely burying in the sand, impreg- 
nated with natron and other salts, 
which dried and preserved the body ; 
which natural process they afterwards 
imitated — drugs, and subsequently 
bitumen, being later improvements. 
Bitumen does not appear to have been 
generally used before the 18th Dy- 
nasty. The dried body of the sup- 
posed Mycerinus, however, will be no 
evidence that the simple salting pro- 
cess was retained till his time, unless 
the body and woollen dress are proved 
to be ancient Egyptian* (See Glid- 

don's Horse .^gyptiacee and H. Eg. 
W. vol. i. p. 348.) On bitumen, see 
n. ' on B. L ch. 179.— [G. W.] 

' Not cotton. The microscope has 
decided (what no one ever doubted in 
Egypt) that the mummy-cloths are 
lipen. The question arose in conse- 
quence of the use of the word hyssus. 
Pausanias unequivocally describes it 
as cotton, and growing in Elis. On 
the other hand, the Hebrew shash is 
translated Byssus in the Septuagint 
version, and in our own, ** fine linen " 
(Ex. xxiv. 4). Many consider it linen, 
and Julius Pollux calls it a sort of 
Indian flax. Herodotus again speaks 
of the (linen) munmiy -cloths as " bys- 
sine sindon," and both he and J. 
Pollux call cotton " tree wool." Some 
indeed think this last was silk ; bat 
Pliny (xix. 1) shows that the ^{t\w of 
Herodotus was cotton. — " Superior 
pars ^gypti in Arabiam vergens gig. 
nit fruticem quem aliqui gossipion 
vocant, plures xylon; et ideo lina 
inde facta xylina." The confusion 
appears to have arisen partly from 
the conventional use of the names of 
the various cloths, Sindon was the 
general term for every JiTie stuff ; so 
that it was even applied to woollen 
fabrics. Josephus speaks of sindon 
made of hair, and the ark had one 
covering of linen, and another of sin- 
don made of goats' hair (Antiq. 3, 5, 
4). Sindon was therefore any stuff 
of a very flne toxture (and might be 
applied to modem Cashmere luid 
Jerbee shawls, as weUL as to muslin 
and cambric). Byssufi in its real 
sense was cotton, but it was also a 
general torm (like our word ** linen "), 
and Josephus speaks of byssine sindon 
made of linen, t. e. '* fine cotton linen.'* 
With Pliny, on the contrary, Unen 
(linteum or linum) is the general term 
for all stufb, including cotton (xix. 1), 



Egyptians in the place of glue, and in this state it is given back 
to the relations, who enclose it in a wooden case which they 
have had made for the purpose, shaped into the figure of a man. 
Then fastening the case, they place it in a sepulchral chamber.'' 

•nd he eren calls asbestns "linen." 
" Komash,** properly " linen," is need 
in the same way by the Arabs for all 
stuffs. U is also reasonable to snp- 
poee that ancient, like modem people, 
may have been ndstaken sometimes 
about the exact quality of the stofls 
they saw, since the microscope was 
required to set ns right. Sindon may 
possibly be taken from "India," or 
from the Egyptian "«ft^t" (see n.» 
on eh. 105). Clemens thinks byssine 
g*nnent« were invented in the time 
ci Semiramis, king of Egypt (Strom, 
i p. 307). The Egyptians employed 
gun for the bands, or mommy-cloths, 
bat not for other par|>oses where glue 
was required. They also stained them 
with carthamns or safflower. The 
cwtom of swathing the body with 
hsDdages was common also to the 
Jews, as well aa the process of em- 
balming it with spices (Lnke xxiii. 56; 
John xix. 40). Their mode of ban- 
^a^ng the dead body is shown in the 
case oi Lazama (John zi. 44) ; and 
the early Italian masters haye repre- 
rented it more correctly than many 
of hter time. The legs, however, 
were bandaged separately, as in the 
GneccEgyptian mummies, since he 
"came forth" oat of the tomb.— 


' This was not in their own houses, 
^ as Herodotus says, in a room 
n»de for the purpose, which was 
attached to the tomb. In the floor of 
this room the pit waa sunk, often to 
the depth of more than 40 feet, where, 
after certain services had been per- 
formed by a pri«|t before the mummy, 
it was finally depodted. In the mean. 
^ it was kept (as he says, upright) 
in a moveable closet, and occasionally 
taken ont to receive those priestly be- 
nedictions ; or it stood within an open 
^^^'iopj for the same purpose, the 
'e^oDi weeping before it, A less 



Booi ir. 

apright against the wall. Such is the most ocffiti; way of 
embalming the dead. 

87> If persons wish to aVoid expense, and chooBe the second 
process, the following is the method pursued : — Syringes are 
Med with oil made from the cedar-tree, which is then, with- 
out any incision' or disembowelling, injected into the abdomen. 
The passage by which it might be likely to return is stopped, 
and the body laid in natrum the prescribed number of days. 
At the end of the time the cedar-oil is allowed to make its 
escape; and such is its power that it brings with it the 
whole stomach and intestines in a Liquid state. The natmm 
meanwhile has dissolved the flesh, and so nothing is left of 
the dead body bnt the skin and the bones. It is retoroed in 
this condition to the relatives, without any further trouble 
being bestowed upon it. 

erpensiye kind of litmh bad not the 
chamber, bnt only tbe pit, which wsa 
properly the place of Hepoltnre, tboDgh 
the name "tomb" is always applied 
to tbe apartment above. Tbe coffin 
or mommy-caae was placed at the 
bottom, or in a lateral chamber or 

recem, at " the aide of the pit." Thoee 
who were coniideied worthy were 
buried in the tomb thej had made, or 
pnrchaied, Bt a mj l^b prios; but 
wicked people were forbidden the pri- 
vilege, as if nndeserrii^ of bnrial in 
consecrated gronnd. — [Q.W.] 

withont any 

' Second-class 

the opening in the side was made in 
many of them, and occaeiunBtlj even 
in ihoee of an inferior quality ; so that 
it was not eiclnsively confined to 
mnnuniee of the first cloaa. There 
were, in fact, many gradations in 

each class. The mnmniieB of Greeka 
may generally be distrngniahed by the 
limba being each bandaged separatoly. 
On Embnlming, see Konger's Kotica 
HUT lea Embaumemena dea Anciens 
Egjptiens ; Pettigrew'a History of 
the Egyptian Mummies ; and At. Eg. 
W. vol. T. p. 451 to tbe emi.— [O. W.J 




88. The third method of embalming,* which is practised in 
the case of the poorer classes, is to clear out the intestines with 
a clyster,^ and let the body lie in natrum the seventy days, after 
which it is at once given to those who come to fetch it away. 

89. The wives of men of rank are not given to be embalmed 
immediately after death, nor indeed are any of the more 
beautiful and valued women. It is not till they have been 
dead three or four days that they are carried to the embalmers. 
This is done to prevent indignities from being offered them. 
It is said that once a case of this kind occurred : the man was 
detected by the information of his fellow- workman. 

90. Whensoever any one, Egyptian or foreigner, has lost 
his life by falling a prey to a crocodile, or by drowning in the 
river, the law compels the inhabitants of the city near which 
the body is cast up to have it embalmed, and to bury it in one 
of the sacred repositories with all possible magnificence.* No 
one may touch the corpse, not even any of the friends or 
relatives, but only the priests of the Nile,® who prepare it for 

' Of these, as of the others, there 
were seyeral kinds, the two principal 
ones being " 1. Those salted and filled 
with bitnminoDS matter less pure than 
the others ; 2. Those simply salted." 
Others, indeed, were prepared in more 
simple ways; some were so loosely 
put np in bad cloths that they are 
scarcely to be separated from the 
stones and earth in which they are 
bor^, while others were more care- 
faUy enveloped in bandages, and 
snanged one over the other in one 
common tomb, often to the nomber of 
iereral hundreds. — [G. W.] 

^ The word used here ((Tvpfudri) is 
the name of the modem figl^ or rapha- 
nus satirus (var. edulis) of Linnrous 
(see note • on ch. 125) ; but the liquid 
bere mentioned seems rather to be 
a powerful cleansing preparation. — 
[G. W.] 

* The law which obliged the people 
to embalm the body of any one found 
dead, and to burv it in the most ex- 
peasire manner, was a police, as well 
w a sanatory, regulation. It was a 


fine on the people for allowing a 
violent death, even by accident, to 
occur in their district ; and with the 
same object of protecting life, they 
made it a crime to witness an attempt 
to murder, or even a personal attack 
of any kind, without endeavouring to 
prevent it, or at least la3ring an infor- 
mation and prosecuting the offender. 
It was not "because the body was 
something more than human;" but 
to ensure the proper mode of embalm- 
ing, by having the money paid at 
once to the priests, and to prevent 
any evasion of the expense. — [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus would lead us to infer 
that every city had its priests of the 
Kile ; but this was probably only 
when situated near its banks, as we 
do not find any of these Nile temples. 

The city of Nilopolis, where the 
god Nilus was greatly worshipped, 
was in Middle Egypt, in the province 
of Heptanomis (afterwards called Ar- 
cadia, from the son of Theodosius). 
At Silsilis, too, Kilus (or Hapi-moou) 
was greatly honoured. Silsilis is re- 



Book II. 

burial with their own hands — ^regarding it as something more 
than the mere body of a man — and themselves lay it in the tomb. 
91. The Egyptians are averse to adopt Greek customs, or, in 
a word, those of any other nation. This feeling is almost uni- 
versal among them. At Chemmis,* however, which is a large 
city in the Thebaic canton near Neapolis,^ there is a square 

markable for its large quarries of 
aandstone, which was need to build 
nearly all the temples of Egypt, and 
for having been the place where the 
Nile burst the barrier of rook, and 
lowered its level thronghont its course 
southward of that spot. (See n. on 
oh. 13, in App. CH. iy.) The Niloa, 
acoordhig to Heliodoros (^thiop. lib. 
ix.)> was one of the principal festivals 
of Egjpt. It was celebrated abont 
the winter solstice, when the Nile 
beg^an to rise ; and Libanios pretends 
that the rites were thought of so 
much importance, that, unless per- 
formed properly, the river would not 
rise to its proper height. It was 
celebrated by men and women in the 
capital of each nome; which seems 
to argue, like the statement of Hero- 
dotus, that the god Nilus had a temple 
in every large city; and a wooden 
statue of the river god was carried in 
procession through the villages on that 
occasion.— [G. W.] 

^ Khem, the god of Chemmis, or 
Khemmo, being supposed to answer to 
Pan, this city was called Panopolis by 
the Greeks and Bomans. The lion- 
headed goddess Thriphis shared the 
honours of the sanctuary with Khem, 
and is mentioned in a Greek Inscrip- 
tion there of the 12th year of Trajan, 
when the restored or newly-built 
temple was finished (<rwrrf\4a$n). 
Khem was the generative principle, or 
universal nature. His name resembles 
that of " Egypt," which Plutarch tells 
us was called Chemi, " from the black, 
ness of the soil," and the same word 
was applied to the " black ** or pupil 
*' of the eye." (See n. » on ch. 16.) 
This is confirmed by the hieroglyphics : 

Khem, Chem:, or Elhemo, 


signifying "Egypt," and correspond, 
ing to the " land of Ham," or Khem. 
It is singular that this town should 
have had the old name of the country, 
and another, Coptos, have had that of 
Egypt, which is Koft, or Gypt, with 
the " At " prefixed. " Egypt " is not 
found in hieroglyphics as the name of 
the country; nor "Nile" as that of 
the river. The ancient Chemmis (or 
Khemi) is retained in the modem 
Ekhmim, the inhabitants of which 
were famed of old as b'nen xnanu&u;- 
turers and workers in stone. Chemi, 
" Egypt," was the origin of the word 
alchemy (the black art) and of che- 
mistry. The white bull acoompaniea 
Khem, as in the procession at Medee- 
net Haboo ; and this accords with the 
representation of the Indian god who 
presides over generation mounted on a 
white bull. (Sir W. Jones, vol. i. 
p. 256.)— [G. W.] 

» The " neighhouring Neapolis " is at 
least ninety miles further up the river, 
and sixty in a direct line. It has 
been succeeded by the modem Keneh^ 
a name taken from the Greek leat^ 
ir6\is, the ** Newtown " of those daysL 
All the Egyptians had an aversion for 
the customs of the Greeks, as of all 
strangers; and it is diflScult to un- 
derstand how the people of Chemmis 
should have had a different feeling 
towards them. The stories of the 
Greek Perseus having visited Egypt oa 
his way to Libya, and of his having 
instituted games at Chemmis, are 
fables, as is that in Book vii. ch. 61, 
of his having given his name to the 
Persians. But there may have been 
an Egyptian god, a character of the 
sun, whom the Greeks supposed to be 
their hero ; and the monster Hedusa, 
whose head Perseus cut off, evidently 
derived its form from the common 

Chap. 90, 91. 



enclosnre sacred to Perseus^ son of Danae. Palm trees grow all 
round the place, which has a stone gateway of an unusual size, 
sunnounted by two colossal statues,^ also in stone. Inside this 
precinct is a temple, and in the temple an image of Perseus. 
The people of Chemmis say that Perseus often apears to them, 
Bometimes within the sacred enclosure, sometimes in the open 
country: one of the sandals which he has worn is frequently 
found'— two cubits in length, as they afllrm — and then all 
Egypt flourishes greatly. In the worship of Perseus Greek 
ceremonies are used ; gymnastic games are celebrated in his 
honour, comprising every kind of contest, with prizes of cattle, 
cloaks, and skins. I made inquiries of the Ghemmites why it 
was that Perseus appeared to thenii and not elsewhere in 
Egypt, and how they came to celebrate gymnastic contests ® 

Typlionian figure of Egypt. (Cp. 

IHodoras, iii. 69.) The record of a 

coloaj haring gone to Greece from 

^Sypfc ("Khemi") may have led to 

tiie story about the x>eople of Chemmis 

haTing a friendly feeling towards the 

Greeks; as that of Perseus haxing 

married Astart^, the daughter of 

Belos, may point to some intercourse 

with Syria. ** Perseus, according to 

the Persians, was an Assyrian." There 

is a cnrions connection between Per- 

86QS and Pharas (faras), ** the horse : " 

—the Pegasns sprang forth from 

ICediiA when killed by Perseos, as 

represented on one of the metopes of 

Selinns; andXeptnne,whointrodnced 

the hone into Gireece, and Mednsa, 

are both Libyan. JFVmtos signifies the 

*mare,** and /ores the "horseman," 

or the "Persiam," in Arabic. In the 

story of Persens and Andromeda, as of 

St. George and thfi Dragon, the scene 

is placed in Syria; the former at 

Jafb, the latter neax Beyroot.— [G. W.] 

' Statues on the large stone propyla, 

or towers of Uie Fro^lssa, would be 

an anomaly in Egyptian arohitectnre. 

The enclosnre is the nsnal temenoa, 

iorroanded by a wall generally of 

crude brick, within which the temple 

stood. Cp. the Welsh " Llm:' The 

pttlm-trees oonfititnted the grove round 

the temple, which was usually planted 
with other trees. Clemens therefore 
calls it Axtros, and gives the name 
ipyks to the temenos. The courts 
surrounded by columns are his av\cu, 
(See n. on oh. 155, and the woodcut 
there.) The court planted with trees 
seems to be the ** grove" mentioned 
in the Bible ; ashreh (1 Kings xv. 
13), asMreh (Dent. vii. 6), plural 
asherdth (2 Chron. xxxiii. 3 ; Judg. iii. 
7) ; a word not related, as some think, 
to Ashterothf nor to ctsher, "ten" 
(both which begin with ain, not aleph) . 
The grove brought out from the house 
of the Lord (2 Kings xziii. 6 and 7) 
appecuTB to be like the emblematic 
groYe, or table surmounted by trees, 
carried in procession behind the Egyp- 
tian god Khem. 

The word "highplace," "bemeh," 
mn (1 Sam. iz. 12 ; 2 Kings zxiii. 15), 
is singularly, though accidentally, like 
the Greek $rifia,—lG. W.] 

' The modem Egyptians show the 
footstep of their prophet, in default of 
his sandal, and an impression in stone 
— a petrified miracle. The dervishes 
at Old Cairo have the shoe of their 
founder, which might almost vie for 
size with the sandal of Perseus. — 
[G. W.] 

® See Note in Appendix ch. vi. 




unlike the rest of the Egyptians : to which they answered, 
**that Perseus belonged to their city by descent, Danaiis and 
Lynceus were Chemmites before they set sail for Greece, and 
from them Perseus was descended," they said, tracing the 
genealogy ; " and he, when he came to Egypt for the purpose " 
(which the Greeks also assign) •* of bringing away from Libya 
the Gorgon's head, paid them a visit, and acknowledged them 
for his kinsmen — ^he had heard the name of their city from 
his mother before he left Greece — ^he bade them institute a 
gymnastic contest in his honour, and that was the reason why 
they observed the practice." 

92. The customs hitherto described are those of the Egyp- 
tians who live above the marsh-country. The inhabitants of 
the marshes have the same customs as the rest, as well in 
those matters which have been mentioned above as in respect 
of marriage, each Egyptian taking to himself, like the Greeks, 
a single wife ; ^ but for greater cheapness ot living the marsh- 
men practise certain peculiar customs, such as these following. 
They gather the blossoms of a certain water-lily, which grows 
in gi-eat abundance all over the flat country at the time when 
the Nile rises and floods the regions along its banks — ^the 
Egyptians call it the lotus ^® — they gather, I say, the blossoms 

^ There is no instaDce on the monn- 
meats of Egypt of a man having more 
than one wife at a time; nor does 
Herodotus say, as has sometimes been 
sapposed, that this was the castom of 
the other Ej^yptians who lived above 
the marsh country. Rather he implies 
the contrary. From the superior treat- 
ment of women throughout Egypt, 
from what we see of their social habits, 
and from the queens being allowed to 
ascend the throne, it is very impro- 
bable that any man had more than 
one wife. Diodorus (i. 80) says the 
priests were only allowed one, while 
the rest might have any number; but 
this is at variance with his account 
of the marriage contract, allowing a 
woman the control over her husband 
(i. 27) ; and, if permitted by law, wo 
may be certain that few took ad- 

vantage of it, since it was forbidden 
to the rich aristocracy, and the poor 
could not afford to enjoy the privilece. 
-[G.W.] ^ ^ 

^* This Nymphsea Lotus grows in 
ponds and small channels in the Delta 
during the inundation, which are dry 
during the rest of the year ; bnt it is 
not found in the Nile itself. It is 
nearly the same as our white water- 
lily. Its Arabic name is tl^fdr^ or 
nilSfeTf or he$hn{n ; the last being the 
ancient ** pi-sshnn," or pi-shneen, of the 
hieroglyphics. There are two varieties 
— the white, and that with a blaish 
tinge, or the Kymphsea Ccerulea. Tbo 
Buddhists of Tibet and others call 
it nenuphar. Though the favourite 
flower of Egypt, there is no evidence 
of its having been sacred; bnt the 
god Nofr.Atmoo bore it on his head; 

CflAF. 91,92. 



of this plant and dry them in the sim, after which they extract 
from the centre of each blossom a substance like the head of 
a poppy, which they crush and make into bread. The root of 
the lotus is likewise eatable, and has a pleasant sweet taste : 
it is round, and about the size of an apple. There is also 
another species of the lily in Egypt,^ which grows, like the 

ftnd the name n^ar is probablj related 
to nQ^, "good,** and connected with 
his title. It was thonght to be a 
flower of Hades, or Amenti ; and on it 
also Harpocrates is often seated. He 
was the Egyptian Aurora, or day- 
spring; not the God of Silence, as 
the Cheeks supposed, bnt fignred with 
his finger in his mouth, to ^ow one of 
the h^tfl of childhood of which he 
was the emblem. Hence he repre- 
smted the beginning of day, or the 
rise and infancy of the sun, which was 
typically portrayed rising every mom. 
ing from that flower, or from the 
water ; and this may have g^en rise 
to the notion of Froolus that the lotus 
flower was typical of the sun. Erato. 
§ thenes also says this son of Isis was 
the <<6od of Day." The Egyptian 
mode of indicating silence was by 
placing "the huid on the mouth." 
(Cp. Job zzix. 9.) The frog was also 
an emblem ** of ntian as yet in embryo, ~ 


as Horapollo and the Egyptian monu- 
ments show. The lotus flower was 
always presented to guests at an 
^gyi^^oxL party; and garlands were 
put round their heads and necks; — 
the ''multssque in f route ooronsd." 
(Cp. Hor. Od. i 26 and 38; ii. 7; 
iii. 10 ; iy. 11. Athensdus, tv, Ovid. 
Fast. y. Anacreon, ode iy.) It is 
eyident that the lotus was not bor- 
rowed from India, as it was the fayou- 
rite plant of Egypt before the Hindoos 
had established their religion there. 

Besides the seeds of the lotus, poor 
I)eople doubtless used those of other 
plants for making bread, like the mo- 
dem Egyptians, who used to collect 
the smcdl grains of the Mesembrianthe' 
mum nodiflorum for this purpose ; and 
Diodoms (i. 80) says tiie roots and 
stalks of water-plants were a great 
article of food among the lower clcusses 
of Egyptians.— [G. W.] 

' Perhaps the Nymphcea NeVumho, or 
IS'slumhium, which is common in India, 
but which grows no longer in Egypt. 
And the care taken in planting it for- 

merly seems to show it was not indi- 
genous in Egypt. Crocodiles and the 
Nelumbium are represented, with the 
Kile god, on the large statue in the 



lotus, in the river, and resembles the rose. The fruit springs 
lip side by side ^ith the blosBom, on a separate stalk, and has 
almost exactly the look of the comb made by wasps. It 
contains a number of seeds, about the size of an olive-stone, 
which are good to eat : and these are eaten both green and 
dried. The byblus * (papyrus), which grows year after year in 

TaticOD at Borne, and io mtiny Boman- 
Egyptian scDlptarea (see woodcnt) j 
bat it is remarkable that no repressD. 
tatioD ot the Nelmabiatn occurs in the 
BCalptoree of anaient E^rjpt, ttongh 
the commoa NjmphEia Lotoa occure 

HO often, Pliny calls it Colooaaia, as 
well aa CyanoQ (nL 16). Oa the 
platitB ot Egypt, too samenniB to 
mentiOD here, see At. Eg. W. to), it. 
p. 52 to 85, and Dr. Pickering'g Fhya. 
Hiet. of Mao, p. 368, *o.— [G. W,] 

- This intbeCyperua Papjrus, which, 
like the Nclambinm, ia no longer a 
native of Egypt. It now only grows 
in the Anapna, near SyrBcnee, and it is 
said to have boon found in a stream 
on the coast of Syria, H8 in Pliny'B 
time (liii. II}. IlerodotnB ia wrong 
in calling it an annual plant. The 
nee of the pith of its triangolar stalk 
for paper made it a very valuable 
plant 1 and the right of growing the 
best qnality, and of selling tho papyrus 
made from it, belonged to tho Govern- 
ment. It was partionlftrly cnltivated 
in the Sobennytic noma, and Tarious 
qoalitiescfthepaper were made. It ia 
evident that other Cyperi, and partion- 
larly the Cvp^'^l dines, were iome- 
timea contonnded with the Papyrui.or 
Byblia hteratictii of Strabo ; and when 
we read of its being used for mats, 
Bails, baaketa, sandals, and other com. 

mon pnrpoaea, we may conclnde that 
this was an inferior kind mentioned by 

Strabo ; and sametimes a, oommon 
Cypema, which grew wild, as many 
BtiU do, W88 thna employed in its 
stead. It is, however, evident that 
a variety of the papyrus was ao need ) 
men being representsd on the monn. 
menta making email boats of it (see 
n. ' oh. 96) ; and we may conclude 
this was a coarser and smaller kind 
not adapted for paper. The best waa 
grown with great care. Pliny mys 
the papyrus was not found about 
Alexandria, bocanae it waa not culti- 
vated therv ; and the neceaeity of this 
is shown by Isaiah's mention of " the 
paper reeds by the brooks .... and 
everything soicn by tho brooks. " (Is. 
lix. 7.) This prophecy is still more 
remorl^ble from its dc^aring that the 
papyrus shall no hinger grow in tho 

Chip. 92, 03. 



the marshes, they pull up, and, cntting the plant in two, 
reserve the upper portion for other purposes, but take the 
lower, \7hicH is about a cubit long, and either eat it or else 
sell it. Such as wish to enjoy the byblus in full perfection 
bake it first in a closed vessel, heated to a glow. Some of 
these folk, however, live entirely on fish, which are gutted as 
soon as caught, and then hung up in the sun : when dry, they 
are used as food. 

93. Gregarious filsh are not found in any numbers in the 
rivers ; they frequent the lagunes, whence, at the season of 
breeding, they proceed in shoals towards the sea. The males 
lead the way, and drop their milt as they go, while the 
females, following close behind, eagerly swallow it down. 
From this they Conceive,® and when, after passing some time 
in the sea, they begin to be in spawn, the whole shoal sets ofif 
on its return to its ancient haunts. Now, however, it is no 
longer the males, but the females, who take the lead : they 
swim in front in a body, and do exactly as the males did 
before, dropping, little by little, their grains of spawn as they 
go, while the males in the rear devour the grains, each one oi 
which is a fish.^ A portion of the spawn escapes and is not 
swallowed by the males, and hence come the fishes which grow 
afterwards to maturity. When any of this sort of fish are 
taken on their passage to the sea, they are found to have the 
left side of the head scarred and bruised ; while if taken on 

oooniiy, that it "shaU wither, and 
be driren away, and be no more." 
Theopbrmstna is correct in saying it 
grew in shallow water ; or in marshes, 
according to Flinj ; and this is repre- 
sented on the monuments, where it is 
placed at the side of a stream, or in 
irrigated lands (see woodcnt, No. III. 
fig. 2, ch. 77, note '; and the end of 
CH. T. of the App.). Pliny describes 
the mode of making the paper (xiii. 
11), bj catting thin slices of the pith 
and laying them in rows, and these 
being crossed with other slicos, the 
whole was made to adhere by great 
pressore. — [G. W.] 

' Aristotle (de Gen. Anim. iii. 5) 
shows the absurdity of this statement, 
qnoting Herodotus by name, and 
giving his exact words. C. Miiller 
has strangely seen in the passage a 
fragment of Herodorus! (See Fr. 
Hist. Gr. u, p. 32, Fr. 11. 

4 The male fish deposits the milt 
after the female has deposited the 
spawn, and thus renders it prolific. 
The swallowing of the spawn is 
simply the act of any hungry fish, 
male or female, who happens to find 
it. The braised heads are a fable. — 
[G. W.] 




their return, the marks appear on the right. The reason is, 
that as they swim down the Nile seaward, they keep close to 
the bank of the river upon their left, and returning again up 
stream they still cling to the same side, hugging it and brush- 
ing against it constantly, to be sure that they miss not their 
road through the great force of the current. When the Nile 
begins to rise, the hollows in the land and the marshy spots 
near the river are flooded before any other places by the 
percolation of the water through the river-banks ; *^ and these, 
almost as soon as they become pools, are found to be full of 
numbers of little fishes. I think that I understand how it is 
this comes to pass. On the subsidence of the Nile the year 
before, though the fish retired with the retreating waters, they 
had first deposited their spawn in the mud upon the banks : 
and so, when at the usual season the water returns, small fry 
are rapidly engendered out of the spawn of the preceding 
year. So much concerning the fish. 

94. The Egyptians who live in the marshes* use for the 
anointing of their bodies an oil made from the fruit of the 

' Percolation supplies the wells in 
the allnvial soil, even at the edge of 
the desert; but wherever there are 
any hollows and dry ponds, these are 
filled, as of old, by canals cnt for the 
purpose of conveying the water of the 
inundation inland. The water would 
reach the hollows and ponds by per- 
colation, if no canals were made ; we 
know, however, that these were much 
more numerous in ancient than in 
modem Egypt. 

The sudden appearance of the young 
fish in the pondja was simply owing to 
these being supplied by the canals 
from the river, or by its overflowing 
its banks (which it only did in some 
few places, long after the canals had 
been opened), and the fish naturally 
went in at the same time with the 
water.— [G. W.] 

^ The intimate acquaintance of He- 
rodotus with the inhabitants of the 
marsh*region is probably owing to the 

important position occupied by that 
region in the revolt of Inaros, which 
the Athenians, whom Herodotus pro- 
bably accompanied, went to assist. 
While Inaros the Libyan attacked the 
Persians in the field, and with the help 
of the Athenians made himself master 
of the gn:'eater part of Memphis, Amyr- 
teens the Egyptian, his oo-conspiratoTy 
established his authority over the 
marsh-district, the inhabitants of 
which were reputed the most warlike 
of the Egyptians. Here he maintained 
himself even after the defeat of 
Inaros and his Athenian allies, who 
seem to have made their last stand in 
the immediate vicinity of the marsh- 
country. (See Thucyd. i. 109-110; 
Herod, ii. 140, iii. 15, &o.) Hero- 
dotus, if he accompanied the expedi- 
tion, would thus have been brought 
into dose contact with the marsh- 

Chap. 93-95. 



Billicyprium,^ which is known among them by the name of 
"kifcL" To obtain this they plant the sillicyprixmi (which 
grows wild in Greece) along the banks of the rivers and by the 
sides of the lakes, where it produces fruit in great abundance, 
but with a very disagreeable smeU. This fruit is gathered, and 
then braised and pressed, or else boiled down after roasting : 
the liquid which comes from it is collected and is found to be 
unctuous, and as well suited as olive-oil for lamps, only that 
it gives out an unpleasant odour. 

95. The contrivances which they use against gnats, where- 
with the country swarms, are the following. In the parts of 
Egypt above the marshes the inhabitants pass the night upon 
lofty towers,® which are of great service, as the gnats are 
unable to fly to any height on accoxmt of the winds. In the 
marsh country, where there are no towers, each man possesses 
a net instead. By day it serves him to catch fish, while at 
night he spreads it over the bed in which he is to rest, and 

'This was the Ricimts eommunis, 
the Castor-oil plant, or the Palma- 
Christi, in Arabic KTuvrweh, It was 
known by the names of Croton, 
Trixifl, wild or tree Sesamnm, Ricinos, 
and (according to Dioscorides) of 
ffifffXi icirrpiov^ which was doabtless 
the nmoe as the ciX^Mtiirpiw of Hero- 
dotus. It grew abundantly, according 
to Pliny, as it stiU does, in Egypt. 
The oil was extracted either by press- 
ing the seeds, as at the present day, 
when reqnir^ for lamps, or by boil, 
ing them and skimming off the oil 
that floated on the snrface, which 
was thought better for medicinal pnr> 
poses. Pliny was not singular in his 
taste when he says (xv. 7), "Cibis 
foodmn, IncemiB utile." It was the 
plant that gave shade to Jonah (iv. 6) 
-Kikidn, mistranslated "gourd." 
The Egyptians bad many other plants 
that prodaoed oil, the principal of 
which were the Carthamus tinctorius 
(orsi^ower), the Sesamum orientale 
(or BiiMrm), flax, lettuce, Stlgam or 
coleseed (Brassica oleifera), and the 
Baphanus oleifer (the Seemga of 

modem Nubia), and even the olive; 
though this tree seldom produced 
fruit in Egypt, except about the Lake 
Moeris, and in the gardons of Alex- 
andria. (Plin. zy. 3; Strabo, zvii. p. 
1147.)— [G. W.] 

8 A similar practice is found in the 
Talley of the Indus. Sir Alexander 
Bumes, in his memoir on that river 
(GJeogn^ph. Joum. voL iii. p. 113, et 
seqq.), says : — "The people bordering 
on this part of the Indus — ^between 
Bukker and Mittun Kote — live during 
the swell in houses elevated eight or 
ten feet from tho ground, to avoid 
the damp and insects which it occa> 

sions These bungalows are 

entered by a ladder " (p. 137). 

[The custom of sleeping on the flat 
roofs of their houses is still conunon 
in Egypt ; and the small tower rising 
above the roof is found in the repre- 
sentations of some ancient houses in 
the sculptures. The common fishing, 
net would be a very inefficient protec- 
tion against the gpnats of modem 
Egypt, though a net doubled will 
often exclude flies, — G. W.] 



creeping in, goes to sleep underaeath. The gnats, -which, if 
be rolls himself up in his diess or in a piece of muslin, are 
Bure to bite through the corering, do not bo much as attempt 
to pass the net. 

96. The vessels used in Egypt for the transport of merchan- 
dise are made of the Acantha (Thorn),' a tree which in its 
growth is very like the Cjrenaio lotus, wid from which there 
exudes a gnm. They cut a quantity of planks about two 
cubits in length from this tree, and then proceed to" their ship- 
building, arranging the planks' Hke bricks, and attaching them 

" Thia wa« Plinj'B " Spina ^gyp- 
tia," oallad by AthenienH " Acantha," 
aod deecribed b; him (ir. p. 680) as 
beariDg a TDaod fruit on amall atalka. 
It is the modem Sont, or Mimosa 
(Aoacia) NiloCicai groves of which 
are atill foimd id Egypt, aa aooording 
to Strabo, AthoDEBiiB, and others, of 
old. Gom-arabio is prodncad from 
it, as from other mimosas or acaciaa 
of Egypt and Ethiopia, particnlarly 
the (SeaUh or) Acacia S^, and the 
(Tulh or) A. gammitera, of the 
desert. The Acacia Famesiluia {or 
i\tiKh) and the A. lebbek {Ubbekh) 
grow ia the raUey of the Nile ; the 
small Qilgil (with pods like oak-apples 
and seeds like those of the Se^eh), 
perhaps the A- heterocarpa, ia foand 
in the Oasis i the Harrai (A. albida), 
Sellem, and Sumr, mostly in the 
Ababdeh desert, and a few of the 
two first at Thebes ', a small one, 
called Ombdoii, is found abont Belbaya; 
and a senaitive acacia {the A. aspe- 
rata P) grows in Ethiopia on the banks 
□f the Nile i perhaps the one men- 
tifmed by Pliny (liii. 10) ttbont Mem. 
phis. B; " Abylus," AthenienB means 
AbjdoB. The Shittim wood of Eio- 
doB waa dcabtloBB the Acsoia S4eX 
(Saydt) ot the desert. " The Cyrenalo 
lotus " here mentioned by Herodotng 
is probably the Tulh, not that of the 
Lotophagi, and is different from that 
of Pliny (liii. 17, 19). See my note 
on Book iv. ch. 177.— [G. W.] 

1 The boatd of the Nile are slill 
bailt with plonks of the lont. The 

planks, arranged as Heiodotos siAtos,' 
like bricks, appear to have been tied 
to sevcml long stokes, fastened to 
them internally (No. I). Something 

Ko, 1. 
of the kind is still done, when Uiey 
raise an extra bnlwark above the gun- 
wale. In the large boats of bmrtben 
the planks were secared by nails and 
bolts, frhioh men are represented in 
the paintings driving into holes, pre- 
viously drilled for them. There vraa 
also a small kind of punt or canoe, 
made entirely of the papyms, bound 
together with bands of the game 
plant (No. n.)— the "TeBHels of bnl. 
" mentioned in Isaiah i " " 

Plin. - 

. 16 J 

i. Hi 

Theophrast iv. 9; Flat, de Is. a 
Lucan, iv. 136) ; but these were not 
capable of carrying large cargoes ; 
and still less would p^yrus shipa 
cross the sen to the Isle of Taprobano 
(Ceylon), as Pliny supposes (ri. 22). 
This mistake may have originated in 




by ties to a nmnber of long stakes or poles tiU the hull is com- 
plete, when they lay the cross-planks on the top from side to 

some sails and ropes having been 
made of the papyrus, bnt these were 
nrely used, even on the Nile. In one 
of the paintings at Kom el Ahmar 

one is represented with a sail, which 
might be made of the papyrus rind, 
and which appears to fold up like 
those of the Chinese (No. m.), and 

the mast is double, which was usual in 
lifge boats in the time of the 4th and 
other early dynastiee. That cloth 
saOa, occasionally with coloured de- 
vices worked or painted on them, 
ekould be found on the monuments at 

least as early as the 18th and 19th 
dynasties, is not surprising, since the 
Eg^tians were noted at a very re- 
mote period for the manufacture o^ 
linen and other cloths, and exported 
sailcloth to PhcBuicia. (Ezek. xxvii. 

7.) Hempen (Herodot. vii. 25) and 
palm repes are also shown by the 
monuments, to have been adopted for 
all the tackling of boats. The pro- 
cess of making them is found at Beni 
Easian and at Thebes; and ropes 

z&ade from the strong fibre of the 
palm-tree are frequently found in the 
tombs. This last was probably the 
kind most generally used in Egypt, 
and is still very common there, as the 
cocoa-nut ropes are in India. — [G. W.] 


side. They give the boats no ribs, but ctiulk the seams with 
papyma on the inside. Each has a single mdder,' which is 
driven straight through the keel. The maet is a piece of 
acantha-wood, and the sails are made of papyrus. These boats 
cannot make way against the current unless there is a brisk 
breeze ; they are, therefore, towed up-stream from the shore : ■ 

* The large bo&te luul generally » 
single rudder, irhioh resembled ft 
long onr, and trOiTened on a beam at 
tlie stem, inetanoes of irbicli occur in 
many ooaotries at the present day; 
but many had two raddere, one at 
each side, neai the stem, suspended 
at the gcnirale (ue out So, I. in □. ', 
oh. 96) or sltmg (him a post, as a 
pivot, on irbioh it tnmed. The small' 
aiied boat* of burthen were mostly 
fitted with two mddav ; and one io- 
itanoe ooonra of three on the same 
aids. Od the mdder, as on the bowa 

of the boat, was painted the eye (a 
onatom Mill ntained in the Mediter. 
ranean, and in China) 1 but the Egyp- 
tiaiiB seem to have confined it to the 
funeral barii. The boats always had 
one mast at the time Herodotos was 
in Egypt ; bnt it may be doubted if it 
was of the heavy acactha wood, which 
could with difficulty have been found 
Eufiioieutly long and straight for the 
purpose ; and fir-wood was too well 
known in Egypt not to be employed 
for niMtfl. Woods of varioos rare 
kinds wBTB imported into Egypt from 

very distant oouutries as early as the 
time of the 18th dynasty ; and deal 
waa then used for all common pur- 
poses, as well as the native sycamore. 
The hulls of boats were even some- 
times made of deal ; and it would 
hare been strange if they had not 
discovered how much more it wa« 
adapted for the masts. In the time 
of the 4th, 6th, and other early dynas- 
ties the mast was double ; but this 
was given up as cumbrous, and was 
not used after the acoetsion of the 
18th, or even of the 12th dynasty.— 
LO.W.] ^ ••' 

- - - I 

' The custom of towing up the 
stream is the same at present in 
Egypt; bat the modem boatmen make 
use of the stone in oomiug down the 
stream, to impede the boat, which is 
done by suspeudicg it from the stern, 
while the tamarisk raft before the 
bead is dispensed with. The oon- 
trivanoe Herodotos mentions was not 
to much to iuoreaae the speed as to 
keep the boat straight, by oSraing a 
large and bnoyaut object to the 
stream. When the rowers an tired, 
and boats are allowed to float down, 
they turn bnndside to tho strsMtti 

Cai.r.96. YESSEtS AND BOAT& 



down-stream they are manarged as follows. There is a raft 
belonging to each, made of the wood of the tamansk, fastened 
together with a wattling of reeds ; and also a stone bored 
throngh the middle, abont two talents in weight. The raft is 
fastened to the vessel by a rope, and allowed to float down the 
stream in &ont, while the stone is attached by another rope 
astern.* The result is that the raft, harried forward by the 
current, goes rapidly down the river, and drags the " bans " 
(for BO theycaJl this sort of boat)" after it; while the stone, 

uid it was to prevent this tL&t the 
etone and tomuisk raft were applied. 

* A practice almcst entirely Binular 
il described bj Col. CheBoef aa pre- 
vailing to this daj on the EnphrateB. 
Spealdng of the kv/ah, or ronnd river- 
boat (of which a represeatation waa 
giTen, vol. i. p. 318), he Bays ; — " Theae 
boats in descendiag the river have a 
bondle of hurdleB attached, which Soat 
in advance, and a atone of the weight 
of two talents drags along the bottom 
to guide them " (toI. ii. p. 640). 

' .^Bchylas had naed this word be- 
fore Eerodotna aa the proper t^mt tor 
an Egyptian boat. Cf. Sappl. 815 and 
858. He had also poetic^y extended 
it to the whole Beet of ZeneB (Pen, 
565). Enripides naed it aa a foreign 
term. (Cf. Iph. in Aolid. 297. 9<V- 
/titpwi Bifiiat.) Afterwards it came 
to be * mere variant for rXolar. (See 

Blomfield'a not* on .Sschyl. Pera. 

[I Iiad Bnppoaed Baria to mean 
" Boat of the Sun." (At. Eg. vol. v. 
p. 413, note.) Baria has erronetmsly 
been derived from Bai, a " palm 
branch," which bad certainly this 
meaaing (and which ia even nsed in 
John lii. 13, ri Mii rw iioitiicmv, 
"palm branches "), but Ova, or Ua, 
a " boat," ia a different word, though 
n Greek would write it with a 0, or 
vela. The name Boris is used by 
Flntarch (de Is. s. 18, Jamblichna do 
Myst. B. 6, ch. v.), and olhera. There 
was an Ef^ptian boat with a cabin, 
called by Btrabo thalamegus, or tha- 
lamifenu (xrii. pp. 1134-5}, need 
by the govemorB of provinces for 
visiting Upper Egypt; and a ajmilar 
one was employed in the funeral 
prooessiODS on the sacred Lake 
of the Dead (No. I.). There waa 

Cbap. 9G. vessels AND BOATS. 



which is pulled along in the wake of the vesBel, and lies deep 
in the water, keeps the boat straight. There -are a vast 
number of these vessels in Egypt, and some of them are of 
many tboQsand talents' burthen.* 

I kind of boat, with b 
cabin or aiming, in wMch gentlemen 
were to«ed by their sorranta upon 
tfae lakes in ibeir pleasiire grounds 
(Ho. U.) Bnt all their large boat* 

bad cabina, often of great height and 
lite, and even common market boats 
were famished with them, and snffl- 
cieutlj room; to hold cattle and 
Tarions goods (No. IV.).— [G. W.] 

'The eiiB of boats on the Nile 
varies now as of old t and some nsed 
for carrying com, which can only 
navignte the Nile dnring the inanda. 
tioD, are rated at from 2000 to 4S00 
ardeba, or about 10,000 to 24,000 
biubeU' burthen. The ships of war 
of the ancient Egyptians wero not 
generally of great size, at least in the 
early times of the 16th and 19th 
dynasties, when thej had a single 

wof f. 

r 50 

, were similar to the "long ships" and 
rtrrriitSyTtpai of the GreoltB, and the 
galleys of the Mediterranean dnring 
the middle a^s. Some were of mnch 
larger dimensions. Diodorus men- 
tions one of cedar, dedicated by Sesos- 
tris to the god of Thebes, measoring 
280 cnbits (from 420 to 478 feet) in 
length J and in later time* they wete 
remarkablo both for length and height ; 
one bailt by Ptolemy Philopator having 
40 banks of cars, and measnring 2S0 
cnbits (about 473 feet) in length, 3S 
in breadth, and 48 cnbits (abont 83 
feet) in height, or 63 from the keel 
to the top of the poop, which carried 

400 Bailors, besides 4000 rowers, and 
near SOOO soldiers. (Plat. Vit Demet. 
Athon. Deipn. t. p. £04; Pliny, vii. 
66, who mentions one of 40, and 
another of 50 banks of oars.) Athe- 
nEBQS says Philopator bnilt another, 
need on the Nile, half aetadinm (abont 
300 feet) long, upwards of 40 cnbits 
broad, and nearly 30 hi^h : and " the 
number belonging to Ptolemy Pbila. 
delphus exceeded those of any other 
king (t. p. 203), ho having two of 30 
banks, one of 20, four of 14, two of 12, 
fonrteen of ll.thirtyof 
of 7, fire of 6, seventeen qninqneremes, 
and more than twice that number of 
quodriremes, triremes," ±c. He also 
describes Hiero's ahip of 20 banks, 
BODt as a present to Ftolemy (v. pp. 
S06, 207). It is aingalar that no 
Egyptian, Anyrian, Greek, or Bomao, 
monument represents a galley of mora 
than one, or at most two tiers of oars, 
except a Boman painting foond in th« 
Orti Famesiani, which gives one with 
three, though triremes and qoinqoe- 
remes were the moat generally em- 
ployed [G. W.] 


97. "When the Nile overflows, the eonntry is converted into 
a sea, and nothing appears but the cities, which look like the 
islands in the Egean.' At this season boats no longer keep 
the coarse of the river, bnt sail right across the plain. On 
the voyage from Nancratis to Memphis at this season, yon 
pass close to the pyramids,* whereas the usual course is by 

T This i« perfeoUy trao ; and it itill j longer riaei m id the iaje of Hero- 
liappeiu in those years when the in- dotns, and foretell the gradual do- 
nndatioii is very high. Thongh Ssvary oronse of the innndation, it has been 
and othen suppose the water no | satiafaotory to see the Tillagea as 

dcMribad bj the historian, as late as [ is during these high innndstions that 

A-D. 184S. Seneca taja, "Hajorqae we sea the peasantB rescuing their 

betitia gentibos, qno minns terramm cattle from the flooded lands, as de- 

mainmtidenl." (Nat. QnnsL iv.2.) It I scribed in the dd paintings. — [O.W.I 

No. II. 

* When the Nilo is st that height, I mouth yon pass by Anthylla and 

boats can go across eonntry, aa Hero- Archandropolis, it is clear that these 

dsttts tiatea, without keeping to the towns Btooi to the west of the Cano- 

■tream. As Herodotns says that in [ pic branch. — [Q. W.] 
sailing to Nancratis ftom 1^ Canopio | 

TOL. n. H 

1 62 


Book II. 

the apex of the Delta, and the city of CercasoruB.' You can 
sail also from the maritime town of Ganobus across the flat to 
Naucratis, passing by the cities of Anthylla^ and Archandropolis. 

98. The former of these cities, which is a place of note, is 
assigned expressly to the wife of the ruler of Egypt for the 
time being, to keep her in shoes.^ Such has been the custom 
ever since Egypt fell under the Persian yoke. The other city 
seems to me to have got its name of Archandropolis from 
Archander the Fhthian, son of AchaBUs,' and son-in-law of 
Danaus. There might certainly have been another Archander; 
but, at any rate, the name is not Egyptian.^ 

99, Thus far I have spoken of Egypt from my own obser- 
vation, relating what I myself saw, the ideas that I formed 
and the results of my own researches. What follows rests on 
the accounts given me by the Egyptians, which I shall now 

* See above, note \ oh. 17. 

^ The neighbonrhood of Anthylla 
was celebrated for its wine, probably 
from the soil being light. It stood to 
the west of the Canopic branch, not 
at GjnsBCopolis, as Laroher supposes, 
bat further inland. On the wines of 
Egypt, see notes on chs. 18, 37, and 
60.— [G. W.] 

' AthensBus (i. p. 88 F) says " to 
find her in girdles'* (or dress). Plato 
OSes the same expression when he 
says "a territory in Persia was set 
apart for and called the Qneen*s girdle, 
another for her veil, and others for 
the rest of her appareL*' The reye- 
nues of the Lake Moeris, which were 
settled on the queens of Egypt for 
the purchase of ointments, jewels, and 
other objects connected with the toi- 
lette, amounted, as Diodorus says (i. 
62), to a talent every day (see note' 
on ch. 149) ; which, added to those of 
Anthylla, would be a handsome allow- 
ance for "pin-money," But a talent 
could not have been raised daily from 
that one fishery, and it would more 
probably include all those in Egypt, 
if it were necessary to believe that 
such a sum was allowed to the queens. 
It was the custom of the Persian 

kings to assign the revenues of towns 
as pin-money to the queens (Xenoph. 
Anab. i. 4, 9; Plato, Alcibiad. I. p. 
123. C), and they readily transferred 
those of the Egyptians to their own ; 
but Herodotus seems to say it was 
only after the Persian conquest that 
the revenues of Anthylla were so ap- 
plied. See Gic. Yerr. iii. 33, and com- 
paxe Com, Nep. Yit. Themist. 10. — 
[G. W.] 

' It would perhaps be more natural 
to render this passage, "Archander, 
the son of Phthius, and grandson of 
Acheeus;" but as Pausanias makes 
Archander the son of AchsBUS and a 
Phthian, since he brings him from 
Phthidtis to the Peloponnese (Aohaic 
i. § 3), and as the words of Herodotus 
will bear the meaning given in the 
text, it seems best to translate him in 
this way. According to Pausanias 
(1. s. c.) Archander married Scasa, the 
daughter of Danaus, and had a son 
whom he called Metanastes, in memory 
of his change of country. 

^ This remark of Herodotus is very 
just, and Archander was doubtless 
corrupted by the Greeks from aame 
Egyptian name. — [G. W.] 

Chap. 97-99. m£n, THE FIRST KING OF EGYPT. 


repeat, adding thereto some particulars which fell under my 
own notice. 

The priests said that Men was the first king of Egypt,^ and 
that it was he who raised the dyke which protects Memphis 
from the inundations of the Nile. Before his time the river 
flowed entirely along the sandy range of hills which skirts 
Egypt on the side of Libya. He, however, by banking up the 
river at the bend which it forms about a hundred furlongs 
south of Memphis,^ laid the ancient channel dry, while he dug 
a new course for the stream half-way between the two lines of 
hills. To this day, the elbow which the Nile forms at the 
point where it is forced aside into the new channel is guarded 
with the greatest care by the Persians, and strengthened 
every year ; for if the river were to burst out at this place, 
and pour over the mound, there would be danger of Memphis 
being completely overwhelmed by the flood. Men, the first 
kmg, having thus, by tummg the river, made the tract where 
it is used to run, dry land, proceeded in the first place to 
build the city now called Memphis,'' which lies in the narrow 

' Manetho, Eratosthenes, and other 
writers, agree with Herodotus that 
M^ or Henes (the Mna, or Henai, of 
the monnments) was the first Eg^yp- 
tian king; and this is confirmed by 
the lists of the Memnoniom, or Be- 
mesenm, at Thebes, and by the Turin 
papyrus. The gods were 
said to have reigned be- 
fore Menes, which some 
explain by supposing them 
the colleges of priests of 
those deities. Menes is 
called by Manetho a "Thi- 
nite." After his reign 
the kingdom appears to 
haTe been divided, and the remaining 
kings of the 1st and 2nd dynasties 
reigned in Upper Egypt, while the 
8rd and 4th ruled at Memphis ; as Dr. 
Hincks and Mr. Stuart Poole have 
suggested. See Hist. Not. App. oh. 
"Hii. and Tn. P.K.W. pp. 29, 31, and 68. 

-ra w.j 

^ITie dyke of Henes was probably 

near the modem Kafr el lydt, 14 miles 
south of Mitrahenny, where the Nile 
takes a considerable bend, and from 
which point it would (if the previous 
direction of its course continued) run 
immediately below the Libyan moun- 
tains, and over the site of Memphis. 
Calculating from the outside of Mem- 
phis, this bend agrees exactly with 
the hundred stadia, or nearly 11^ 
English miles, Mitrdhenny being about 
the centre of the old city. No traces 
of these dykes are now seen. — [G. W.] 
^ The early foundation of Memphis 
is proved by the names of the kings of 
some of the oldest dynasties being 
found there; and the precedence of 
the upper country may have been 
owing to Menes being from This, a city 
of the Thebaid near Abydus, to which 
Thebes succeeded as the capital of 
Upper Egypt. Phtah, or Vulcan, was 
the god of Memphis, to whom the 
great temple was erected by Menes. 
The lake was the one oa which the 



Book IL 

part of Egypt ; after which he further excavated a lake out- 
side the town, to the north and west, communicating with the 
river, which was itself the eastern boundary. Besides these 
works,® he also, the priests said, built the temple of Vulcan 
which stands within the city, a vast edifice, very worthy of 

100. Next, they read me from a papyrus the names of three 
hundred and thirty monarchs,' who (they said) were his sue- 
cessors upon the throne. In this number of generations there 

ftmeral ceremonies were performed, 
and which the dead crosBed on the 
waj to the tombs, as at Thebes ; and 
this, as Diodoms says (i. 92, 96), was 
the origin of the Aoherusian Lake of 
the Greeks, which he seems to think 
was called Acherosia at Memphis. 
The name of Memphis was Manofre, 
or Mon-nofr, " the place (or haven) of 
good men," according to Hntaoxh 
(s. 21), or "the abode of the good 
one," meam'ng Osiris; and this has 
been retained in the Coptic Mefi, 
Memfi, Menofre, and Panonf, and in 
the modem Manouf of the Delta. It 
was also called the ** land of the pyra- 
mid" and "of the white wall," or 
"building." See note on B. iii. ch. 
13.— [G. W.] 

^ Neither Menes nor his immediate 
sncceaeors have left any monuments. 
His name is only mentioned on those 
of a mnch later date. The names of 
the kings of the 4th dynasty are at 
the Pyramids, and of the 6th mostly 
in Lower and Middle Egypt ; the drd, 
^th, and 6th being Memphites. Those 
of the Enentefs (or Ntentefs), and 
others of the 9th Heracleopolite dy- 
nasty, are fonnd at Thebes and else- 
where ; particularly at Hermonthis. 
The 9th was contemporary with part 
of the 5th, the 6th, 11th, and 12th ; 
and the monuments of the kings of 
the two last are found at Thebes. 
Osirtasen I., the leader of the 12th, 
ruled the whole of Egypt, and it was 
while this IHospolite dynasty ruled 
that the Shepherds came into Egypt 
and obtained possession of Memphis. 
During the reign of the 13th they 

extended their conquests into the The- 
baid, when the Egyptian kings took 
refuge in Ethiopia, where their names 
are found; and it was not till the 
accession of the 18th that Amosis, the 
leader of that dynasty, expelled the 
Shepherds from Egypt, and made the 
whole country into one kingdom. 
(See Hist. Not. in App. ch. viii) — 
[G. W.] 

* That is from Menes to Mosris, who 
had not been dead 900 years, when 
Herodotus was in Eg^ypt about B.a 
455 (supra, ch. 13). This would make 
the date of Maoris less than 1350 B.a, 
and might correspond with the era of 
Menopbres B.c. 1322, who seems to 
be the king he here calls Mooris, the 
Mendes of Diodoms (i. 61 and 97). 
The name Mceris was evidently attri. 
buted to several kings (see note on 
ch. 13). The Maoris here mentioned 
could not have lived before the 
founders of the Pyramids and the firsfe 
Sesostris ; the 330 kings should there- 
fore include all the king^ of the 
Egyptian dynasties to the time of 
Menophres, and this being the great 
Egyptian era will account for the 
reign of that king being mentioned 
so often as one from which they dated 
events. The number of 330 kings, 
which appears also to be given by the 
Turin papyrus, was evidently taken 
from the sum of all the reigns to the 
end of the 18th dynasty, or to the 
accession of Bemeses II. EuaebinB 
indeed gives little more than SCO 
kings from Menes to the end of the 
18th dynasty, though his numbers are 
very uncertain; and his summation. 

Chap. 99, 100. 



were eighteen Ethiopian kings,^ and one qneen who was a 
native ; all the rest were kings and Egyptians. The queen 
bore the same name as the Babylonian princess, namely, 
Nitocris.* They said that she succeeded her brother ; ^ he had 

oomes within four of Afirioanm. At 
aU events, it is evident that the 830 
kings cannot be calonlated from 
Mfloes to Amnn-m-he IIL (the MceriB 
of the Labjiinth, and the Lamaris of 
Manetho). As theie airo only 204 
kings fxtnn Menes to Lamaris, we 4th 
king of the 12th dynasty, and far less 
if oontemporaneonsnesB be allowed 
for; and though Amnn-m-he HL was 
the real Moeris of the Labyrinth, these 
C Ql eul a ti cns qf tim^ were not made to 
him, bnt to a mnoh later reign, — ^the 
fixed chronological period of Heno- 
phres, who by mistake has been con- 
foonded with Moaris. (See notes on 
dis. Id and 124.) The Sesostris who 
came ^ after them" ooold not be 
Sesostria of the 12th dynasty, as he 
reigned before Amnn-m-he IIL (the 
real Moeris) ; and this mnst refer to 
the kiter (supposed) Sesostris, or 
SetboSy whoee exploits, together with 
those of his son Bemeses II., have 
been attributed to one king, under the 
name of Sesostris. See note ^ on olu 
102.— [G. W.] 

^ The intermarriages of the Egyp- 
tian and Ethiopian royal families may 
be zntored from the sculptures. 
'*The royal son of Kush" (Gush, or 
Ethiopia) is also often mentioned, 
sometimes holding the office of flabel- 
hmi-bearer on the right of a Pharaoh i 
thon^ this title of " royal son " pro- 
bably belonged to Egyptian princes 
wrbo were viceroys of Ethiopia; 
foreign princes being merely styled 
"chiefs." But the Ethiopians who 
■at on the throne of Egypt may have 
churned their right either as descend- 
ants of those princes, or through 
intermarriages with daughters of the 
PbacBoihs. The eighteen Ethiopian 
kii^ were probably the early Sabaoos 
of the Idth dynasty, one of whose 
lames iB foond on a statue in the Isle 
ot Argo, m^d another at Senmeh, in 

Ethiopia, who ruled there while the 
Shepherds were in Egypt. It wad 
this right of the female members of 
the royal family to the throne that 
led so many foreigners who had 
married Egyptian princesses to assert 
their claims, some of which were sue* 
oessfuL— [G. W.] 

' The fact of Kitoons having been 
an early Egyptian queen is proved by 
her name, Neitakri, occurring in the 
Turin papyrus^ and as the li^t sove- 

reign of Manetho*s 6th dynasty. There 
was another Nitocris, of the 26th 
dynasty, vmtten Neitakri, with the 
usual name of the goddess Neith. 
Eratosthenes translates Nitocris 
" Minerva Victrix." It is remarkable 
that Nitocris of the 26th dynasty 
lived about the same time as the 
Babylonian queen* The name is per. 
feotly Egyptian. The queen of 
Psammetiohus ILL, a daughter of his 
predecessor, had the same name as 
the (supposed) wife of Nebuchadnez- 
sar ; and it is not impossible that the 
famous Nitocris may have been 
anotiier of the same name and family, 
demanded in marriage by the king of 
Babylon on his invasion of Eg^pt. 
See note on oh. 177, and historical 
notice in the Appendix. — [G. W.] 

' This would seem to be Mentiiesu- 
phis II., the fifth king of Manetho's 
6th dynasty, who reigned only a year. 



Book IL 

been king of Egypt, and was put to death by his subjects, who 
then placed her upon the throne. Bent on avenging his death, 
she devised a cunning scheme by which she destroyed a vast 
number of Egyptians, She constructed a spacious under- 
ground chamber, and, on pretence of inaugurating it, con- 
trived the following: — ^Inviting to a banquet those of the 
Egyptians whom she knew to have had the chief share in 
the murder of her brother, she suddenly, as they were feasting, 
let the river in upon them, by means of a secret duct of large 
size. This, and this only, did they tell me of her, except that, 
when she had done as I have said, she threw herself into an 
apartment fall of ashes, that she might escape the vengeance 
whereto she would otherwise have been exposed. 

101. The other kings, they said, were personages of no note 
or distinction,^ and left no monuments of any account, with 

* Their obsctnrity was owing to 
Egypt being part of the time under 
the dominion of the Shepherds, who, 
finding Egypt divided into several 
kingdoms, or principalities, invaded 
the conntry, and succeeded at length 
in dispossessing the Memphite kings 
of their territories. Their invasion 
seems to have originated in some 
claim to the throne, probably through 
previous marriages. This would ac- 
count for their being sometimes in 
alliance with the kings of the rest of 
the country; for their conquest 
having been made " without a battle," 
as Manetho says; and for its not 
having weakened the power of Egypt, 
which that of a foreign enemy would 
have done. They came into Egypt 
about the beginning of the 12th 
dynasty, but did not extend their 
dominion beyond Lower Egypt till 

Neptune = Libya. 

the end of that dynasty. They then 
ruled contemporaneously with the 
7th, 8th, 10th, 13th, and 14th dynas- 
ties, till at length the whole of the 
Egyptian power becoming vested in 
one native king Ames (called Amosis 
and Tethmosis by Manetho and 
Josephus), who was the first of the 
18th dynasty, the Shepherds were 
driven out of the country, and the 
Theban or Diospolite kings ruled the 
whole of Egypt. It is still uncertain 
of what race the Shepherds were. 
Some are called by Manetho Phoeni- 
cians. (See Historical Notice in the 
App.) Eusebius (Chron. p. 27) says 
Phoenix and Cadmus going from Egyp- 
tian Thebes reigned over Tyre and 
Sidon, which might apply to the expul- 
sion of the ''Phcenician Shepherds" 
from Egypt, and the relationship of 
Egypt and Phoenicia is pointed oat bj 

Agenor, King of Phcenlda. 


Belaa ^ Anchtooe, daqghter of NUoi. 


a pedigree in Apollodorus (BibL ii. 1, 
4) ; who adds that, according to Euri- 

pides, Cepheus and Phineus were also 
sons of Belus and Anchinoe. — [Q, W.] 

CHiLP. 100-102. 



the exception of the last, who was named Moeris/ He left 
several memorials of his reign — ^the northern gateway of the 
temple of Ynlcan, the lake excavated by his orders, whose 
dimensions I shall give presently,^ and the pyramids built by 
him in the lake, the size of which will be stated when I describe 
the lakg itself wherein they stand. Such were his works : the 
other kings left absolutely nothing. 

102. Passing over these monarchs, therefore, I shall speak 
of the king who reigned next, whose name was Sesostris.^ 

^ See note ^ on cH. 13, and note * 
ouch. 100. 

• Infra, ch. 149. 

' The original Sesofltris was the first 
kiii^ of the 12th dynasty, Osirtasen, 
or Sesortasen I., who was the first 
great Egyptian conqueror; but when 
Osxrei, or Sethi (Sethos), and his son 
Bemeses U. surpassed the exploits 
of their predecessor, the name of 
Sesostris became oonfonnded with 
Sethos, and the conquests of that 
king, and his still greater son, were 
Bscribed to the original Sesostris. 
This explains the assertion of Dicaear. 
chos that Sesostris was the successor 
of Horns, mistaken for the god, but 
really the last king of the 18th 
dynasty. For those two kings did 
succeed Horus (the reig^ of Bemeses I., 
the father of Sethi, being so short as 
to be overlooked), and their union 
under one name, Sesostris, is accounted 
for by Bemeses n. having ruled con- 
jointly with his father during the 
early and principal part of his reign. 
Mr. Poole very properly suggests that 
Manetho's "J^fl»j 6 Kot 'Ptfuharis" 
should be " 2. . . #co2 P. . ." This is re- 
quired also by the length of their reigns 
(that of the 2nd Bemeses being from 
63 to 66 years) ; and by the age of 
Bemeses; and the sculptures at 
'^'^mak show that he accompanied 
his father in his early campaigns. It 
seems too that in the first Sesostris 
two kings, Osirtasen I. and III., were 
comprehended ; as several were under 
tbe name ot Moeris. Strabo (xv. p. 
m) mskee SesoBtris and even Tear- 

con (Tirhakah) both go into Europe. 
The great victories over the Scythians 
could not be attributed to the early 
Sesostris, though some ruins near old 
Kossayr (see n. ch. 158) prove that in 
the reign of Amun-m-he 11., who 
reigned for a short time contempo- 
raneously with Osirtasen I., the Egyp- 
tians hskd already (in his 28th year) 
extended their conquests out of Egypt, 
having defeated the people of Fount, 
with whom the king^ of the 18th and 
19th dynasties were afterwards at 
war. The people of Fount were a 
northern race, being placed at Soleb 
and elsewhere with the Asiatic tribes. 
They appear to have lived in Arabia ; 
probably in the southern, as well as 
northern part; and their tribute at 
Thebes, in the time of Thothmes III., 
consisted of ivory, ebony, apes, and 
other southern productions ; partly 
perhaps obtained by commerce. Ele- 
phants and brown bears were also 
brought by the northern race of 
Bot.ii.n, or Bot-h-no, who come next 
to Mesopotamia in the list of con- 
quered countries. Osirtasen I. pos- 
sessed the peninsula of Mount Sinai, 
already conquered in the age of the 
4th dynasty, and extended his arms 
far into Ethiopia, where his monu- 
ments are found ; and this maybe the 
expedition alluded to by Diodorus as 
the beginning of his exploits, unless 
he had in view the conquests of 
Sethi and Bemeses II., which reached 
still farther south, continuing those of 
Amenoph III. in Ethiopia and tbe 
Soudan. Some think Osirtasen III. 



Book H. 

He, the priests said, first of all proceeded in a fleet of ships of 
war from the Arabian gulf along the shores of the ErythraBan 
Sea, snbdoing the nations as he went, nntil he finally reached 
a sea which conld not be navigated by reason of the shoals.^ 
Hence he returned to Egypt, where, they told me, he collected 
a vast armament, and made a progress by land across the 
continent, conquering every people which fell in his way. In 
the countries where the natives withstood his attack, and fought 
gallantly for their liberties, he erected pillars,' on which he 
inscribed his own name and country, and how that he had 
here reduced the inhabitants to subjection by the might of his 
arms: where, on the contrary, they submitted readily and 

was Seaofltxifl, because he is treated 
with divine honours on the monu- 
ments of Thothmes III. ; but this may 
have been from some rights to the 
throne being deriyed from him, or 
from his having established the 
frontier on the Ethiopian side at this 
spot ; though it seems also to acoord 
with Manetho's account of Sesostris 
being considered as ''the first (or 
greatest) after Osiris." But neither 
the conquests nor the monuments of 
the third Osirtasen show him to have 
equalled the first ; and if he fixed on 
Semneh as the frontier of Egypt, it 
was within the limits of his predeces- 
sor's conquests. That Semneh was the 
frontier defence against the Ethio- 
pians is shown by an inscription there, 
and by the water-gate in both for- 
tresses being on the Egyptian side of 
the works. The monuments of Osir- 
tasen I. are found everywhere from 
the Delta to Ethiopia. (See Hist. 
Notice in App. ch. viii.) — [G. W.] 

" This is pwhaps an indication that 
•the Egyptians in the time of Hero- 
dotus were aware of the difficulties 
of the navigation towards the mouths 
of the Indus. The waters of this 
river in the flood-time discolour the 
sea for three miles, and deposit vast 
quantities of mud, forming an ever, 
shifting series of shoals and shallows 
very dangerous to vessels. (See 
Geograph. Joum. toL iii. p. 120). The 

voyage of Scylax down the Indus 
from Caspatyrns to the ocean, and 
thence along shore to Suez (infra, 
iv. 44), would have brought the know- 
ledge of these facts to the Egyptians, if 
they did not possess it before. The 
conquests of Sesostris in this direction 
seem to be pure fables. 

' These memorials, which belong to 
Bemeses II., are found in Syria, on 
the rocks above the mouth of the 
Lycus (now Nahr el Kelh), Strabo 
says a stela on the Bed Sea records 
his conquests over the Troglodyte 
(b. xvi. p. 1093). The honour paid 
by Sesostris to those who resisted his 
arms, and fought courageously, is 
one of many proofs of the oivilixed 
habits of the Egyptians; and these 
sentiments contrast strongly with the 
cruelties practised by the Asiatic 
conquerors, who flayed alive and tor- 
tured those who opposed them, as the 
Turks have done in more recent times. 
(See Layard's drawings, and the Nine- 
veh sculptures in the British Museum.) 
The victories of Bemeses II. are repre- 
sented on the monuments of Thebes ; 
and it is worthy of notice that when 
Germanious visited them no mention 
was made of Sesostris as the g^reat 
conqueror, but of Bhamses, the real 
king, whose sculptures he was shown 
by the priests. (Tacit. Ann. ii. 60.) 
The mistake is therefore not Egyptian. 
1 -[G. W.] 

Cbav. 102-104. 



without a struggle, he inscribed on the pillars, in addition to 
these particulars, an emblem to mark that they were a nation 
of women, that is, unwarlike and effeminate. 

103. In this way he traversed the whole continent of Asia, 
whence he passed on into Europe, and made himself master 
of Scythia and of Thrace, beyond which countries I do not 
think that his army extended its march. For thus far the 
pillars which he erected are still visible;^ but in the remoter 
regions they are no longer found. Betuming to Egypt from 
Thrace, he came, on his way, to the banks of the river Phasis. 
Here I cannot say with any certainty what took place. Either 
he of his own accord detached a body of troops from his main 
army and left them to colonise the country, or else a certain 
number of his soldiers, wearied with their long wanderings, 
deserted, and established themselves on the banks of this 

104. There can be no doubt that the Golchians are an 

* Kiepert (as quoted by M. Tezier, 
Hinenre, ii. p. 806) conolades 
fraa this, that Herodotus had seen 
the Thracian stelse. Bat Herodotus 
does not say so ; and suoh a point is 
certainly not to be assumed without 
distinct warrant from his words. It 
is to the last degree improbable that 
Sesostris, or any other Egyptian con- 
queror, ever penetrated through Scy- 
thia into Thrace. The Egyptian 
priests did not eyen advance such a 
chum when they conversed with 
Germanicus (Tacit. Ann. ii. 60). The 
Caucasus is the furthest limit that 
can possibly be assigned to the Ba- 
messide conquests, and the Scythians 
subdued must have dwelt within that 

' If it be really true that Sesostris 

left a colony on the Phasis, his object 

may be explained in the same manner 

as that of the Argonautio expedition ; 

hoth bemg to obtain a share of that 

ioorstire trade, which long continued 

to flow m that direction, and was the 

object of the Genoese settlements on 

the Black Sea from the thirteenth to 

the fifteenth century. The trade 
from India and Arabia took various 
channels at different periods. In 
Solomon's time, the PhoBuicians had 
already brought it through the Bed 
Sea; and his offering them a more 
convenient road thence through the 
Valley of Petra, enabled him to enter 
into an advantageous treaty with, and 
to obtain a share of the trade from, 
that jealous merchant people. The 
trade was frequently diverted into dif- 
ferent channels; as under the Egyptian 
Caliphs, and at other times. But it also 
passed at the same periods by an over- 
land route, to which in the earliest ages 
it was probably confined; and if Colchis 
was the place to which the former 
was directed, this would account for 
the endeavour of the Egyptian con- 
queror to establish a colony there, 
and secure possession of that import- 
ant point. The trade of Colchis may, 
however, like its golden fleece, simply 
relate to the gold brought to it from 
the interior. — [G. W.] Compare vol. 
i Essay x. § 7> sub fin. 



Egyptian race.' Before 1 heard any mention of the fact from 
others, I had remarked it myself. After the thought had 
struck me, I made inquiries on the subject both in Colchis 
and in Egypt, and I found that the Golchians had a more 
distinct recollection of the Egyptians, than the Egyptians had 
of them. Still the Egyptians said that they beUeved the 
Golchians to be descended from the army of Sesostris. My own 
conjectures were founded, first, on the fact that they are 
black-skinned and have woolly hair,* which certainly amounts 

' According to Agathias (ii. p. 55) 
the LaziB of the oonntrj about Trebi- 
zond axe the legitimate descendants 
of the ancient Golchians. The lan- 
guage of this race is Turanian, and 
bears no particular resemblance to 
that of ancient Egypt. (See Miiller's 
Languages of the Seat of War, pp. 

* Herodotus also alludes in cb. 57 
to the black colour of the Egyptians ; 
but not only do the paintings point- 
edly distinguish the Egyptians from 
the blacks of Africa, and even from 
the copper-coloured Ethiopians, both 
of whom are shown to have been of 
the same hue as their descendants : 
but the mummies prove that the 
Egyptians were neither hlach nor 
woolly. haired f and the formation of 
the head at once decides that they are 
of Asiatic, and not of African, origin. 
It is evident they could not have 
changed in colour, as Larcher sup- 
poses, from the time of Herodotus to 
that of Ammianus Marcellinus, who 
after all only says they are " mostly 
dusky and dark" (xxii. 16), but not 
"black;" for though the Ethiopians 
have for more than 3000 years inter- 
married with black women from the 
Soudan, who form great part of their 
hareemSf they still retain their copper 
colour, without becoming negroes ; 
and indeed this may serve as a nega- 
tive datum for those who speculate on 
change of colour in the human race. 
That the Egyptians were dark and 
their hair coarse, to European eyes, is 
true ; but it is difficult to explain the 
broad assertion of Herodotus, espe- 

cially as ha uses the superlative of 
the same word, '^most woolly," in 
speaking of the hair of the Ethiopians 
of the West, or the blacks of Africa 
(B. vii. ch. 70). The hair he had no 
opportunity of seeing, as the Egyp- 
tians shaved their heads and beards ; 
and blackness of colour is, and always 
was, a very conventional term; for 
the Hebrews even called the Arabs 
" black," kedar, the " oedrei" of Pliny ; 
though ^"ip may only mean of a dark, 
or sunburnt hue (Flm. v. 11 : see note 
on Book iii. ch. 101). The negroes of 
Africa, in the paintings of Thebes, 
cannot be mistaken; and the Egyp- 
tians did not fail to heighten the cari- 
cature of that marked race by giving 
to their scanty dress of hide the ridi- 

cnlons addition of a t^L Egypt was 
called Chemi, ** black," firom iSie colour 
of the rich soil, not from that of the 
people (see note* on ch. 16). Our 
" blacks " and " Indians " are equally 
indefinite with the blacks or Ethiopians 



to but little, since several other nations are so too; but 
farther and more especially, on the circumstance that the 
Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians, are the only, 
nations who have practised circumcision from the earliest 
times. The Phoenicians and the Syrians of Palestine ^ them- 
selves confess that they learnt the custom from the Egyptians ; 
and the Syrians who dwell about the rivers Thermddon and 
Parthenius,^ as well as their neighbours the Macronians,^ 

0! dd. The fact of the Egyptians 
lepresentiD^ their women yellow and 
the men red snffioee to show a grada- 
tkm of hae, whereas if they had been 
a black race the women wonld have 
beoi black also.— [G. W.] 

* Herodotus apparently aUodes to 
the Jews. Palestine and Philistine are 
the same name. He may be excnsed 
for supposing^ that the Jews borrowed 
circomcision from the Egyptians, since 
they did not practice it as a regular 
ind imiTersal custom mitil after they 
left Egypt, which is proved by the 
new generation in the wilderness not 
being dronmcised tiU their arrival on 
the plains of Jericho (Joshua y. 5, 7)> 
thooi^ the cnstom haid been adopted 
by ^ Patriarchs and their families 
frmn the time of Abraham. Even (in 
Johnvil. 22) our Savionr says, ''Moses 
gave yon circamcision (not because 
it IB tit Hoses, but of the fathers) *' ; 
and any writer of antiquity might 
naturally suppose that the Jews bor- 
rowed from Egypt a rite long estab- 
lished there ; for it was already 
common at least as early as the 4th 
dynasty, and probably earlier, long 
before the birth of Abraham. Herodotus 
is justified in calling the Jews Syrians, 
as they were comprehended geographi- 
caBy under that name ; and they were 
ordered to " speak and say before the 
Lord God : A Syrian ready to perish 
was my father, and he went down into 
£gyp^ and sojourned there with a 
few, and became there a nation . • ." 
(Deut xxvi. 5). Pansanias (i. 6) speaks 
of the " Hebrews who are above 
the Syrians," (nr^p 1%fpmv, Syria com- 
prehended the whole country from 
the passes of Cilioia (now Adama) to 

Egypt, though parts of it were separate 
and distinct provinces. See note on 
Book vii. ch. 72.— [Q. W.] 

* The Syrians here intended are nn- 
doubtedly the Gappadocians (supra, i. 
72, 76), in whose country the river 
Therm6don is commonly placed. (Scy- 
lax. PeripL p. 80 ; Strab. 12. p. 792 ; 
Plin. H. N. vi. 3 ; PtoL v. 6.) It is 
curious, however, to find in such a 
connection a mention of the Parthe- 
nius, which is the modem Chati £fti, or 
river of Bartanf a stream considerably 
to the W. of the Halys, ascribed by 
the geog^phers either to Paphlagonia 
(Scylax, p. 81 ; Strab. xii. p. 787 ; 
Plin. H. N. vi. 2) or to Bithynia (PtoL 
y. 1). Herodotus elsewhere (i. 72) 
distinctly states that Gappadocia lay 
entirely to the E. of the Halys, and 
that the region to the W. was Paphla- 
gonia. The limits of the countries, 
no doubt, vary greatly in ancient 
writers (cp. Xen. Anab. V. v.-vi., with 
Scyl. PeripL L s. c.) ; but with so dis- 
tinct an expression of his views on the 
part of Herodotus in one place, it 
seems impossible that in another he 
can have intended to extend Gap- 
padocia three degrees further to the W. 
I should therefore incline to think, 
either that the name is corrupted, or 
that a different Parthenius is meant — 
the name being one which would be 
likely to be given by the Greeks to 
any stream in the country of the 

' The Macronians are mentioned by 
Xenophon (Anab. IV. viii. § 1) as 
situated inland at no great distance 
from Trapezus {Trehizond), Strabo 
(xii. p. 795) agrees with this, and in- 
forms ua that they were afterwards 



Book II. 

say that they have recently adopted it from the Colchians. 
Now these are the only nations who use circumcision, and it 
is plain that they all imitate herein the Egyptians.® With 
respect to the Ethiopians, indeed, I cannot decide whether 
they learnt the practice from the Egyptians, or the Egyptians 
from them® — ^it is undoubtedly of very ancient date in Ethiopia 
— but that the others derived their knowledge of it from 
Egypt is clear to me from the fact, that the Phoenicians, 
when they come to have commerce with the Greeks, cease to 
follow the Egyptians in this custom, and allow their children 
to remain uncircumcised. 

105, I will add a further proof of the identity of the Egyp- 
tians and the Golchians. These two nations weave their linen 
in exactly the same way, and this is a way entirely unknown 
to the rest of the world ; they also in their whole mode of life 
and in their language resemble one another. The Golchian 
linen ^ is called by the Greeks Sardinian^ while that which 
comes from Egypt is known as Egyptian. 

106. The pillars which Sesostris erected in the conquered 
countries have for the most part disappeared ; but in the part 
of Syria called Palestine, I myself saw them still standing,^ 

called Sanni. They ooonr again, iii. 
94, and vii. 78. 

8 Circmnoision was not practised by 
the Philifltinea (1 Sam. xiv. 6; xvii. 
26; zviii. 27 ; 2 Sam. i. 20 ; 1 Chron. 
X. 4r), nor by the generality of the 
Phcsnicians; for while it ia eaid of 
Pharaoh (Ezek. zxxi. 18; xxzii. 82) 
that he shonld " lie in the midst of 
the nncircnmoised/' and Edom (zzxii. 
29) " with the nnoiromncised," Elam, 
Mesheoh, Tubal, and the Zidoniana 
(zxzii. 24, 80) "go down imoircmn- 
oised." Josephos (Antiq. yiii. 20. 8) 
maintains that no others in Syria were 
circnmcised bat the Jews. The Abys- 
sinians still retain the rite, though 
they are Christians of the Copt Church* 
— [G. W.] 

' It has been already shown that 
the Ethiopians borrowed their reli- 
gious institutions from Egypt. — See 

notes' on eh* 29, and* on du SO. — 
[G. W.] 

^ Colchis was famous for ita linen. 
It was taken to Sardis, and being 
thenoe imported received the name of 
Sardian. 2ap8oviK^y, " Sardinian^" 
may be a mistake for lof^iwSw, The 
best linen nets for hunting purposes 
are said by J. Pollux to have oome 
from Egypt, Colchis, Carthage, or 
Sardis (Onom. 6. 4. 2S), It is pos- 
sible that the linen of Colchis may 
have had the Egyptian name Sindon, 
or shent, and that this may have been 
converted into Sardon. (See note' 
on oh. 86). Sindon was also used 
sometimes to signify " Indian.*' (PUn. 
vi 20).— [G. W.] 

' The stelae seen by HerodotoB in 
Syria were doubtless those on the 
rock near Berytus (Bsyrooi), at the 
mouth of the Lyons (^a^ •! KtXb), 

Crap. 104-106. 



with the writing above mentioned, and the emblem distinctly 
visible.® In Ionia also, there are two representations of this 
prince engraved upon rocks,* one on the road from Ephesus to 

engTATed hy Bemeaes II. : one is dedi- 
cated to AmTiTi, another to Fthah, and 
a third to Be, the gods of Thebes, 
Memphis, and Heliopolis, the three 
principal cities on his march throngh 
^jpt. Almost the only hieroglyphics 
now traceable are on the jambs of the 
tablets, which have one of the usual 
formulas — " the good god," or " Phrah 
(Pharaoh) the powerful .... king of 
kings, Bemeses, to whom life has been 
given like the sun;" but the lines 
below the figure of the king, who 
slays the foreign chiefs before the god, 
and which should contain the mention 
of his Tictories, are too much defaced 
to be legible. The doubts of M. de 
Saolcy respecting the genuineness of 
these stelaa are extraordinary in these 

Close to them are stelae of an Assy- 
rian king, who is now found to be Sen- 
nacherib, who built the great palace at 

Mr. Layard (Kineyeh and Babylon, 
p. 855, note) mentions colossal figures 
of an Egyptian sphinx and two priests 
caired on a rock above the city of An- 
tioch.— [G. W.] 

' According to the record seen by 
Herodotus, Sesostris considered the 
people of Palestine a cowardly race. 
To the power of Egypt they must 
hare been insignificant; and though 
the numbers of the Philistines made 
them troublesome to the Israelites, 
they are not represented as the same 
valiant people as the Anakim (Num. 
TiH. 28, 33 ; Deut. ii. 21 ; ix. 2), who, 
being far less numerous, were con- 
quered by Joshua (Josh. xi. 21, 23), 
a remnant only remaining in Gaza, 
Gatii, and Ashdod (Azotus) . In Amos 
(ix. 7) the Philistines are said to have 
come from Gaphtor. (See Hist. Not. 
App. CH. viii. § 17.) 

Josephos (Ajatiq. viii. 10. 2) applies 
this bad compHment to the Jews, and 
supposes it was recorded by Shishak, 
to whom Behoboam gave up Jerusa- 

lem without resistance. He thinks 
Herodotus has applied his actions to 
Sesostris.— [G. W.] 

^ A figure, which seems certainly to 
be one of the two here mentioned by 
Herodotus, has been discovered at 
JVtnji, on what appears to have been 
the ancient road from Sardis to 
Smyrna. It was first noticed, I be- 
lieve, by the Bev. J. G. Benouard. 
The height, as measured by M. Texier 
(Asie Mineure, ii. p. 304) is two 
French metres and a half, which cor- 
responds within a small fraction with 
the measurement of our author. Its 
general character is decidedly Egyp- 
tian, strongly recalling the Egyptian 
sculptures at the mouth of the Nahr 
el Eelb ; yet there are points of detail, 
as the shape of the shoes, in which it 
is peculiar, and non-Egyptian. No 
fig^ure has been found in Egypt with 
shoes of which the points have a ten. 
dency to turn up. Again, the clashr 
or " calasiris " (supra, ch. 81, note^ 
of an Eg^yptian is never striped or 
striated, in the way that that of the 
Ninfi sculpture is. The hat or helmet 
too, though perhaps it bears a greater 
resemblance to the ordinary Egyptian 
head-dress of the kings and gods than 
to any other known form, yet wants a 
leading feature of that head-dress — 
the curious curve projecting in firont. 
(See ch. 85, notel) Thna the sup- 
posed figure of Sesostris clearly differs 
from all purely Egyptian types. It 
bears a bow and a spear exactly as 
described, only that the former is in 
the right and the latter in the left 
hand; but this difference may only 
indicate a defect of memory in our 
author. There are not now any traces 
of hieroglyphics upon the breast of the 
figure, but as this portion of the rock 
is much weather-worn, they may have 
disappeared in the lapse of ages. 
Some faintly-marked characters, in- 
cluding a fig^ure of a bird, intervene 
between the spear.head and the face, 


Phoceea the other between Sardis and Smyrna. In each case 
the figure ib that of a man, four cubits and a span high, 
with a Bpear in his right hand and a bow in his left,' the rest 

in which It. Anpire is iiud to tnce I resDf EgTpti&n ; but there seema to be 

eome of ths titlea of Rameaes Uie I at any rate no doubt that it ia one of 

Great. Boiellini and Eiepert hsva the flgurea sesn by Herodotna. and 

qoMtioned whether the tcnlptiire i* I believed b; hia to repreeent Seao^ 

Reek^ScDlpUn *1 Nlnfl. h 

trii. (Se« the Temarka of U. Teiier, | one of these ie an Egyptian, the otlier 

Asie Hineore, Tol. ii. pp. 305, 306.) an Ethiopian weapon. Bothwereoaed 

* Herodotni eridently sarpoaea that | bf the two people j but the bow waa 

Chjlp. 106. 



of his costume being likewise half Egyptian, half Ethiopian. 
There is an inscription across the breast from shoulder to 
shoulder, • in the sacred character of Egypt, which says, 
"With my own shoulders,^ I conquered this land." The 
conqueror does not tell who he is, or whence he comes, 
thou^ elsewhere Sesostris records these facts. Hence it has 
been imagined by some of those who have seen these forms, 
that they are figures of Memnon ; ® but such as think so err 
Tery widely from the truth. 

oonstdered particularly Ethiopias, as 

wen as Libjan^and "Toeh," P ^ 

tbe Coptic EthaaBh, was a name given 
to Northem Ethiopia. The land of 
the nine bows was a term applied to 



which was also called Fhit, the 




Kaphtnhim, the son of Hizraim, in 
G^ X. 13, is the same as the Egyp- 
tian plural Niphaiat, " the bows." 

Fhut and Lubim are placed together 
with Ethiopia and Egypt as the helpers 
of ''populous No," Thebes, in Nahum 
(iii. 9) ; and in Ezekiel (zxz. 5), 
« Ethiopia (KAsh), and Libya (PhAt), 
and Lydia (Liid), and all the (Arab) 
mingled people, and Chub (Kilb), and 
the men of the land wUch is in 
league,'* are to fall with Egypt and 
Ethiopia. JAd is not Lydia in Asia 
Kinor. Pliut, or Fhit, may have been 
the Libyan side of the Nile throughout 
Egypt and Nubia. It is remarkable 
tlukt the Ethiopian bow is unstrung, 
that of Libya strung. (See note on 
Book iii. ch. 21.) The expression in 
hiotiglyphics, "PhutEthosh," appears 
to be the western bank of Ethiopia^ 
Tbe bow carried by the Ethiopians in 
battle is like that of Egypt ; that in 
tbe name of Northern Ethiopia 
("Toih") resembles the bow now 
nsed io India. '^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^^ seen | 

in the hand of one of Sheshonk's 
(Shifihak's) prisoners. — [Q. W.] 

^ This is not an Egyptian custom, 
though Assyrian figures are found 
with arrow-headed inscriptions en- 
graved across them, and over the 
drapery as well as the body; and the 
Assyrian figures close to those of 
Bemeses at the Nahr el Kelh may 
possibly have led to this mistake. — 
[G. W.] 

7 The idea of strength was often 
a)nyeyed by this expression, instead 
of " by the force of my arm " (cp. " os 
humerosque deo similis"). — [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus shows his discrimination 
in rejecting the notion of his being 
Memnon, which had already become 
prevalent among the Greeks, who saw 
Memnon everywhere in Egypt, merely 
because he was mentioned in Homer. 
A similar error is made at the present 
day in expecting to find a reference to 
Jewish history on the monuments, 
though it is obviously not the custom 
of any people to record their misfor. 
times to posterity in painting or 
sculpture. (See note ^ on oh. 136, 
and App. oh. v.) The Egyptians 
seem to have taken advantage of 
Greek credulity in persuading visitors 
that the most remarkable statue, 
tomb, and temple at Thebes, or Aby- 
dus, were made by the prince they 
usually inquired about, and with 
whose history they fancied themselves 
acquainted; though Memnon, if he 
ever existed, was not after all an 
Egyptian, nor even from any part of 
the valley of the Nile. According to 
Diodoms (ii. 22) he was sent by 



Book IL 

107, This Sesostris, the priests went on to say, npon his 
return home, accompanied by vast multitudes of the people 
whose countries he had subdued,^ was received by his brother,^ 

Tentamns, the 2l8t king of Assyria 
after Semiramis, with a force of 
10,000 Ethiopians and the same nnin- 
ber of Susans, and 200 chariots, to 
assist Friam (the brother of his father 
Tithonns), when being killed in an 
ambnscade by the Thessalians, his 
body was recovered and "burnt by the 
Ethiopians. These were Ethiopians 
of A^, and those of Africa did not 
bnm their dead. Herodotas also 
speaks of the palace of Memnon, and 
calls Sosa a Memnonian city (y. 63, 
54, and yii. 151). Strabo and Pan. 
sanias agree with Herodotns and Dio- 
doms in making Susa the city of 
Hemnon. It is not impossible that 
the eastern Goshites, or Ethiopians, 
were the original colonizers of the 
African Gosh, from the Arabian golf, 
and that the Ethiopians mentioned 
by Ensebias from Manetho, "who 
migrated from the river Indus and 
settled near to Egypt" at the close 
of the 18th dynasty, were of the same 
race. (See Historical Notice in the 

The resemblance of the name of 
Miamnn may have confirmed the mis- 
take respecting the stela) of Amon- 
mai (or Hi-amnn) Bemeses, on the 
Lyons, as well as the temples bnilt by 
hun at Thebes and Abydos, attributed 
to Hemnon ; but the vocal statue at 
Thebes was of Amunoph III. The 
supposed tomb of Memnon at Thebes 
was of Bemeses Y., who had also the 
title of Mi>amun. Strabo (xvii. p. 
1152) says some think Memnon the 
same as Ismandes, the reputed builder 
of the Labyrinth, according to Dio- 
dorus (i. 61), who calls him Mendes, 
or Marrus. This name Ismandes 
seems to be retained in that of the 
modem village of lament, near the 
entrance to the Fy<5om, called Isment 
6* Qehel ('<of the hUr')> to distinguish 
it from Isment el Bohr ("of the 
river"), which is on the Nile near 
Benisoofl Ismandes and Osymandyas 

are the same name. One of the sons 
of Bemeses n. was called Semandoo, 
or Semunt. The mistake of Memnon 
cannot well have arisen from the word 
mennu, " buildings " or '* palaces," as 
it would be applied to all others, and 
not to an excavated tomb.~[6. W.] 

' It was the custom of the Eg^yptian 
kings to bring their prisoners to 
Egypt, and to employ them in public 
works, as the sculptures abundimtlj 
prove, and as Herodotus states (ch. 
108). The Jews were employed in 
the same way: for though at first 
they obtained grazing-lands for their 
cattle in the land of Goshen (Gen. 
xlvi. 34), or the Bucolia, where they 
tended the king's herds {Qen, zlviL 
6, 27), they were afterwards forced to 
perform various services, like ordinary 
prisoners of war; when their lives 
were made " bitter with hard bondage, 
in mortar, and in brick, and in all 
manner of service in the field" 
(Exod. i. 14); in building treasure- 
cities (i. 11); in brickmaking (v. 8), 
and pottery (Ps. IxxxL 6) ; in canals, 
and embankments, and public build- 
ings; though these did not include 
pyramids, as Josephus supposes. To 
hew and drag stones from the quarries 
was also a conmion employment of 
captives; Egyptian inscriptions in late 
times state that the writers had fur- 
nished so many stones for a certain 
temple, as "We have dragged 100 
stones for the work of Isis in Phile." 
And the g^reat statue at Si Beraheh 
is represented dragged by numerous 
oompanies of foreigners (as well as of 
Egyptians), in the early time of the 
first Oairtasen, in the 2l8t oentuzy 
before our era. — [G. W.] 

^ This at once shows that the oon* 
queror here mentioned is not the 
early Sesostris of the 12th dynasty, 
but the great king of the 19th dy- 
nasty ; since Manetho gives the same 
account of his brother having been 
left as his viceroy in Egypt, and 




whom he had made viceroy of Egypt on his departure, at 
Baphnffi near Pelusiam, and invited by him to a banquet, 
whidi he attended, together with his sons. Then his brother 
piled a quantity of wood all romid the building, and having so 
done, set it aUght. Sesostris, discovering what had happened, 
took counsel instantly with his wife, who had accompanied 
him to the feast, and was advised by her to lay two of their 
sk SO8IS upon the fire, and so make a bridge across the flames, 

; , whereby the rest might effect their escape, Sesostris did as 

I jiflhe recommended, and thus while two of his sons were burnt 
^ to death, he himself and his other children were saved. 

108. The king then returned to his own land and took 

geance upon his brother, after which he proceeded to make 

[use of the multitudes whom he had brought with him from 

e conquered coimtries, partly to drag the huge masses of 

ne which were moved in the course of his reign tor the temple 

YtQcan — ^partly to dig the numerous canals with which the 

rhde of Egypt is intersected. By these forced labours the 

ttire face of the country was changed ; for whereas Egypt 

formerly been a region suited both for horses and 

iages, henceforth it became entirely unfit for either.* 

rebelled agaiiist hia aathoritj. 

oaUs his name Armals, and 

king Sethosis, or Bamesses (which 

the father*! and son's names 

to one person), and places 

in the ISth dynasty, thongh the 

of Sethoe and Bampses are 

again at the beginning of 

19th. He also says that Annals 

oaQed by the Greeks Danans, 

I be fled to Greece and reigned at 

and that Bamesses was called 

^tns. The monnments have en- 

118 to correct the error respect- 

fieihos and Barneses, who are 

to be two different kings, 

and son, and the 19th dynasty 

with a d^erent family, Barneses 

»tli08 (Sethi, or Osirei !.)> and 

n. ; Horns being the last of 

IBth. The flight of Armats was 

ipe ocmfonnded with that of the 

" Stranger Kings," who mled abont 
the close of the 18th dynasty. Their 
expulsion appears to agree with the 
story of DanatM leading a colony to 
Argoe, which Armals, flying from his 
brother, conld not have done; and 
one of the last of their kingps was 
TodnK The account g^iven by Die- 
doms (L 57) of Armi^ endeavouring 
to set fire to his brother's tent at 
night, is more probable than that of 
the two children related by Hero- 
dotus. See note ^ on ch. 101, and 
note * on ch. 182.— [Q. W.] 

* It is yery possible that the num- 
ber of canals may have increased in 
the time of Bameses II. : and this, 
like the rest of Herodotus* account, 
shows that this king is the Sesostris 
whose actions he is describing. And 
here ag^ain, in his mention of the in. 
creased number of canals, Herodotus 





Thongh a flat country throughout its whole extent, it is now 
unfit for either horse or carriage, being cut up by the canals, 
which are extremely numerous and run in all directions. 
The king's object was to supply Nile water to the inhabit- 
ants of the towns situated in the mid-country, and not lying 

evidently reported the deeds of an- 
other king, Ammi-m>he III. (MoBris of 
the Lake), who is also oonsidered a 
claimant to the name of Sesostris; 
thongh the nse of chariots will not 
aoooid with his reign. For it is evi- 
dent that in the time of the Osirtaaens, 
horses and chariots were not known in 
^R7P^« <^d there is no notice of a 
horse or chariot, on any monnment, 
before or dnring the reigns of those 
kings, thongh the customs of Egypt 
are so fnlly portrayed in the paint- 
ings at Beni Hassan, and sufficiently so 
in the tombs at the Pyramids for this 
omission not*^ have been accidental. 
The first horses and chariots are repre. 
sented at Eileithyias, and are of the 
time of Ames or Amosis, about 1510 
B.C. Horses are therefore supposed 
not to have been known in Egypt 
before the 18th dynasty (see Dr. 
Pickering's 'Baoes of Man,' p. 873) ; 
unless indeed the Shepherd-kings in- 
troduced them. They doubtless came 
from Asia into Egypt; and though 
the Eg^tians called a horse Ethor 
(Htar)f they used for the "mare" the 
Semitic name sUs, and even susim 
(with the female sign "t") for 
"mares," the same as the plural of 
the Hebrew word WD sUs. The Jews 
applied it to a chariot-horse, the horse 
for riding being Pharoks (Fwraa) thQ 

(I Kings V. 6 ; Ezek. xxvii. 13) : and 
the same as the modem Arabic word 
for " mare." Fares is ** horseman*' in 
Arabic and in Hebrew (2 Sam. L 6). 

The chariot again (called Ljolte in 
hieroglyphics — ^the Coptic CLsholte) is 
•* Merkebat " in Hieratic, a Semitic 
word agreeing with the Merkeheth 
n33"7!j of Hebrew, which, like 

Rekebf 2D1, is derived from the 
Semitic rekeh, erkeh (to) "ride," 
cither on a horse, a camel, or a cor. 

Merkeh in Arabic answers to ^nMm« 
ture " in French, and is applied to a 
boat as well as a camel ; 90t that a 
camel, as often supposed, ia called 
the "ship of the desert," but the 
name is rather transferred to ships 
from camels, which were known to 
Arabs long before ships. Horses 
seem to have come originally from 
Asia, whence they were introduced 
into Greece ; but the Greeks tnay have 
obtained them first from Libya. 
Mesopotamia sent horses as part of 
the tribute to Thothmes IIL of the 
18th dynasty, aa well as the neigh- 
bouring people of Upper and Lower 
Bot-h-n, or; the Babylo- 
nians bred them for the Persians; 
and in Solomon's time Egrypt was 
noted for its horses (2 Chron. i 
16, 37; 1 Kings z. 29). The Arabs in 
the army of Xerxes rode on camels ; 
but they were not the people of 
Arabia, and it is uncertain whether 
the famous Arab breed of horses was 
introduced, or was indigenous in that 
country. The Bhaso mentioned on the 
monuments are either an Arab race 
in north Arabia, or southern Syria, and 
they are placed in the lists of captives 
with the Pount, who appear to be a 
people of Arabia (see note ^ on ch. 
102). The Shaso are probably the 
Shos, the name gfiven to the Shep- 
herds, or " (Hyk)808," " (reges) pas- 
tores;" and as Barneses IL fell in 
with them on his expedition against 
''Atesh," or "Kadeah," they sboold 
be a people who lived in, or near, 
Palestine. It is singular that the 
title Hyk "ruler" (which was also 
given to the I%araohs), should from 
the crook apply doubly to the Shop- 
herd-kings. The horse was known in 
India at least as early as 1200 B.C., 
being mentioned in the Yedas, with 
ehariots, but not for riding. — [G. W.] 

Chap. 108-110. 



upon the river ; for previously they had been obliged, after 
the subsidence of the floods, to drink a brackish water which 
they obtained from wells.* 

109. Sesostris also, they declared, made a division of the 
soil of Egypt among the inhabitants, assigning square plots 
of ground of equal size to all, and obtaining his chief revenue 
from the rent which the holders were required to pay him 
year by year. If the river carried away any portion of a 
man's lot, he appeared before the king, and related what had 
happened ; upon which the king sent persons to examine, and 
determine by measurement the exact extent of the loss ; and 
thenceforth only such a rent was demanded of him as was 
proportionate to the reduced size of his land. From this 
practice, I think, geometry first came to be known in Egypt,* 
whence it passed into Greece. The sun-dial, however, and the 
gnomon * with the division of the day into twelve parts, were 
received by the Greeks from the Babylonians. 

110. Sesostris was king not only of Egypt, but also of 
Ethiopia. He was the only Egyptian monarch who ever ruled 
over the latter country .• He left, as memorials of his reign. 

' The water filtrates through the 
annyial soil to the inland wells, where 
it is sweet, thoogh sometimes hard ; 
and a stone reservoir of perfectly 
sweet water has lately been found, 
belonging to the temple of Medeenet 
Haboo, at Thebes ; bat in the desert 
bejond the aUnyial deposit it is 
brackish, and often salt. See aboye, 
n. * on ch. 93.— [G. W.] 

* See Ap. CH. vii. and n. • on ch. 61. 

' The gnomon was of conrse part of 
every dial. Herodotus, however, is 
oorrect in making a difference be- 
tween the yy^fiuy and the vSkos. The 
fanner, called also (rrotx^iov, was a 
perpendicnlar rod, whose shadow in- 
dicated noon, and also by its length a 
particular part of the day, being 
kmgest at sunrise and sunset. The 
fr^?ios was an improvement, and a 
real dial, on which the division of the 
day was set off by lines, and indicated \ 

by the shadow of its gnomon. See 
Appendix, ch. vii — [G. W.] 

^ This cannot apply to any one 
Egyptian king in psxticular, as many 
ruled in Ethiopia; and though Osir- 
tasen I. (the original Sesostris) may 
have been the first, the monuments 
show that his successors of the 12th 
dynasty, and others, ruled and erected 
buildings in Ethiopia. Nor is it cer- 
tain that Barneses II. was the first 
who obtained possession of Napata; 
and though the lions of Amunoph III., 
brought by the Duke of Northumber. 
laud from Gebel Berkel, were taken 
from Soleb (the ancient name of this 
place being in the hieroglyphics upon 
them), it does not prove that the 
Egyptian arms extended no farther 
them Soleb in Amunoph' s time; and 
the name of a Thothmes was found at 
Gebel Berkel, by the Duke of North- 
umberland and Colonel Felix. That 




the Btone statues which stand in front of the temple of Ynlcan, 
two of which, representing himself and his wife, are thirty 
cubits in height,^ while the remaining four, which represent 
his sons, are twenty cubits. These are the statues, in front 
of which the priest of Vulcan, very many years afterwards, 
would not allow Darius the Persian® to place a statue of 

of Osirtasen I., on the snbstmctioiiB 
of the Great Temple, may have been 
a later addition, not being in the 
sonlptnreB. (See n. ' on ch. 102.) 
Pliny says (vi. 29), ** iBgyptiorum 
bellis attxita est JB^thiopia, vicissim 
imperitando, serviendoqne. Clara et 
potens etiam nsqne ad Trojana bella, 
Memnone regp:iante, et Syrise imperii 
tasse (earn) . . . patet." He has 
made a mistake abon t Memnon ; bat the 
oonqnests are either those of Tirhaka, 
or of the Kings of Thebes (sometimes 
improperly incladed in Ethiopia). 

The Egyptians evidently overran 
all Ethiopia, and part of the interior 
of Africa, in the time of the 18th and 
19th dynasties, and had long before, 
nnder the Osirtasens and Amnn-m- 
hes, oonqaered Negro tribes. Thoth. 
mes I. recorded victories over Ne- 
groes, on a rock opposite Tombos, as 
Amnnoph III. did at Soleb, over 
many southern districts of Africa; 
many of which are called " Var" as 
at the present day. Barneses n., 
who bnilt part of the Great Temple at 
Gebel Berkel, extended his arms fur- 
ther than Ajnonoph; and the irst 
Osirtasen overran a great portion of 
Ethiopia more than six centuries 
before. Even Osirtasen III. obtained 
victories over Neg^^oes which are re- 
corded at Semneh ; though he appears 
to be the first who made that place 
the frontier; and to this the begin, 
ning of actual rule in Ethiopia may 
have been applied; for he also has a 
claim to the name of Sesostris. The 
Ptolemies continued to have some 
possessions on the eastern coast of 
Abyssinia; and the kings of Ethiopia 
were in alliance with, or perhaps 
tributary to, them; but the nominal 
frontier was generally confined to 

Nubia. The Bomans merely extended 
their arms south, to prevent the 
depredations d the half-savage 
Ethiopians; for in the time of Au- 
g^ustus, Petronius only ravaged the 
country to Napata» and returned 
without making any pcirmanent con- 
quests. A fort, however, in the Dar 
ShaikeSh, of Boman canstmctian, 
shows that later emperors extended 
their rule beyond the second cataract, 
and kept garrisons there. Tacitus 
says not in his time. — [Q. W.] 

7 As the cubits found in Egypt are 
1 ft. 84 in., if Herodotus reckoned by 
them he would make the statues more 
than 51 ft. high. A Colossus is lying 
at Memphis of Bameses n., which is 
supposed to be one of the two large 
ones here mentioned, and its height, 
when entire, would be about 42 ft. 8 in., 
without the plinth, or pedestaL Of 
the other four, 20 cubits (above 34 ft.) 
high, one seems to have been found by 
Hekekyan Bey; which if entire wo<oki 
be about 344 ^^ ^^ these point to the 
site of the temple of Pthah. — [G. W.] 

8 The name of Darius occurs in the 
sculptures, and great part of the prin- 
cipal Temple of El Ehargeh^ in the 
Great Gads, was built by him, his 
name being the oldest there. 

He seems to have treated the Egyp- 
tians with far more uniform lenity 
than the other Persian kings; and 
though the names of Camby see, Xerxes^ 
and Artaxerxes, occur on stelae, stataes^ 
or vases, they are mostly records of 
persons who Uved during their reigns, 
and are not on any monuments erec t ed 
by them in Egypt. This accords with 
his indulgent treatment of the pr i ests 
mentioned by Herodotus ; and the re- 
mark of Diodorus that "he obtaiiied 
while living the appellation of Dims,** 



himself; ''because/' he said, ''Darius had not equalled the 
achierements of Sesostris the Egyptian : for while Sesostris 
had subdued to the full as many nations as ever Darius had 
brought under, he had likewise conquered the Scythians,^ 
whom Darius had failed to master. It was not fair, therefore, 
that he should erect his statue in front of the offerings of a 
king whose deeds he had been unable to surpass." Darius, 
they say, pardoned the freedom of this speech. 

111. On the death of Sesostris, his son Pheron,^ the priests 

is JBstalied bj lu8 baving received on 
the monmnenti the same honours as 
the old kings. The reply of Darias to 
the Egyptian priest is said by Diodo. 
dorns (L 58) to have been, ^ that he 
hoped not to be inferior to Sesostris, 
if he Hred as long." Bnt his mild 
gov ernm ent did not prerent the Egyp- 
tians from rebelling against him ; and 
their impatience of Persian role had 
before been the reason of Gambyses 
fntrsaking the lenient line of conduct 
he first adopted when he conqnered the 
ooontry. See Book iii. ch.15. — [G. W.] 

* (See Justin, ii. o. 8.) The conqnest 
of liie Scythians by Sesostris is a 
qnestiQEn still nndecided. The monn- 
ments r^resent a people defeated by 
Barneses, whose name, Sheta (or 
Khita), bears a strong resemblance to 
the Scythians ; bnt it is evident they 
lived in the vicinity of Mesopotamia, 
and not in the distant Scythia. It is 
not impossible that they were the 
same race, established there. (See 
note * on ch. 112.) A further exami- 
nation of the monuments shows that 
1 was wrong in the extent I have g^ven 
(At. Eg. W., voL i p. 83) to the oon- 
qaests of the Egyptiims; bnt Biodoms 
extends their conquests still further, 
and speaks of the Bactrians revolting 
from the rule of Osymandyas. (Died, 
i. 47.) Strabo (xv. p. 978) says that 
** Sesostris and Tearoon (TirhsJoi) ac- 
tually went into Europe."— [G. W.] 

1 This name does not agree with the 
son or successor, either of Osirtasen I., 
of Sethoe, or of Bemeses. Diodorus 
(}. 59) calif him Sesoosis IL, Fliny 

Nunooreus. Fheron has been supposed 
to be merely a corruption of Phouro, 
« the king " (whence uraBus, see note * 
on ch. 74), or of Pharaoh, properly 
Phrah, «'.«. ^ the Sun," oneof tiie royal 
titles. Some suppose Pheron to be 
Phiaro, "the river," retained in the 
modem Arabic Bahr, "the ocean" 
(oomp. 'CiKtay6s, an ancient name of 
the Nile) ; and Phiaro is connected 
with the King Phnron, or Nilus, and 
with the JEgyptus of Manetho, " the 
Nile being formerly called JSgyptus." 
(See n. ', * on oh. 19.) 

If the Phuron of Eratosthenes was 
really one of the early kings of the 
18th dynasty, it is possible that the 
sudden brealdng down of the barrier 
of the Nile at SUsilis, and the moment, 
ary submersion of the lands by the 
sudden flow of the water into Egypt, 
may be the destructive inundation 
mentioned by Herodotus. — [G. W.] 

Lepsius regards this king as Ameno- 
phis or Menephthah III., the Pharaoh 
of the Exodus. (Joseph, c. Ap. b. i. 
sub fin.) He finds his name in the 
Nuncoreus or Nencoreus of Pliny (H. 
N. xxxvi. 11), which he thinks that 
writer mieread in his authoritv, mis- 
taking MENE^eHG for NENcVeYC. 
He supposes Herodotus to have re- 
ceived lus account of the king from a 
Semitic informant, who called him 
Phero, because he was the great 
Pharaoh of the Jews. (Ghronologie 
der j^gypter, p. 289.) In this case 
the impiety and blindness of the mo- 
narch become traits of peculiar sig- 

1 82 



said, mounted the throne. He undertook no warlike expedi- 
tions; being struck with blindness, owing to the following 
circumstance. The river had swollen to the unusual height of 
eighteen cubits, and had overflowed all the fields, when, a 
sudden wind arising, the water rose in great waves. Then the 
king, in a spirit of impious violence, seized his spear, and 
hurled it into the strong eddies of the stream. Instantly he 
was smitten with disease of the eyes, from which after a little 
while he became blind,* continuing without the power of vision 
for ten years. At last, in the eleventh year, an oracular 
announcement reached him from the city of Buto, to the 
effect, that "the time of his punishment had run out, and he 
should recover his sight by washing his eyes with urine. He 
must find a woman who had been faithful to her husband, and 
had never preferred to him another man." The king, there- 
fore, first of all made trial of his wife, but to no purpose — he 
continued as blind as before. So he made the experiment 
with other women, imtil at length he succeeded, and in this 
way recovered his sight. Hereupon he assembled all the 
women, except the last, and bringing them to the city which 
now bears the name of Erythrabolus (Red-soil), he there burnt 
them all, together with the place itself. The woman to whom 
he owed his cure, he married; and after his recovery was 
complete, he presented offerings to all the temples of any note, 
among which the best worthy of mention are the two stone 
obelisks which he gave to the temple of the Sun.^ These are 

* This is. one of the Greek ciceroni 
tales. A Greek poet might make a 
g^racef nl story of Achilles and a Trojan 
stream ; bnt the prosaic Egyptians 
wonld never represent one of their 
kings performing a feat so opposed to 
his habits, and to all their religions 
notions. The story abont the women 
is equally nn.Egyptian ; bnt the men- 
tion of a remedy which is still nsed in 
Egypt for ophthalmia, shows that 
some simple fact has been converted 
into a wholly improbable tale. — [G. 

• They were therefore most pro. 
bably at Heliopolis. The height of 
100 cnbits, at least 150 feet, far ex- 
ceeds that of any fonnd in Eg3rpt, the 
highest being less than 100 f6et. The 
mode of raising an obelisk seems to 
have been by tilting it from an inclined 
plane into a pit, at the bottom of whioh 
the pedestal was placed to reoeive it, 
a wheel or roller of wood being fas- 
tened on each side to the end of the 
obelisk, which enabled it to run down 
the wall opposite the inclined plane to 
its proper position. Daring this ope. 

CfljLP. Ill, 112. 



magnificent works; each is made of a single stonCi eight 
cabits broad, and a hundred cubits in height. 

112. Pheron, they said, was succeeded by a man of 
Memphis, whose name, in the language of the Greeks, was 
Proteus.^ There is a sacred precinct of this king in Memphis, 
which is very beautiful, and richly adorned, situated south of 
the great temple of Vulcan* Phoenicians from the city of Tyre 
dwell all round this precinct, and the whole place is known by 
the name of " the camp of the Tynans." * Within the en- 
closure stands a temple, which is called that of Yenus the 
Stranger.^ I conjecture the building to have been erected to 

ration H was dragged by ropes np the 
inclined plane, and then gradually 
lowered into the pit as soon as it had 
been tilted. (See the representation 
ct the mode of raising an obelisk on 
the pedestal of that at Constantinople.) 
The name obelisk is not Egyptian but 
Greek, from obelos, a '' spit " (infra, 
th. 135). The Arabs call it meselleJ^ 
a •• pa<iing needle."— [G. W.] 

^ This ia evidently a Greek story. 
Diodoms (i. 62) says " the Egyptians 
called this king Cetes/' which is also 
a Greek name. Herodotns has appa- 
rently transformed the God of the 
precinct (who seems to have been 
Dagon, the Phoenician Fish-God, often 
worshipped together with Astart^) 
into a king who dedicated the pre- 
cinct— {G. W.] 

* Kany places in Egypt were called 
"camps," where foreigners lived apart 
from the Egyptians, as the *' camps " 
of the lonians and Carians (ch. 154) ; 
of the Babylonians, afterwards occu- 
pied by a Boman legion (Strabo, zvii. 
p. 1144) ; and of the Jews (Josephns, 
Ant. Jnd. 1. ziv. c. 8, s. 2). The 
** Trojan ** camp or village near the 
quarries of the Eastern hills (Strabo, 
zvii. p. 1147) should probably have 
been the " Tyrian,*' called from the 
same people — ^the Phoenicians of Tyre 
mentioned by Herodotns; and there 
is more reason to suppose that the 
Egyptians had granted to that com- 
mercial people the privilege of resid- 
ing in a quaorter of Memphis than that 

they were a remnant of Manetho*s 
** Phoenician Shepherds," who were 
expelled from Egypt after occupying 
the Memphite throne. The Egyptians 
seem also to have changed the name 
of Si!br into Tur. (See note ^ ch. 116.) 
The above mistake of Trojcm tot Tyrian 
is confirmed by the name of the place 
being written in those quarries " the 
land of the Phoenix" or Phoenicians. 
«* TroB Tyriusque " (Virg. Mn. i. 574) 
were not always kept distinct. — [G.W.] 
* This was evidently Astart^ the 
Venus of the Phoenicians and Syrians. 
Herodotus is correct in saying that 
nowhere else had she a temple dedi- 
cated to her under that name, and an 
intercourse with the Phoenicians may 
have led to her worship at Memphis. 
The notion of her being Helen arose 
from the Greek habit of seeing Home- 
ric personages everywhere. (See note * 
on ch. 106.) The Venus Urania of 
Chu888 was Athor of Egypt. (See n. \ 
ch. 40; and n« ^ , ch. 41.) . Ajstart^ is 
mentioned on the monuments as a 
Goddess dt the Sheta or Khita. It is 
now generally supposed that this 
people were the Hittites, whose coun- 
try extended to the Euplurates. Joshua 
(i. 4) indeed shows that it reached to 
that river, when he says " from the 
wilderness and this Lebanon even 
unto the g^reat river, the river Euph- 
rates, all the land of the Hittites" 
(Khitim) ; and " the kings of the Hit- 
tites and the kings of the Egyptians " 
are spoken of (2 KiugB vii. 6) as the 




Helen, the daughter of Tyndams ; first, because she, as I have 
heard say, passed some time at the court of Proteus; and 
secondly, because the temple is dedicated to Venus the 
Stranger ; for among all the many temples of Venus there is 
no other where the goddess bears this title. 

118. The priests, in answer to my inquiries on the subject 
of Helen,^ informed me of the following particulars. When 
Alexander had carried off Helen from Sparta, he took ship 
and sailed homewards. On his way across the Egean a gale 
arose,^ which drove him from his course and took him down 
to the sea of Egypt ; hence, as the wind did not abate, he was 
carried on to the coast, when he went ashore, landing at the 
Salt-Fans,^ in that mouth of the Nile which is now called the 
Ganobic.^ At this place there stood upon the phore a temple, 
which still exists, dedicated to Hercules. If a slave runs away 
from his master, and taking sanctuary at this shrine gives 
himself up to the god, and receives certain sacred marks upon 

terror of the Syrians in the time of 
Elisha. On the monoments the Khita 
(or Sheta) are placed next to Naharayn 
in the lists of Eastern nations, enemies 
of the Egyptians, and defeated by 
them. At the Memnonimn they are 
represented routed by Bameses II., 
and flying across a ri^er, on which 
stands the fort of Atesh or Ketesh, 
the same that is mentioned in the 
large inscription at Aboosimbel re- 
cording the defeat of the Khita (or 
Sheta) in the 5th year of the same 
Pharaoh. There too their country is 
called a region of Kahri or Naharayn 
(Mesopotamia). Carohemish is sap- 
posed to have belonged to them. It is 
very probable (as Mr. Stnart Poole 
also supposes) that the Khita or Hit. 
tites were a tribe of Scythians who 
had advanced to and settled on the 
Euphrates. It is remarkable that the 
Hittites and Syrians bought Egyptian 
chariots imported by Solomon's mer- 
chants (1 Kings z. 29) at a later period 
of Egyptian history.~[G. W.] 

^ The eagerness of the Greeks to 
" inquire ** after events mentioned by 
Homer, and the readiness of the 

Egyptians to take advantage of it, are 
shown in this story related to Hero- 
dotus. The fact of Homer having 
believed that Helen went to Egypt, 
only proves that the story was not 
invented in Herodotus' time, but was 
current long before. — [G. W.] 

B Storms on that coast are not un- 
usual now. Ammianns (zzvi. 10) 
mentions some very violent winds at 
Alexandria.— [G. W.] 

' There were several of these salt- 
pans on the Mediterranean coast of 
^^pt* Those near Pelusium are 
mentioned in ch. 15. — [G. W.] 

Of. Stephen of Byzantium ad voc. 


' This branch of the Nile entered 
the sea a little to the east of the town 
of Canopus, close to Heracleum, which 
some suppose to be the same as Th6- 
nis. It is still traced near the west 
end of the Lake Etko, and near it are 
ruins supposed to be the site of the 
city of Hercules, where the temple 
stood. This temple still existed in the 
time of Strabo. It may have been 
dedicated to the Tvrian Hercules. — 



Us person,* whosoever his mJaster may be, he cannot lay hand 
on him. This law still remained xmchanged to my time. 
Hearing, therefore, of the custom of the place, the attendants 
of Alexander deserted him, and fled to the temple, where they 
sat as suppliants. While there, wishing to damage their 
master, they accused him to the Egyptians, narrating all the 
circumstances of the rape of Helen and the wrong done to 
Menelaus. These charges they brought, not only before the 
priests, but also before the warden of that mouth of the river, 
whose name was Thdnis.^ 

114. As soon as he received the intelligence, Thdnis sent a 
message to Proteus, who was at Memphis, to this effect : 
'' A stranger is arrived from Greece ; he is by race a Teucrian, 
and has done a wicked deed in the country from which he is 
come. Having beguiled the wife of the man whose guest he was, 
he carried her away with him, and much treasure also. Com- 
pelled by stress of weather, he has now put in here. Are we 
to let him depart as he came, or shall we seize what he has 
brought ? " Proteus replied, " Seize the man, be he who he 
may, that has dealt thus wickedly with his friend, and bring 
him before me, that I may hear what he will say for himself." 

115. Thdnis, on receiving these orders, arrested Alexander, 
and stopped the departure of his ships ; then, taking with him 
Alexander, Helen, the treasures, and also the fugitive slaves, 
he went up to Memphis. When all were arrived, Proteus 
asked Alexander, " who he was, and whence he had come ? " 
Alexander replied by giving his descent, the name of his 
country, and a true account of his late voyage. Then Proteus 
questioned him as to how he got possession of Helen. In his 
reply Alexander became confused, and diverged from the truth. 

* Showing they were dedicated to 
the service of the Deity. To set a 
mark on sny one aa a protecticm was a 
very ancient custom. Cp. Qen. iy. 15 ; 
£zek. ix. 6; and Bevelation. The 
word •* mark " in Ezekiel is tau, v?, 
the j^jptian sign of life. — [G.W.] 

The custom seems to be referred to 
by St. Paul (Gal. vi. 17). 

■ Th6nis, or Thdn, called by Herodo- 
tus goyemor of the Canopic mouth of 
the Nile, is said by others to have been 
the namo of a town on the Ganopio 
branch. See note * on ch. 118, — [G. W.] 

1 86 



whereon the slaves interposed, confated his statements, and 
told the whole history of the crime. Finally, Proteus delivered 
judgment as follows : *' Did I not regard it as a matter of the 
utmost consequence that no stranger driven to my country by 
adverse winds should ever be put to death, I would certainly 
have avenged the Greek by slaying thee. Thou basest of 
men, — after accepting hospitaUty, to do so wicked a deed! 
First, thou didst seduce the wife of thy own host — ^then, not 
content therewith, thou must violently excite her mind, and 
steal her away from her husband. Nay, even so thou wert 
not satisfied, but on leaving, thou must plunder the house in 
which thou hadst been a guest. Now then, as I think it of 
the greatest importance to put no stranger to death, I suffer 
thee to depart ; but the woman and the treasures I shall not 
permit to be carried away. Here they must stay, till the 
Greek stranger comes in person and takes them back with 
him. For thyself and thy companions, I command thee to 
begone from my land within the space of three days — and I 
warn you, that otherwise at the end of that time you will 
be treated as enemies." 

116. Such was the tale told me by the priests concerning 
the arrival of Helen at the court of Proteus. It seems to me 
that Homer was acquainted with this story, and while discard- 
ing it, because he thought it less adapted for epic poetry than 
the version which he followed, showed that it was not unknown 
to him. This is evident from the travels which he assigns to 
Alexander in the Iliad — and let it be borne in mind that he 
has nowhere else contradicted himself — ^making him be 
carried out of his course on his return with Helen, and after 
divers wanderings come at last to Sidon^ in Phoenicia. The 

* Sidon, now Sayda, signifies "fish- 
ing place," and Sajd in Arabio is 
applied to "fish" or "game." The 
first letter, S, Ts, or Tz, is the same 
in Hebrew aa that of Tyre, Siir, or 
Tzar, and these towns are now oUled 
Snr (Soor) and Sayda. See note on 
bk .vii. oh. 72. The termination of Sidon 

signified "great." In Joshua xL 8, 
and xiz. 28, " g^reat Zidon " is a 
donbtfol reading. Herodotus Tory 
properly ranks the Sidonians before 
the Tyrians (viii. 67) ; and Isaiah calls 
Tyre daughter of Sidon (zxiii. 12), 
having been founded by the Sidonians. 
Sidon is in Genesis (z. 19), but no 



passage is in the Bravery of Diomed/ and the words are as 
follows : — 

" There were the robes, many-coloured, the work of Sidonian women : 
They from Sidon had come, what time god-shaped Alexander 
Orer the broad sea brought, that way, the high-bom Helen«'' 

In the Odyssey also the same fact is alluded to, in these 
words : •— 

** Such, so wisely prepared, were the drugs that her stores afforded. 
Excellent ; gift which once Folydamna, partner of Th6nis, 
Gave her in Egypt, where many the simples that grow in the meadows, 
Potent to cure in part, in part as potent to injure." 

Menelaos too, in the same poem, thus addresses Telema- 
ehns:^ — 

•* Much did I long to return, but the Gods still kept me in Egypt- 
Angry because I had failed to pay them their hecatombs duly." 

In these places Homer shows himself acquainted with the 
voyage of Alexander to Egypt, for Syria borders on Egypt, 
and the Phoenicians, to whom Sidon belongs, dwell in Syria. 

117. From these various passages, and from that about 
Sidon especially, it is clear that Homer did not write the 
Cypria.^ For there it is said that Alexander arrived at Ilium 

Tjre ; and Homer only mentions Sidon 
and not "Tyre," as Strabo obseires. 
It may be '* donbtfnl which was the 
metropoHs of Phcenicia," in later 
times ; Sidon, howeyer, appears to be 
the older city (xvi. p. 1076). Plu- 
tarch might doubt the great antiquity 
of Tjrre, not being noticed by Homer 
and " other old and wise men ;" but 
it 18 mentioned by Joshua (xix. 29). 
Q. Cnrtins (ir. 4) considers that both 
it and Sidon were founded by Agenor. 
The modem Sidon is small, not half a 
mile in length, and a qoarter in 
breadth.--{G. W.] 

*n. tL 290-2. It has been ques- 
tioned whether this reference to a 
portion of the Iliad as " The Bravery 
of Diomed " can have come from the 
band of Herodotus. (Valcknaer ad 
loo. Heyne ad Horn. li voL yiii. 
p. 787.) Bat there seems to be no 
sufficient reason for doubting a pas- 

sage which is in all the HSS., and has 
no appearance of being an inteipola- 
tion. As early as Plato's time por. 
tions of the Iliad and Odyssey were 
certainly distinguished by special 
titles (see Plat. Cratyl. p. 428, C. ; 
Hinos. p. 319, D.) ; and it is probable 
that the practice of so disting^uish- 
ing them began with the early Bhap- 
sodists. The objection that the pas- 
sage quoted is from Iliad vi. and not 
Ilukd v., which now bears the title of 
** Diomed's Bravery," is of no import- 
ance, for our present division of the 
books dates from Aristarchus, and in 
the time of Herodotus a portion of the 
sixth book may have been included 
under the heading confined afterwards 
to the fifth. 

• Odyss. iv. 227-280. 

y Ibid. iv. 351.2. 

^ The criticism here is better than 
the argument. There can be no doubt 



mth Helen on the third day after he left Sparta, the wind 
having been favourable, and the sea smooth ; whereas in the 
niad, the poet makes him wander before he brings her home. 
Enough, however, for the present of Homer and the Cypria. 

118. I made inquiry of the priests, whether the story which 
the Greeks tell about Ilium is a fable, or no. In reply they 
related the following particulars, of which they declared that 
Menelaus had himself informed them. After the rape of 
Helen, a vast army of Greeks, wishing to render help to 
Menelaus, set sail for the Teucrian territory ; on their arrival 
they disembarked, and formed their camp, after which they 
sent ambassadors to Ilium, of whom Menelaus was one. The 
embassy was received within the walls, and demanded the 
restoration of Helen with the treasures which Alexander ,had 
carried off, and likewise required satisfaction for the wrong 
done. The Teucrians gave at once the answer in which they 
persisted ever afterwards, backing their assertions sometimes 
even with oaths, to wit, that neither Helen, nor the treasures 
claimed, were in their possession, — both the one and the other 
had remained, they said, in Egypt ; and it was not just to 
come upon them for what Proteus, king of Egypt, was detain- 
ing. The Greeks, imagining that the Teucrians were merely 
laughing at them, laid siege to the town, and never rested 
until they finally took it. As, however, no Helen was found, 
and they were still told the same story, they at length believed 
in its truth, and despatched Menelaus to the court of Proteus. 

119. So Menelaus travelled to Egypt, and on his arrival 
sailed up the river as far as Memphis, and related all that had 
happened. He met with the utmost hospitality, received 
Helen back unharmed, and recovered all his treasures. After 
this friendly treatment Menelaus, they said, behaved most 
unjustly towards the Egyptians ; for as it happened that at 
the time when he wanted to take his departure, he was 

that Homer was not the author of the 
rambling epic called 'The Cypria.' 
(Ct Ariat. Poet 23 -, ProoL 471-6, ed. 

Gaisf.) It wai probably written by 
Stasinns. (Athen. riii. p. 334 ; SchoL 
n. i. 5 i Tzetzes ChU. a 710.) 

Chap. 117-120. 



detained by the wind being contrary, and as he found this 
obstmotion continue, he had recourse to a most wicked ex- 
pedient. He seized, they said, two children of the people of the 
country, and offered them up in sacrifice.^ When this became 
known, the indignation of the people was stirred, and they 
went in pursuit of Menelaus, who, however, escaped with his 
ships to Libya, after which the Egyptians could not say 
whither he went. The rest they knew fuU well, partly by the 
inquiries which they had made, and partly from the circum- 
stances having taken place in their own land, and therefore 
not admitting of doubt. 

120. Such is the account given by the Egyptian priests, 
and I am myself inclined to regard as true all that they say 
of Helen from the following considerations: — K Helen had 
been at Troy, the inhabitants would, I think, have given her 
up to the Greeks, whether Alexander consented to it or no. 
For surely neither Priam, nor his family, could have been so 
infatuated as to endanger their own persons, their children, 
and their city, merely that Alexander might possess Helen. 
At any rate, if they determined to refuse at first, yet after- 
wards, when so many of the Trojans fell on every encounter 
with the Greeks, and Priam too in each battle lost a son, or 
sometimes two, or three, or even more, if we may credit the 
epic poets, I do not believe that even if Priam himself had 
been married to her he would have declined to deliver her up, 
with the view of bringing the series of calamities to a close. 
Nor was it as if Alexander had been heir to the crown, in 
which case he might have had the chief management of 
afiiairB, since Priam was already old. Hector, who was his elder 
brother, and a far braver man, stood before him, and was the 

* Thia Btoiy recalls the " Sangaine 
pkoAstis ventoB, et Yirgine osoeA," of 
Yirgil (iBn. ii. 116) ; and Herodotos 
actaally zecorda hnmaii saorifioes in 
Aofaaia, or Phthiotis (viL 197). Some 
hare attribnted hnman Baarifices to 
the Egyptians ; and Virgil says " Qnis 
illaadati nescit Bnsiridis araa. ' (Georg. 

iii. 5) ; bat it most be qnite erident 
that Bach, a castom was inconsistent 
with the habits of the oiyiUzed Egyp- 
tians, and Herodotas has disproved 
the probability of haman sacrifices in 
Egypt by his jndicioas remarks in oh. 
45. (See note » ad loo.)— [G. WJ 




heir to the kingdom on the death of their father Friam. And 
it could not be Hector's interest to uphold his brother in his 
wrong, when it brought such dire calamities upon himself and 
the other Trojans. But the fact was that they had no Helen 
to deliver, and so they told the Greeks, but the Greeks would 
not believe what they said — ^Divine Providence, as I think, so 
willing, that by their utter destruction it might be made evi- 
dent to all men that when great wrongs are done, the gods 
will surely vi&it them with great punishments. Such, at least, 
is my view of the matter. 

121. (1.) When Proteus died, Ehampsinitus,* the priests in- 
formed me, succeeded to the throne. His monuments were, 
the western gateway of the temple of Vulcan, and the two 
statues which stand in front of this gateway, called by the 
Egyptians, the one Summer, the other Winter, each twenty- 
five cubits in height. The statue of Summer, which is the 
northernmost of the two, is worshipped by the natives, and 
has offerings made to it; that of Winter, which stands 
towards the south, is treated in exactly the contrary way. 
King Bhampsinitus was possessed, they said, of great riches in 
silver, — indeed to such an amoimt, that none of the princes, 
his successors, surpassed or even equalled his wealth. For 
the better custody of this money, he proposed to build a vast 
chamber of hewn stone, one side of which was to form a part 
of the outer wall of his palace. The builder, therefore, having 
designs upon the treasures, contrived, as he was making the 

* This 18 evidently the name of a 
Bemeses, and not of a king of an earlj 
dynastj. The first indiyidaal called 
Eemeses mentioned on the monnments 
was a person of the family of Amosis, 
the first king of the 18th dynasty. 
Some ohambers in the gres,t temple at 
Medeenet Haboo, built by Bemeses 
IIL, where the gold and silver vases 
and other precious things are por- 
trayed in the scnlptnres, recall the 
Ireasory of Bhampsinitns ; and it is 
not improbable (as suggested in At. 
£g. vols. i. p. 85, ii. 858, and in Mater. 

Hiera. p. 96) that these were the 
same king. Diodorus calls him Bham. 
phis. Herodotus says he erected the 
great Propylsea on the west of the 
temple of Pthah (Vulcan), at Mem- 
phis, which would also prove him to 
have reigned after the founders of the 
pyramids, and at least as late as the 
18th or 19th dynasty, as those pyra- 
midal towers (called Propylaea by 
Herodotus) were not added to temples 
till the accession of the 18th dynasty. 
See below, ch. 155, note ^— [G. W.] 



building, to insert in this wall a stone,* which cotdd easily be 
removed from its place by two men, or even by one. So the 
chamber was finished, and the king's money stored away in it. 
Time passed, and the builder fell sick, when finding his end 
approaching, he called for his two sons, and related to them 
the contrivance he had made in the king's treasure-chamber, 
telling them it was for their sakes he had done it, that so they 
might always live in affluence. Then he gave them clear 
directions concerning the mode of removing the stone, and 
communicated the measurements, bidding them carefully keep 
the secret, whereby they would be Comptrollers of the Royal 
Exchequer so long as they lived. Then the father died, and 
the sons were not slow in setting to work : they went by night 
to the palace, found the stone in the wall of the building, and 
having removed it with ease, plundered the treasury of a 
round sum. 

(2.) When the king next paid a visit to the apartment, he 
was astonished to see that the money was sunk in some of the 
vessels wherein it was stored away. Whom to accuse, how- 
ever, he knew not, as the seals were all perfect, and the fasten- 
ings of the room secure. Still each time that he repeated his 
visits, he found that more money was gone. The thieves in 
truth never stopped, but plundered the treasury ever more 
and more. At last the king determined to have some traps ^ 
made, and set near the vessels which contained his wealth. 
This was done, and when the thieves came, as usual, to the 
treasure-chamber, and one of them entering through the 
aperture, made straight for the jars, suddenly he found him- 
self caught in one of the traps. Perceiving that he was lost, 

' Thia story has been repeated in 
the Pecorone of Ser GioTanni, a Flo- 
rentine of the fourteenth century, 
who snbstitntes a doge of Venice for 
the king. AIbo in other tales. (See 
Dimlop's History of Fiction, vol. ii. 
p. 382.) A secret entrance by a 
morable stone is a fayourite notion of 
the Arabs, owing to many hidden 

passages in Egyptian temples haring 
been closed by the same means. — 
[G. W.] 

' Traps for birds and hysDnas are 
often represented in the paintings (see 
aboye note ', ch. 77) ; but one which 
the robber and his brother were unable 
to open would require to be yery inge. 
nioosly oontriyed. — [G. W.] 


he instantly called his brother, and telling him what had 
happened, entreated him to enter as quickly as possible and 
cut off his head, that when his body should be discovered 
it might not be recognised, which would have the effect 
of bringing ruin upon both. The other thief thought the 
advice good, and was persuaded to follow it; — ^then, fitting 
the stone into its place, he went home, taking with him his 
brother's head. 

(8.) When day dawned, the king came into the room, and 
marvelled greatly to see the body of the thief in the trap with- 
out a head, while the building was still whole, and neither 
entrance nor exit was to be seen anywhere. In this perplexity 
he commanded the body of the dead man to be hung up out- 
side the palace wall, and set a guard to watch it, with orders 
that if any persons were seen weeping or lamenting near the 
place, they should be seized and brought before him. When 
the mother heard of this exposure of the corpse of her son, 
she took it sorely to heart, and spoke to her surviving child, 
bidding him devise some plan or other to get back the body, 
and threatening, that if he did not exert himself, she would go 
herself to the king, and denounce him as the robber. 

(4.) The son said all he could to persuade her to let the 
matter rest, but in vain ; she still continued to trouble him, until 
at last he yielded to her importunity, and contrived as follows : 
— Filling some skins with wine, he loaded them on donkeys, 
which he drove before him till he came to the place where the 
guards were watching the dead body, when pulling two or three 
of the skins towards him, he untied some of the necks which 
dangled by the asses' sides. The wine poured freely out, 
whereupon he began to beat his head, and shout with all his 
might, seeming not to know which of the donkeys he should 
turn to first. When the guards saw the wine running, de- 
lighted to profit by the occasion, they rushed one and all into 
the road, each with some vessel or other, and caught the liquor 
as it was spilling. The driver pretended anger, and loaded 
them with abuse ; whereon they did their beet to pacify 

Chap. 121« 



until at last he appeared to soften, and recover his good hmnonr, 
drove his asses aside out of the road, and set to work to re- 
arrange their burthens ; meanwhile, as he talked and chatted 
with the guards, one of them began to rally him, and make him 
laugh, whereupon he gave them one of the skins as a gift. 
They now made up their minds to sit down and have a 
drinking-bout where they were, so they begged him to remain 
and drink with them. Then the man let himself be persuaded, 
and stayed. As the drinking went on, they grew very friendly 
together, so presently he gave them another skin, upon which 
they drank so copiously that they were all overcome with the 
liquor, and growing drowsy lay down, and fell asleep on the 
spot. The thief waited till it was the dead of the night, and 
then took down the body of his brother; after which, in 
mockery, he shaved off the right side of all the soldiers' 
beards,* and so left them. Laying his brother's body upon 
the asses, he carried it home to his mother, having thus 
accomplished the thing that she had required of him. 

(5.) When it came to the king's ears that the thief s body 
was stolen away, he was sorely vexed. Wishing, therefore, 
whatever it might cost, to catch the man who had contrived 
the trick, he had recourse (the priests said) to an expedient, 
which I can scarcely credit. He sent his own daughter ^ to 

^ THb is a curious mistake for any 
one to make who had been in Egypt, 
since the soldiers had no beards, and 
it was the custom of all classes to 
sfaaTe. This we know from ancient 
anthors, and, above all, from the 
Bcnlptnres, where the onlj persons 
who bare beards are foreigners. Hero- 
dotus even allows that the Egyptians 
shared their heads and bem^ (oh. 
36; cp. Gren. xli. 4). Joseph, when 
sent for from prison by Pharaoh, 
''shaTed himself and changed his 
xmiment." Herodotns ooold not have 
learnt this story from the Egyptians, 
and it is evidently from a Greek 
soorce. The robber wonld have been 
too intent on his object to lose time 

JOh. n. 

or mn the risk of waking the guards. 
The disgrace of shaving men's beards 
in the East is certainly very great, 
but they have them there, the Egyp- 
tians had not. — [G. W.] 

* This in a country where social ties 
were so much regarded, and where the 
distinction of royal and noble classes 
was more rigidly maintained than in 
the most exclusive community of 
modem Europe, shows that the story 
was of foreign origin. The arm of a 
dead man would have been difficult to 
obtain ; but the marriage of an Egyp- 
tian king^s daughter with a man of 
low family and a robber was a gross 
fabrication even for a Greek cicerone. 
This and the stories of the daughter 



Book IL 

the common stews, with orders to admit all comers, but 
to require every man to tell her what was the cleverest and 
wickedest thing he had done in the whole course of his life. 
If any one in reply told her the story of the thief, she was to 
lay hold of him and not allow him to get away. The daughter 
did as her father willed, whereon the thief, who was well aware 
of the king's motive, felt a desire to outdo him in craft and 
cunning. Accordingly he contrived the following plan : — ^He 
procured the corpse of a man lately dead, and cutting off one 
of the arms at the shoulder, put it under his dress, and so went 
to the king's daughter. When she put the question to him as 
she had done to all the rest, he replied, that the wickedest 
thing he had ever done was cutting off the head of his brother 
when he was caught in a trap in the king's treasury, and the 
cleverest was making the guards drunk and carrying off the 
body. As he spoke, the princess caught at him ; but the thief 
took advantage of the darkness to hold out to her the hand of 
the corpse. Imagining it to be his own hand, she seized and 
held it fast ; while the thief, leaving it in her grasp, made his 
escape by the door. 

(6.) The king, when word was brought him of this fresh 
success, amazed at the sagacity and boldness of the man, sent 
messengers to all the towns in his dominions to proclaim a 
free pardon for the thief, and to promise him a rich reward, 
if he came and made himself known. The thief took the king 
at his word, and came boldly into his presence ; whereupon 
Bhampsinitus, greatly admiring him, and looking on him as 
the most knowing of men, gave him his daughter in marriage. 
" The Egyptians," he said, " excelled all the rest of the world 
in wisdom, and this man excelled all other Egyptians." 

122. The same king, I was also informed by the priests, 
afterwards descended alive into the region which the Greeks 

of Cheops, and of Hycerinns, are as 
illnstratiye of Greek, as those in the 
Deoameron of Boccaccio are of Italiani 
aside I and the pleasure it gave the 

Greeks to repeat snoh tales abofiit 
kings and their daughters made them 
overlook the improbability. — [QU W.] 



call Hades,® and there played at dice with Ceres, sometimes 
"wimiiiig and sometimes suffering defeat. After a while he 
returned to earth, and brought with him a golden napkin, a 
gift which he had received from the goddess. From this 
descent of Bhampsinitus into Hades, and return to earth 
again, the Egyptians, I was told, instituted a festival, which 
they certainly celebrated in my day. On what occasion it was 
that they instituted it, whether upon this or upon any other, 
I cannot determine. The following are the ceremonies : — On 
a certain day in the year the priests weave a mantle, and 
binding the eyes of one of their number with a fillet, they put 
the mantle upon him, and take him with them into the road- 
way conducting to the temple of Ceres, when they depart and 
leave him to himself. Then the priest, thus blindfolded, is 
led (they say) by two wolves ' to the temple of Ceres, distant 
twenty furlongs from the city, where he stays awhile, after 
which he is brought back from the temple by the wolves, and 
left upon the spot where they first joined him. 

128. Such as think the tales told by the Egyptians credible 
are free to accept them for history. For my own part, I 
propose to myself throughout my whole work faithfully to 
record the traditions of the several nations. The Egyptians 
maintain that Ceres and Bacchus^ preside in the realms 
below. They were also the first to broach the opinion, that 
the soul of man is immortal,^ and that, when the body dies, it 

* Hades was called in Egyptian 
Ament or Amenti, over which Osiris 
presided as jndge of the dead. Fin. 
tarch (de Isid. s. 29) supposes it to 
mean the "receiver and giver." It 
ccHnresponded, like Erebns, to the 
West, called Ement by the Egyptians, 
iite place of darkness, where the son 
set (see note ^ on ch. 4A), By Ceres 
Herodotns means Isis, to whom she 
was supposed to correspond. He 
aeems to donbt that the festival com- 
memorated that fabulous descent of 
the king ; and with good reason, as it 
is rery un-Egyptian.— [Q, W.] 

7 Wolves are not uncommon in 

' ^STP^' They are not gregarious, as 
in other countries, but generally prowl 
about singly or by twos. The animal, 
however, represented in Amenti is not 
a wolf ; it is a jackal, the emblem of 
Anubis, and painted black, in token of 
its abode there. The wolf, fox, and 
dog, were all sacred to Anubis ; and 
were treated alike, being of the same 
genus. See above, ch. 67, note'. — 
[G. W.] 

^ Answering to Isis and Osiris, who 
were the principal deities of Amenti. 
— [G. W.] 

' This was the great doctrine of the 
Egyptians, and their belief in it is 




enters into the form of an animal ^ which is bom at the 
moment, thence passing on from one animal into another, nntil 

eyeiywhere proclaiined in the paint- 
ings of the tombs. (See At. Eg. W. 
pi. 88.) But the sonls of wicked men 
alone appear to hare suffered the dis- 
grace of entering the body of an 
animal, when, "weighed in the bal- 
anoe" before the tribunal of Osiris, 
they were pronounced unworthy to 
enter the abode of the blessed. The 
soul was then sent back in the body of 
a pig (ib. pi. 87), and the communica- 
tion between him and the place he has 
left is shown to be cut off by a figure 
hewing away the ground with an axe. 
Gicero (Tusc. Disp. i. 16) says the im. 
mortality of the soul was first taught 
by Pherecydes of Syros, the preceptor 
of Pythagoras, " which was chiefly fol- 
lowed out by his disciple ; ** but this 
could only lUlude to its introduction 
into Greece, since it had been the uui- 
yersal belief in Egypt at least as early 
as the 8rd and 4th dynasty, more 
than 1500 years before. Old, too, in 
Egypt were the Pythagorean notions 
that nothing is annihilated; that it 
only changes its form ; and that death 
is reproduction into life, typified by 
the figure of an infant at the extremity 
of an Egyptian tomb, beyond the sar- 
cophagus of the dead. (See Ovid. 
Met. xr. 165, 249, 254, 455.) The 
same is a tenet of " the Vedantes of 
India, and of the Sophis of Persia ; " 
and the destroyer Siva or Mahadeva is 
also the Grod of Greneration. (Sir W. 
Jones, ToL i. p. 256.) Cp. Lucret. i. 

** Bes Don pone crearf 

Do nihilo, neqae item genitaa ad nil revocari." 

Plato and Pythagoras, says Plutarch 
(de PI. Phil. ir. 7), '* agree that the 
soul is imperiBhable .... the animal 
part alone dies." See note •, ch. 51, 
and two following notes. — [G. W.] 

* The doctrine of the Metempsychosis 
or Metensomatosis was borrowed from 
Egypt by Pythagoras. (See foregoing 
and following note.) It was also 
termed by the Greeks ic^icXoi cufdymis. 

••circle (orbit) of necessity ;** and be- 
sides the notion of the soul ptrnmng 
through different bodies till it returned 
again to that of a man, some imagined 
that after a certain period all events 
happened again in the same manner 
as before — an idea described in these 
lines by Virgil, Eclog. iv. 84 : 

** Alter erit turn Tiphys, eL altera qiue vehaft 

Delectos Heroas, enint etlam altera bdU, 
Atqoe iterom ad Trolam masniu mittetar 


Pythagoras even pretended to reoollect 
the shield of Euphorbus, whose body 
his soul had before occupied at the 
Trojan war. (Hor. i. Od. xxiii. 10; 
Ovid. Metam. xv. 160, 163; Fhilost. 
Vit. Apolbn. Tyan. i. 1.) The trans, 
migration of souls is also an ancient 
belief in India ; and the Chinese Bud> 
dhists represent men entering the 
bodies of various animals, who in the 
most grotesque maimer endeavour to 
make their limbs conform to the 
shape of their new abode. It was 
even a doctrine of the Pharisees ao. 
cording to Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii. 8, 
14) ; and of the Druids, though these 
confined the habitation of the soul to 
human bodies (Caesar. Comm. B. Gall. 
vi. 13 ; Tacit. Ann. xiv. 30 ; Hist. iv. 
54; Diodor. v. 31; Strabo, iv. 197). 
Plato says (in Phaedro), "no souls 
will return to their pristine conditioa 
till the expiration of 10,000 years, un- 
less they be of such as have philoso- 
phized sincerely. These in the period 
of 1000 years, if they have thrice 
chosen this mode of life in succession 

shall in the 3000th year fly 

away to their pristine abode, bnt 
other souls being arrived at the end 
of their first life shall be judged. And 
of those who are judged, some proceed- 
ing to a subterranean place shall 
there receive the punishments they 
have deserved; and others bein^ 
judged favourably shall be elevated to 
a celestial place .... and in the 
1000th year each vetumiog to ^Hft 

Chap. 123, 124. 



it has circled through the forms of all the creatures which 
tenant the earth, the water, and the air, after which it enters 
again into a human frame, and is bom anew. The whole 
period of the transmigration is (they say) three thousand 
years. There are Greek writers, some of an earlier, some of a 
later date,* who have borrowed this doctrine from the Egyp- 
tians, and put it forward as their own. I could mention their 
names, but I abstain from doing so« 

124. Till the death of Bhampsinitus, the priests said, Egypt 
was excellently governed, and flourished greatly ; but after him 
Cheops succeeded to the throne,^ and plunged into all manner 

eleeticm of a second life» shall reoeive 
one agreeable to his desire. . . . Here 
also the sotd shall pass into a beast, 
and again into a man, if it has first 
been ^ soul of a man." This notion, 
like that mentioned by Herodotus, 
appears to have grown out of, rather 
than to hare represented, the exact 
doctrine of the Egyptians ; and there 
is every indication in the Egyptian 
seolptnree of the sonls of good mem 
being admitted at once, after a f ayour- 
able judgment had been passed on 
them, into the presence of Osirid, 
whose mysterious name they were 
permitted to assume. Men and women 
were then both called Osiris, who was 
the abstract idea of ^ goodness," and 
there was no distinction of sex or rank 
when a soul had obtained that privi- 
lege. All the Egyptians were then 
" equally noble ; " but not, as Diodorus 
(i. 92) seems to suppose, during life, 
time; unless it alludes to their being 
a privileged race compared to foreign 
people. In their doctrine of transmi- 
gration, the Egyptian priests may in 
later times have converted what was 
at first a simple speculation into a 
complicated piece of superstition to 
■ait their own purposes; and one 
proof of a change is seen in the fact 
of the name of *' Osiris " having in the 
earliest times only been given to 
deceased kings ; and not to other per. 
8ons.~[6. W.] 

'F^ythagoras if supposed to be 

included among the later writers. 
Herodotus, with more judgment and 
fairness, and on better information, 
than some modem writers, allows 
that the Greeks borrowed their early 
lessons of philosophy and science 
from Egypt. Clemens says repeatedly 
that 'Hhe Greeks stole their philo- 
sophy from the Barbarian" (Strom. 
L p. 303; ii. p. 858; vi. p. 612, and 
elsewhere) ; and observes that Plato 
does not deny its origin (Strom. 1. p. 
855) . The same is stated by Diodorus, 
Plutarch (de Is. s. 10), Philo, and 
many other ancient writers, some of 
whom censure the Greeks for their 
vanity and disregard of truth; and 
the candour of Herodotus on this sub. 
jeot is highly creditable to him. It 
was not agreeable to the Greeks to 
admit their obligations to "barba- 
rians," and their vanity led them to 
attribute everything, even the words 
of foreign languages, to a Greek 
origin. So too in religion ; and lam- 
bliohus says (De Hyst. vii. 5), *'the 
search after the truth is too trouble- 
some for the Greeks."— [G. W.] 

' It is evident that Herodotus had 
the names of two sets of kings men- 
tioned to him ; the first coming down 
to the Theban Bemeses (Rhampsini. 
tus), the other containing the Mem- 
phite dynasties, in which were Cheops 
and the other builders of the pyra- 
mids, who were in fact older even 
than the Sesostrifl of the 12th dynasty. 




of wickedness. He closed the temples, and forbade the Egyp« 
tians to offer sacrifice, compelling them instead to labour, one 
and aU, in his service. Some were required to drag blocks of 
stone down to the Nile from the quarries in the Arabian range 
of hills ; ^ others received the blocks after they had been 
conveyed in boats across the river, and dre^ them to the range 
of hills called the Libyan.^ A himdred thousand men 






The 380 kings were mentioned to him 

as the whole number ; and the Theban 

and Memphite lists were a separate 

and detailed aocoont of the sncces- 

sion. Of these two lists he gives 

merely these names : — 

Thinites and TKebam, Memphitei, 

Those who follow, Sabaco and others, 
are of later dynasties. But even Mob- 
ris is oonfoonded with a later king, 
and the exploits of Sesostris belong 
principally to Sethos and his son 
Bemeses — the first kings of the 19th 
dynasty, who as well as Pheron and 
Bhampsinitns were Theban princes. 
It is necessary to mention this, to 
account for the apparent anachronism; 
bat other questions respecting the 
succession of these Memphite kings 
will be unnecessary here ; and I shall 
only notice their order as g^ven by 
Herodotus. The name of Cheops, 
perhaps, more properly Shefo, or 
Shufu, translated by Eratosthenes 
KOfidarnSf has been ingeniously ex- 
plained by Professor Bosellini as ** the 
long'haired," which the Egyptian 
shofo or ahvfu signifies (from /o, 
"hair"). Cheops is written more 
correctly by Manetho " Suphis." Dio- 
dorus calls him Chemmis or Chembes, 
and places seven kings between him 
and Rhampsinitus or Khemphis (i. 68 ; 
see note* on oh. 127). The wickedness 
related of Cheops by Herodotus agrees 
with Manetho's account, " that he was 
arrogant towards the Gods ; but, re- 
penting, wrote the Sacred Book." — 
[G. W.] 
* The quarries are still worked in 

the mountain on the E. of the Nile 
behind Toora and Misarah ; and hiero- 
glyphic inscriptions are found there of 
early kings. Ptolemy calls the moun- 
tain TpwlKov \i0ov 6post fiom the 
neighbouring village of Troja. The 
blocks used in building the pyramids 
were partly from those quarries, and 
partly from the nnmmnlite rock of 
the Libyan hills, but the outer layers 
or coating were of the more even* 
grained stone of the Eastern range 
(see note ^ on ch. 8). The pyramids 
and the tombs about them prove that 
squared stone and even granite had 
long been employed beforo the 4th 
dynasty ; and from the skill they had 
arrived at in carving g^ranite, we may 
conclude that hewn stone must have 
been used even before the reign of 
Tosorthrus, second king of the 8rd 
dynasty, who was evidently the same 
as Athothis, the son of Menes. The 
pick, stone-saw, wedge, chisel, and 
other tools were already in use when 
the pyramids were built. — [G. W.] 

* The western hills being especially 
appropriated to tombs in all the places 
where pyramids were built wUl ac- 
count for these monuments beings on 
that side of the Nile. The abode of 
the dead was supposed to be the West, 
the land of darlmess where the snn 
ended his course; and the analogy 
was kept up by the names Emeni, the 
"west," and Amenti, the '* lower 
regions of Hades" (see note* on ch. 
122). Some tombs wero in the Eastern 
hills, but this was because they bap> 
pened to be near the river, and the 
Libyan hills were too distant ; and the 
principal places of burial, as at Thebes 
and Memphis, were on the W. The 
only pyramids on the E. bank are ia 


laboured constantly, and were relieved every tbree months by a 
fresh lot. It took ten years' oppression of the people to make 
the causeway' for the conTeyance of the stones, a work not 

Upper Ethiopuk Tombs of EgypCiana 
b^Dg aeldom found in Nnbis mA; bo 
<rwing tu their conHidering it *' a 
foreign land," and b«i^ therefore 
bnried in the holj gTOUnd of Egypt. 
In like mnnner many preferred the 
a*c[ed Abf dog t« their own toinu m 

B phtce of aepultore, in order to be 
naut to Oairis.— [G. W.] 

' The remaini of two oansewsys 
Btill exist — the nortbem one, which 
18 tbe largeHt, corresponding with the 
great pyramid, as the other does with 
the third. The oater 8tone« have 

fallen or been pulled down, so that no 
^■aocs remain of " the figures of ani- 
mals," or bierot^ljphics. Its length 
of 6 stadia, 80CK> or 3050 feet, has 
been Tcdnced to aljont 1424, though 
in Fococke's time it meosived 1000 
yards, which very nearlj corresponded 

with the meaenrement of Eerodotiu. 
It is now only 33 feet broad, little 
mnre than half the 10 orgjieg (or 
fathoms) of Herodotns, bnt the height 
of 85 feet exceeds his 8 oi^yies. And 
OS the caneeway most neceasaiilf 
I have been as high as the MU or plateau 




much inferior, in my judgment, to the pyramid '' itself. This 
causeway is five furlongs in length, ten fathoms wide, and in 
height, at the highest part, eight &thoms. It is built of 
polished sto]|e, and is covered with carvings of animals. To 
make it took ten years, as I said — or rather to make the 
causeway, the works on the mound® where the pyramid stands, 
and the underground chambers, which Cheops intended as 
vaults for his own use : these last were built on a sort of island, 
surrounded by water introduced from the Nile by a canal.* 
The pyramid itself was twenty years in building. It is a square, 
eight hundred feet each way,^ and the height the same, built 

to which the stones were conveyed, 
and as Herodotns giyes 100 feet for 
the height of the hill, which is from 
80 to 86 English feet where the canse- 
waj joins it, his 8 orgyies or 48 feet 
mnst be an oyersight of the historian, 
or of his copyists. This canseway 
served for both the great pyramids. 
Some, however, attribute it to the 
Caliphs, because Diodoros says it had 
disappeared in his time, owing to the 
sandy base on which it stood ; bat the 
ground is not of so sandy a nature as 
to cause its fall, and the other cause- 
way, leading to the third pyramid, 
which the Caliphs could have had no 
object in constructing, is of the same 
kind of masonry. It is probable the 
Caliphs repaired the northern one, 
when the stones of the pyramids were 
removed to erect moflJcs, walls, and 
other buildings in Cairo. An opening, 
covered over by a single block, was 
left for persons to pass through, who 
travelled by land during the inunda- 
tion, which still remains in the south- 
em causeway. — [G. W.] 

' The name of pyramid in Egyptian 
appears to be hr-br ; but Mr. Eenrick, 
in a note on ch. 136, judiciously ob- 
serves that "pyramid" is probably 
Greek on the following authority : — 
" Etym. M. voc. Tlvpofils^ 4i iK irvpSnf 
jca2 ft^TOf, &<rw9p <rc(ra/xls, 4i iK a€<r<L 
fiM¥ ical ix4\iros** Uvpofiovs (he adds) 
was another name for the same kind 
of cake • • . the eiiaafils was <r^- 

poti^-fis (Athen. p. 646) ; the wvpa/its, 
which was pointed and used in the 
Bacchic rites, may be seen on the table 
at the reception of Bacchus by Icarus, 
in Hope's Costumes, vol. ii. pi. 224. 
That the name of the mathematical 
solid was derived from an object of 
common life, and not vice versH, may 
be argued from analogy : o-^oTjpa was 
a hand-ball; K^fios, a die for gaming ; 
kSvos, a hoy*8 top ; K^Xtv^ipot, a hus- 
bandman's or gSLrdener*B roller. The 
Arabic ahram or hdram seems to be 
taken from the Greek name. — [Q. W.] 

^ This was levelling the top of the 
hill to form a platform. A piece of 
rock was also left in the centre as a 
nucleus on whieh the pyramid was 
built, and which may still be seen 
within it to the height of 72 feet above 
the level of the ground. — [G. W.] 

* There is no trace of a canaJ, nor 
is there any probability of one having 
existed, from the appearance of the 
rock, or from the position of the pyra- 
mid, standing as it does npwards of 
100 feet above the level of the hig^iest 
inundation. — [G. W.] 

^ The dimensions of the g^reat pyra- 
mid were — each fe<;e, 756 ft., now re- 
duced to 732 ft. ; original height when 
entire, 480 ft. 9 in., now 460 ft. 9 in. ; 
angles at the base, 51° 50^ ; angle at 
the apex, 76° 20^ ; it covered an area 
of 571|536 square feet, now 535,824 
square feet. 

Herodotuflf measurement of eight 

Chit. U4, 125. 


entirely of polished stone, fitted together vitb the atmost care. 
The stoDes of which it is composed are none of them less than 
thirty feet in length.' 

125. The pyramid was hmit in steps,' battlement-wise, as ii 
is called, or, according to others, altar-wise. After laying the 
stones for the base, they raised the remaining stones to their 

pletlira, or 800 ft,, for each face, ii not 
Teiy far from the truth as a roond 
BDmber; bat the height, irhioh he 
n^ w»B the Bame, is far from oorroct, 
and wonid require a very diSerent 
angle from 51° off for the alopa of the 
tioea^lG. W.] 

Periiitps HerodotnB does not intend 
Tertical heij^ht, which be ironld have 
DO meana of roeaanring, bat the height 
of the sloping side, which ha may even 
' have measured (infra oh. 127) from 
one of the an^Iai at the boae to the 
apex. In this case hia estimate wonld 
not be BO xcry wrong, for the length 
of the line from the apex to the groand 
at one of the angles of the base would 
hare eiceeded 700 feeL 

1 The size of the stones varies. Ba- 
rodotna ollndes to those of the enter 
BDT&oe, which are now gone; but it 
may be donbted if atl, even at the 
lower part, were 30 feet in length. 
On the sobject of the pyramids aee 
M. %. W. p. 319 to 371.— [G. W.] 

* These aMps, or snccesBiTe stat^aa, 
bad their faces nearly perpendicular, 
or at an angle of aboot 75°, and the 
triangnlar apace, formsd by each pro- 
jecting oonaidarably bejond tba one 

iamediatal J above it, 
filled in, thns oompleting the general 
form of the pyramid. Tb\B was Snt 
■nggeated by Hr. Wild, who obaerred 
tliAt " if he bad to boild a pyramid he 

ahonld proceed in that manner;" for 
I hod supposed it confined to the 
Third Pyramid, instead of being a 

general system of constraction. (M. 
Eg. W. i. 349.) On each of these 
stages the machines Herodotns men. 
tioos were plaoad, which drew up the 
atones from one to the other. Two 
eiplaoattons of " the upper portion of 
the pyramid being finiahed first" 
may be given — one that it was adding 
the pyi«midal apei, and filling up the 
triangular spaces as they worked 
downwards; the other that (after the 
triangnlar apaoea had been filled in) it 
referred to their catting away the 
projecting anglea of the stonea, and 
bringing the whole masa to a smooth 
level sDifooe, which oonld only be 
done "as they dMcended, the step im- 
mediately below aerring as a.roatiiig- 
place, in lien of scaffolding, on which 
the men worked" (as mentioned in 
M. Eg. W. i. 340), Dr. Lepaios thinka 
that the size of a pyramid showa the 
doration of the king's reign who boilt 
it ; as additions conld be made to the 
npright aides of the stages at any time 
before the triangular spacaa were fiLed 
in ; but thongh a large pyramid might 
require and prove a long reign, wo 
cannot infer a short one from a small 
pyramid. Nor coold the small pyra- 
mids be the nuclet of larger ones, 
wbioh kings did not live to finish i 
and tbe Plan will show that want of 
space would effectually prevent their 
boilders hopii^ for anch an extension 
of their monomenta. Any one of 
those before the Firat (or the Third) 
Pyramid would interfere with it, and 
with their smaller neighbaun. 

It is a cu-ioua question if the Egyp- 
tiana brought with them the idea of 
the pyramid, or sepnlchral mound. 



Book IL 

places by means of machines * formed of short wooden planks. 
The first machine raised them from the ground to the top of 
the first step. On this there was another machine, which 
received the stone upon its arrival, and conveyed it to the 
second step, whence a third machine advanced it still higher. 
Either they had as many machines as there were steps in the 
pyramid, or possibly they had but a single machine, which, 
being easily moved, was transferred from tier to tier as the 
stone rose — ^both accoimts are given, and therefore I mention 
both. The upper portion of the pyramid was finished first, 
then the middle, and finally the part which was lowest and 
nearest the ground. There is an inscription in Egyptian 
characters*^ on the pyramid whch records the quantity of 
radishes,* onions, and garlick^ consumed by the labourers who 

when they migrated into the yalley of 
the Nile, and if it orig^inated in the 
same idea as the tower, bnilt also in 
stages, of Assyria, and the pagoda of 
India.— [G. W.] 

^ The notion of Diodoms that ma- 
chines were not yet invented is suffi- 
ciently disproved by common sense 
and by the assertion of Herodotus. It 
is certainly singular that the Eg^yp- 
tians, who have left behind them so 
many records of their customs, shonld 
have omitted every explanation of 
their mode of raising the enormous 
blocks they used. Some have ima- 
gined inclined planes, without recol- 
lecting what their extent would be 
when of such a height and length of 
base ; and though the inclined plane 
may have been employed for some 
purposes, as it was in sieges by the 
Assyrians and others, as a 
(2 Kings xix. 32 ; 2 Sam. xx. 
running up the moveable towers 
against a perpendicular wall, it would 
be difficult to adapt it to the sloping 
faces of a pyramid, or to introduce it 
into the interior of a large temple. 
The position of these pyramids is very 
remarkable in being placed so exactly 
facing the four cardinal points that 
the variation of the compass may be 
ascertained &om them. This accuracy 

" bank " 
15), for 

would imply some astronomical know- 
ledge and careful observations at that 
time.— [G. W.] 

' This must have been in hiero- 
glyphics, the monumental character. 
The outer stones being gone, it is im- 
possible to verify, or disprove, the 
assertion of Herodotus, which, bow- 
ever, would have nothing improbable in. 
it, provided the record was not confined 
to the simple inscription he gives. That 
hieroglyphics were already used long 
before the pyramids were built is oer. 
tain, as they were found by Colonel 
Howard Yyse in the upper chambexs 
he opened, written on the blocks be- 
fore they were built in, and containing^ 
the name of Shofo, or Shufu (Suphis). 
The cursive style of these hieroglyphics 
shows that they had been in use a long 
time before. The names of the two 
Bhufus on those blocks seem to proTe 
that the Great Pyramid was the work 
of two kings; and this may explain 
its having two chambers. ' (See 
ch. 127.)— [G. W.] 

' This is the RapKanu$ saMvus, 
eduUSf of Linnaeus, the Jigl of modem 
Egypt, so much eaten by the modem 
as well as the ancient peasants. It 
has been called " horse-radish," which 
would have been pungent food for the 
Sgyptians. But that root does 


Chjlf. 126, 126. 



constructed it ; and I perfectly well remember that the inter- 
preter who read the writing to me said that the money ex- 
pended in this way was 1600 talents of silver. If this then is 
a true record, what a vast sum most have been spent on the 
iron tools ® used in the work, and on the feeding and clothing 
of the labourers, considering the length of time the work lasted, 
which has already been stated, and the additional time — ^no 
small space, I imagine — ^which must have been occupied by 
the quarrying of the stones, their conveyance, and the forma- 
tion of the underground apartments. 

126. The wickedness of Cheops reached to such a pitch 
that, when he had spent all his treasures and wanted more, 
he sent his daughter to the stews, with orders to procure him 
a certain sum — how much I cannot say, for I was not told ; 
she procured it, however, and at the same time, bent on 
leaving a monument which should perpetuate her own memory, 
she required each man to make her a present of a stone 
towards the works which she contemplated. With these stones 
she built the pyramid which stands midmost of the three that 
are in front of the great pyramid, measuring along each side 
a hundred and fifty feet.^ 

grow in the oonntiy. Strabo mentions 
lentils, which donbtlees constitnted 
their (^ef food of old, as at present ; 
and it is not probable that they were 
limited to the three roots mentioned 
by Herodotus. The notion of the 
geographer that the rock contains 
^tils, the petrified residue of the 
food of the workmen, is deriyed from 
the small fossils contained in that 
nommoUte limestone. Their appear- 
ance misled him. — [G. W.] 

7 Thoagh garlick gnN>ws in Egypt, 
that brought from Syria is most es- 
teemed. Till the name ** Syrian " 
was tabooed in Cairo, during the war, 
ihoee who sold it in the streets cried 
" T&m thdmee;' " Syrian garlick ; *' it 
was then changed to **infa s' torn," 
"garlick is useful."— [G. W.] 

• Iron was known in Egypt at a 
vecy early time. The piece of iron 

found bylColonel Howard Vyse, im- 
bedded between two stones of the 
great pyramid, may have been placed 
there when the pyramid was built, or 
haye been forced between them when 
the Arabs were remoying the blocks ; 
and there is other better eyidence of 
the nse of iron by the ancient Egyp- 
tians. See note • on ch. 86. — [G. W.] 
' In this pyramid the name of king 
Mencheres (or Mycerinus ?) is painted 
on the flat roof of its chamber ; but his 
sarcophagus was foimd in the Third 
Pyramid. (See n. \ ch. 129.) The 
story of the daughter of Cheops is on 
a par with that of the daugnter of 
Bhampsinitus ; and we may be certain 
that Herodotus neyer receiyed it from 
** the priests," whose language he did 
not nnderstand, but from some of the 
Greek ''interpreters/* by whom he was 
Bo often misled. — [Q. W.] 




127. Cheops reigned, the Egyptians said, fifty years, and 
was succeeded at his demise by Chephren, his brother.* 

Ghephren imitated the conduct of his predecessor, and, like 
him, built a pyramid, which did not, however, equal the 
dimensions of his brother's. Of this I am certain, for I 
measured them both myself. It has no subterraneous apart- 
ments, nor any canal from the Nile to supply it with water, 
as the other pyramid has. In that, the Nile water, intro- 
duced through an artificial duct, surroimds an island, where 
the body of Cheops is said to lie. Chephren built his 
pyramid dose to the great pyramid of Cheops, and of the 
same dimensions, except that he lowered the height forty feet. 
For the basement he employed the many-coloured stone of 
Ethiopia,* These two pyramids stand both on the same hill. 

^ Maneiho mentionB Snpliis IL, or 
Sen-SuphiB, f .«. " brother of Snphis." 
It is evident that two brothers could 
not hare reigned snccessirely 50 and 
66 jearsi or 63 and 66, according to 
Hanetho; nor have built two snch 
immense monuments, each requiring 
a long reign. These two Suphises are 

the Shofo, 
or Shufn, 

and Nou, or 

of the monuments. Thej appear to 
have ruled together during the greater 
part of their reign, and Nou.Shufu or 
Suphis IL, haying survired his bro- 
ther, was considei'ed his successor. 
Another king has been thought by 
some to be Cephren ; his name reads 


and as he is ealled " of the little pjra. 

mid," he has been thought to be the 
builder of the second, bafore it was 
enlarged. The name of Noum-Shufa 
is found on a rerersed stone in one of 
the tombs near the Second Pyramid, 
which bears in other parts the names 
of both these Shufus. 

The measurements of the Second 
Pyraniid are t—present base, 690 ft. ; 
former base (according to Colonel 
Howard Vyse), 707 ft. 9 in. ; present 
perpendicular height (calculating the 
angle 62° 200, 446 ft. 9 in. ; former 
height, 454 ft. 8 in. 

Herodotus supposes it was 40 feet 
less in height than the Ghreat Pyramid, 
but the real difference was only 24 ft. 
6 in. 

It is singular that Herodotus takes 
no notice of the sphinx, which was 
made at least as early as the 18th 
dynasty, as it bears the name of 
Thothmes lY. The Egyptians oaDed 
it Hor-m-kho, or Be-di.sho, " the bob 
in his resting-place " (the western ho- 
rizon), which was converted by the 
Greeks into Armaohis. — [Q. W.] 

' This was red granite of Syene ; 
and Herodotus appears to be oorreot 
in saying that the lower tier was of 
that stone, or at least the casing, 
which was all that he could see ; and 
the ^nnmbers of fragments of granite 

Chip. 127-129. 



an eleyation not far short of a hundred feet in height. The 
reign of Chephren lasted fifty-sis years. 

128. Thus the afiSiotion of Egypt endured for the space of 
one hundred and six years, during the whole of which time the 
temples were shut up and never opened. The Egyptians so 
detest the memory of these kings that they do not much like 
even to mention their names. Hence they conmionly call the 
pyramids after Philition^^ a shepherd who at that time fed his 
flocks about the place. 

129. After Chephren, Mycerinus * (they said), son of Cheops, 
ascended the throne. This prince disapproved the conduct of 
bis father, re-opened the temples, and allowed the people, who 
were ground down to the lowest point of misery, to return to 
tbeir occupations, and to resume the practice of sacrifice. Bis 
justice in the decision of causes was beyond that of all the 

lying about this pyramid show that it 
haa been partly faced with it. The 
casing which remains on the upper 
part is of the limestone of the eastern 
iiiUs. All the pyramids were opened 
by the Arab caliphs in the hopes of 
finding treasure. Fktnsanias (it. ix. 
36) points at Herodotus when he says 
** the Greeks admire foreign wonders 
more than those of their own country, 
and some of their greatest historians 
hare described the pyramids of Egypt 
with the greatest precision, though 
they have said nothing of the royal 
treasury of Minyas, nor of the walls of 
Tiryns, which are not less wonderful 
than those pyramids.*' Aristotle 
(Polit. Tii. 11) considers them merely 
the result of g^reat labour, displaying 
the power of kings, and the misery in- 
flicted on the people ; which Pliny has 
reechoed by calling them an idle and 
silly display of royal wealth and of 
Tsnity (xxxvi. 12). Later writers 
hare repeated this, without even 
knowing the object they were built 
for, and it would be unjost to suppose 
them merely znonumentaL — [G. W.] 

' This can have no connection with 
the invasion, or the memory, of the 
Bhepherd-kiDgs, at least as founders 
of the pyramids, which some have 

conjectured ; for those monuments 
were raised long before the rule of 
the Shepherd-longs in Egypt. — 
[G. W.] 

In the mind of the Egyptians two 
periods of oppression may have gradu- 
ally come to be confounded, and they 
may have ascribed to the tyranny of 
the Shepherd-king^ what in reality 
belonged to a far earlier time of mis- 
rule. It should not be forgotten that 
the Shepherds, whether Philistines, 
Hittites, or other Scyths, would at any 
rate invade Egypt from Palestine, and 
so naturally be regarded by the Egyp- 
tians as Philistines. Hence perhaps 
the name of Pelusium (= Philistine, 
town) applied to the last city which 
they held in Egypt. (See Lepsius, 
Chron. der Egypter, i. p. 341.) 

* He is called Mencheres by Manetho, 
and Mecherinus by Diodorus. In the 
hieroglyphics the name is 

which reads Men-ka-re, Men-ku-re, or 
Men.ker-re.— [G. W.] 



Book II. 

former kings. The Egyptians praise him in this respect more 
highly than any of their other monarchs, declaring that he not 
only gave his judgments with fairness, but also, when any one 
was dissatisfied with his sentence, made compensation to him 
out of his own purse, and thus pacified his anger. Mycerinus 
had established his character for mildness, and was acting^s I 
have described, when the stroke of calamity fell on him. First 
of all his daughter died, the only child that he possessed. 
Experiencing a bitter grief at this visitation, in his sorrow he 
conceived the wish to entomb his child in some unusual way. 
He therefore caused a cow to be made of wood, and after the 
interior had been hollowed out, he had the whole surface 
coated with gold ; and in this novel tomb laid the dead body 
of his daughter. 

180. The cow was not placed under ground, but continued 
visible to my times : it was at Sais, in the royal palace, where 
it occupied a chamber richly adorned. Every day there are 
burnt before it aromatics of every kind ; and all night long a 
lamp is kept burning in the apartment.^ In an adjoining 
chamber are statues which the priests at Sais declared to repre- 
sent the various concubines of Mycerinus. They are colossal 
figures in wood, of the number of about twenty, and are repre- 
sented naked. Whose images they really are, I cannot say — 
I can only repeat the account which was given to me. 

181. Concerning these colossal figures and the sacred cow, 
there is also another tale narrated, which runs thus : ** Myce- 
rinus was enamoured of his daughter, and offered her violence 
— ^the damsel for grief hanged herself, and Mycerinus entombed 
her in the cow. Then her mother cut off the hands of all her 
tiring-maids, because they had sided with the father, and 
betrayed the child ; and so the statues of the maids have no 

• Thk is evidently, from what fol- 
lows (see ch. 132), in honour of a 
deity, and not of the daughter of My- 
oerinos ; and the fact of the Egyptians 
lamenting, and beating themselves in 
honour of Osiris, shows that the oow 
represented either Athor, or Isis, in 

the character of a Goddess of Amenti. 
(See Plat, de Isid. et Osir. s. 89.) 
Herodotus very properly doubts the 
story about the daughter and the con- 
cubines of Mycerinus, which he thinks 
a mere feble.— [G. W J 



hands." All this is mere fable in my judgment, especially 
what is said about the hands of the colossal statues. I could 
plainly see that the figures had only lost their hands through 
the eflfect of time. They had dropped oflf, and were still lying 
on the ground about the feet of the statues. 

182. As for the cow, the greater portion of it is hidden by a 
scarlet coverture; the head and neck, however, which are 
visible, are coated very thickly with gold,* and between the 
horns there is a representation in gold of the orb of the sun. 
The figure is not erect, but lying down, with the limbs under 
the body ; the dimensions being fully those of a large animal 
of the Und. Every year it is taken from the apartment where 
it is kept, and exposed to the light of day — ^this is done at the 
season when the Egyptians beat themselves in honour of one 
of their gods, whose name I am unwilling to mention in con- 
nection with such a matter.^ They say that the daughter of 
Mycerinus requested her father in her dying moments to allow 
her once a year to see the sun. 

133. After the death of his daughter, Mycerinus was visited 
with a second calamity, of which I shall now proceed to 
give an account. An oracle reached him from the town of 
Buto,® which said, " Six years only shalt thou live upon the 
earth, and in the seventh thou shalt end thy days." Myce- 
rinus, indignant, sent an angry message to the oracle, re- 
proaching the god with his injustice^ — " My father and uncle," 
he said, ^'though they shut up the temples, took no thought 
of the gods, and destroyed multitudes of men, nevertheless 
enjoyed a long life ; I, who am pious, am to die so soon ! " 
There came in reply a second message from the oracle — "For 
this very reason is thy life brought so quickly to a close — ^thou 
hast not done as it behoved thee. Egypt was fated to suffer 
affliction one hundred and fifty years — the two kings who 

•Tlie gold used by the Egyptians 
for orerlajing the faces of mommies, 
aaul ornamental objects, is often re- 
XDttdAble for its thickne8B.^[G. W.] 

^ This was Osiris. See notes on 
chs. 60, 61, 85, and 130.— [G. W.] 
^ See notes ^ * on ch. 165. 




preceded thee upon the throne understood this — ^thon hast 
not understood it." Mycerinus, when this answer reached 
him, perceiving that his doom was fixed, had lamps prepared, 
which he lighted every day at eventime, and feasted and 
enjoyed himself unceasingly both day and night, moving 
about in the marsh-country^ and the woods, and visiting all 
the places that he heard were agreeable sojourns. His wish 
was to prove the oracle false, by turning the nights into days, 
and so living twelve years in the space of six. 

134. He too left a pyramid, but much inferior in size to his 
father's.* It is a square, each side of which falls short of three 
plethra by twenty feet, and is built for half its height of the 
stone of Ethiopia. Some of the Greeks call, it the work of 
Bhodopis' the courtezan, but they report falsely. It seems to 

• These were the resort of the 
wealthy Egyptians "who wished to 
enjoy the pleasures of the chase. 
They were also places of refnge in 
time of danger, to which Any sis, 
Amyrtffius, and others fled. — [G. W.] 

^ The measurements of this pyramid 
are — ^length of base, 833 feet : former 
length, according to Col. H. Vyse, 
354*6; present perpendicular height, 
203*7 inches ; former height, according 
to CoL H. Vyse, 218*0; angle of the 
casing, 61^ Herodotus says it was 
much smaller than that of Cheops, 
being 20 feet short of 3 plethra each 
face, or 280 feet ; but this is too little, 
and Pliny gives it 363 Boman feet, or 
about 350 English feet ; observing at 
the same time that, though smaller 
than the other two, it was far more 
beautiful, on account of the granite 
that coated it ; which Herodotus 
and Strabo say reached only half- 
way up, or according to Diodorus to 
the fifteenth tier. It now extends 
86 feet 9 inches from the base on the 
Western, and 25 feet 10 inches on the 
Korthorn side. The granite stones 
have bevelled edges, a common style of 
building in Egypt, Syria, and Itidy, in 
ancient times ; and round the entrance 
a space has been cut into the surfece 
of the stones, as if to let in some 

ornament, probably of metal, which 
bore an inscription containing the 
king's name, or some funeral bcu1|>- 
tures, similar to those in the smaU 
chambers attached to the pyramids of 
Gebel Berkel. In this pyramid were 
found the name and coffin of Men- 
cheres. — [G. W.] 

^ Her real name was Doricha, and 
Bhodopis, "the rosy -cheeked," was 
merely an epithet. It was under this 
name of Doricha that she was men* 
tioned by Sappho; and that Hero- 
dotus was not mistaken in calling her 
Khodopis, as Athenseus supposes 
(Deipn. xiii, p. 596), is fully proved 
by Strabo. Bhodopis when liberated 
remained in Egypt ; where even be- 
fore Greeks resorted to that country 
foreign women often followed the 
occupations of the modem " AlmeK'* 
They are figured on the monuments 
dancing and playing musical instru- 
ments to divert parties of guests, 
and are distinguished by their head- 
dress from native Egyptian women. 
The reason of her having been con- 
founded with Kitocris was owing, as 
Zoega suggested, to the latter having 
also been called "the rosy-cheeked," 
like the Eg^yptian Queen, who is de- 
scribed by Ensebius (from Manetho) 
as *' flaxen haired with rosy cheekB," 


me that these persons cannot have any real knowledge viho 
Bhoddpis was ; otherwise they would scarcely have ascribed to 

.AUiBD'i Btory of FsammetiohnB being 
the Ung into whose lap the eagle 
dropped the nndftl of BhodopU, and 
of W marriage nith bim (^lioo, Vox. 
Hist. ziii. S3), ahowe that he mistook 
the princsM Neitakri of the 26th dy. 
nastj, the wife of FHunmeticbos III., 
for the ancient Nitooria (Neitakri). 
(See note * on oh. 100.) Btnbo, from 

whom .Lilian borrowed it, does not 
mention the name of the king, bnt 
BojB that the pyramid waa erected to 
tba memory of " Dorioha, as ahe ia 
called fay Bappho, whom others name 
Bhodopi." (Strabo, iviL p. 1146.) 
Diodoma (i. ^) Bays "some think the 
pyramid was erected aa a tomb for 
lUiodopis by certain monaiohB who had 

loved ber," %o idea borrowed from the 
mention of Paammetichns and the 
twelve mooaroha or Idnga. The third 
pyramid waa aaid by Ensebioa and 
Africanns to have been bnilt by Nito- 
oria, the laat of the 8th dynasty ; and 
it ia very possible that both she and 
Henoherea (Myceriniu) may have a 
claim to that monnment. We know 
that the latter waa buried there, not 
only from Herodotna, bat from the 
coffin bearing hia name fonnd there 
by Colonel Howard Tyee, There ia, 
however, reason to beUeve the pyra- 
mid waa originally smaller, and after- 

wards enlarged, when a new entraDce 
was made, and the old (now the upper) 
passage to the chamber wM closed 
by the masonry of the larger pyramid 
bnilt over its month. This may be 
better explained by the diagram, re- 
dnoed from Colonel Howard Vyae's 
Plate. And this renders it poaeible, 
and even probable, that the third 
pyramid had two occapanCa, the laat 
of whom may have been Nitocria. 
Herodotna ahowa the impossibility of 
this pytwnid having been bnilt by the 
Greek Khodopis, becaaae she lived in 
the reign of Ajoasis, very many years 



Book IL 

her a work on which uncounted treasures, so to speak, must 
have been expended. Bhodopis also lived during the reign of 
Amasis, not of Mycerinus, and was thus very many years later 
than the time of the kings who built the pyramids. She was a 
Thracian by birth, and was the slave of ladmon, son of Hephses- 
topolis, a Samian. ^sop, the fable-writer, was one of her 
fellow-slaves.' That Msop belonged to ladmon is proved by 
many facts — among others, by this. When the Delphians, in 
obedience to the command of the oracle, made proclamation 
that if any one claimed compensation for the murder of £sop 
he should receive it,* the person who at last came forward was 
ladmon, grandson of the former ladmon, and he received the 
compensation. iSsop therefore must certainly have been the 
former ladmon's slave. 

135. Bhodopis really arrived in Egypt under the conduct of 
Xantheus the Samian ; she was brought there to exercise her 
trade, but was redeemed for a vast sum by Gharaxus, a Mytile- 
nsean, the son of Scamandronymus, and brother of Sappho the 
poetess.^ After thus obtaining her freedom, she remained in 

afler the death of the founders of 

those monuments; bat Lncan, not- 

withstanding this, buries Amasis him- 

self there, ** Pjramidum tnmulis eynl- 

BUS Amasis," and eren the Ptolemies, 

who were not bom when Herodotus 

wrote his history — 

** Com Ptolemsorum manes . . . . • 
Pyramidet cUadant " 

but neither time nor facts embarrass a 
poet.— [G. W.] 

* ^sop is said to haye been, like 
Bhodopis, a Thracian. (Ueraclid. 
Pont. Fr. X. ; Schol. ad Arist. A v. 471.) 
Aooording to Eogsoon (Fr. 3), he was 
a native of Mesembria. 

* Plutarch (De serA Num. Vind. 
p. 556, F.) tells us that .^sop, who 
was on intimate terms with Croesus 
(of. Suidas), was despatched by him 
to Delphi, with orders to make a 
mf^^ficent sacrifice, and give the 
Delphians four minsB a-piece. In con. 
sequence, however, of a quarrel which 
he had with themi .^sop after his 

sacrifice gave the Delphians oothing, 
but sent all the money back to Sardis. 
Hereupon the Delphians got up a 
charge of sacrilege against him, and 
killed him by throwing him down 
from the rock Hyampaoa (infra, Tiii. 
89). The Scholiast on Aristophanes 
(Yesp. 1446) adds, that the oooasiaii 
of quarrel was a jest of the poefa, 
who rallied the Delphians on their 
want of landed property, and their 
submitting to depend on the saorifioee 
for their daily food. They contrired 
their revenge by hiding one of the 
sacred vessels in his baggage, and then 
after his departure pursuing him and 
discovering it. To this last fact Aria- 
tophanes alludes. (Vesp. 1440-1, ed. 

* Cbarazus, the brother of Sappho, 
traded in wine from Lesbos, which he 
was in the habit of taking to Nan- 
cratis, the entrepot of all Greek mer. 
chandise. (Strabo, xvii., p. 1146.) 
It is probable that both he and Bho- 

Chap. 134, 136. 



Egypt, and, as ehe was very beautiful, amassed great wealth, 
for a person in her condition ; not, however, enough to enable 
her to erect such a work as this pyramid. Any one who likes 
may go and see to what the tenth part of her wealth amounted, 
and he will thereby learn that her riches must not be ima- 
gined to have been very wonderfully great. Wishing to leave 
a memorial of herself in Greece, she determined to have some- 
thing made the like of which was not to be found in any temple, 
and to offer it at the shrine at Delphi. So she set apart a 
tenth of her possessions, and purchased with the money a 
quantity of iron spits,* such as are fit for roasting oxen whole, 
whereof she made a present to the oracle. They are still to 
be seen there, lying of a heap, behind the altar which the 
Ghians dedicated, opposite the sanctuary. Naucratis seems 
somehow to be the place where such women are most attrac- 
tive. First there was this Rhodopis of whom we have been 
speaking, so celebrated a person that her name came to be 
familiar to all the Greeks ; and, afterwards, there was another, 
called Archidic6, notorious throughout Greece, though not so 
much talked of as her predecessor. Gharaxus, after ransom- 
ing Bhoddpis, returned to Mytilene, and was often lashed by 

dopifl were lampooned bj Sappho, 
since in Herodotus the word " fiiv" 
seems to refer to the former, while 
AthensBos says it was Bhodopis. Ac- 
cording to Ovid (Her. Ep. 16) this 
Sappho was the same whose love for 
Fhaon made her throw herself from 
the Lencadian rook into the sea 
(Strabo, x. p. 311) : bat others men- 
tion two Sapphos, one of Mjtilene, 

tlie other of Eresns, in Lesbos, 
(w^lian. Var. Hist. zii. 9 ; Athenasns, 
Deipn. xiii., p. 696.)— [G. W.] 

^ Similar spits, or skewers, of three 
or four feet long, have been found in 
the Etmsoan tombs, arranged in the 
same manner as the small ones stiU 
in nse in the East. (See woodcut.) — 
[G. W.] 




Book IL 

Sappho in her poetry. But enough has been said on the sub- 
ject ol this courtezan. 

186. After Mycerinus, the priests said, Asychis^ ascended 
the throne. He built the eastern gateway ® of the temple of 
Vulcan, which in size and beauty far surpasses the other three. 
All the four gateways have figures graven on them, and a vast 
amount of architectural ornament ; but the gateway of Asychis 
is by far the most richly adorned. In the reign of this king, 
money being scarce and commercial dealings straitened, a law 
was passed that the borrower might pledge his father's body ' 

7 The hieroglypbical name of tiiis 
king is not known. It resembles that 
of the Sabaoosy whose names were 
represented hj a orooodile, Savdkf the 
Greek vovxos^ He conld not be one 
of those of the 13 th dynasty, since 
Memphis was then in the hands of 
the Shepherd-kingSy nor is he likely to 
have been the Sabaoo who is said by 
Hanetho to have put Bocchoris, the 
Baite, to death, and whom Herodotns 
appears to mention in oh. 187 ; bnt as 
XKodoms (i. 94) speaks of Sasyohes, a 
predecessor of Sesostris, who made 
great additions to the laws of Egypt, 
and who is evidently the Asycl^ of 
Herodotos, it is more probable that 
he was Shishak, of the 22nd dynasty 
(perhaps partly confounded with some 
other king), which is confipned by 
Josephne (BelL Jud. vi. 10) calling the 
^fiTPtisA king who took JemAalem 
Asochsdns. — [G. W.] 

^ The lofty pyramidal towers form- 
ing the fa9adeB of the oonrts, or yesti. 
bides, of the temple. See notes on 
ohs. 91 and 155.— [G. W.] 

* The Egyptians, like other people, 
fonnd the necessity of enacting new 
laws ooncerning debt at different 
times. This of Asychis g^ve the 
creditor the right of taking possession 
of the tomb of the debtor, which was 
the greatest pledge, since he could 
not be boned unless the debt had 
been paid. It was the right of burial 
he lost, not the body of the father, as 
fathers could not be supposed to die 
conveniently to stand security for 

their sons, and the law would have 
foreseen the possibility of there being 
many sons of one father. Usury was 
forbidden, as with the Jews (Fa^zx. 5 ; 
Levit. XXV. 36, 37), and Moslems ; and 
the interest was not allowed to in- 
crease beyond double the original sum. 
The goods really belonging to the 
debtor might be seized, but not his 
person, since every individual was 
looked upon as belonging to the state, 
which might require his services, and 
it was considered uzgust to pxmish his 
family by depriving him of the power 
of supporting them. (Diodor. i. 78.) 
This law was introduced by Bocchoris, 
who also enacted that no agreement 
should be binding without a oontraot 
in writing; and if any one took an 
oath that the money had not been lent 
him, the debt was not recognized, 
unless a written agreement oould be 
produced. The number of witnesses 
required for the execution of the meet 
trifling contract, is shown by thoee 
discovered at Thebes, of the time of 
the Ptolemies ; where . sixteen names 
are appended to the sale of the moiety 
of certain sums collected on account 
of a few tombs, and of services per- 
formed to the dead, amounting omly 
to 400 pieces of brass. (Dr. Tonne's 
Disoovs. in Eg. Lit.) So great » 
number also proves how necesnoy 
they thought it to guard against 
" false witness," which was even pro- 
vided for in the Jewish ooyenant bj 
a distinct commandment. See At. Bs* 
W. vol. ii. pp. 4.9, 67, 70.— [G. WJ 

Cbat. U6, 186. 



to raise the Bnm whereof ha had need. A proviso was ap' 
pended to this law, giving the lender authority over the entire 
Bepulohre of the borrower, so that a man who took np money 
tmder this pledge, if he died withont paying the debt, conld 
not obtain borial either in his own ancestral tomb, or in any 
other, nor could he daring his lifetime bury in his own tomb 
any member of his family. The eame king, deairotiB of eclips- 
ing all his predecessors upon the throne, left as a monument 
of hia reign a pyramid of brick.' It bears an inscription, cut 
in stone, which nms thns : — "Despise me not in comparison 

' The use of orade brick wm geiie- 
rml in Egypt, tor dwelling.honBea, 
tranba, and tn^inuy bnildiDgB, the 
■ralla of toirua, fortresBeH, and the 
■mcred eockmiree of templeB, and for 
•11 purposes where stone iras not re- 
qoiced, nhicb la«t waa nearly cod- 
Gned to temples, qoays, and reser- 
voirs. Even some small ondent 
tMDplefl were of crnde bricks, whioh 
were merely haked in the 
SOD, and Dsrer bomt in early 
n>anoiiic times. A great 
mimbar of people were em- 
ployed in tbu eitenaiTe maun' 
iBCtnre ; it was an occnpation 
to wbich many prisoners of 
war were oondeiKned, who, 
like the Jews, worked for 
the king, bricks being a, go- 
leniment monopoly. The'pro- 
CCBS is represented at Thebet, Jl 
and is rendered doably in-ii 
teraating from its exact oor- 
t«qxiDdenoe with that desoribed in 
Ezodna (v. 7 — 19), showing the hard. 
ncBS of the work, the tales of bricks, 
the bringing of the straw, and the 
Egyptian taskmaMera set over the 
foreign workmen. Aristophanes (Birds, 
1132, and Frogs, 1647) speaks of the 
Egyptian bricklayers and laboorer^ aa 
noted workmen, bnt withont describing 
the mannfaotare of brioks. 

Tlie Theban bricks of Thothmes 
m. meamm 1 ft. by 076, and 055 in 
tldckneas, weighing 37 lbs. 10 ens. j 
aad one of Amiuu^h TIT, , jn the 

British Unsenm, is O'll-S inohee by 
0-6-8, and 0-3-9 in thickness, and 
weighs 13 lbs. ; bat those of the 
Fynimid of How&ra are 1 ft. 6 in. by 
0-8-8 to 08'9, and OSS thiofc, and 
weigh 48 lbs. 6 oia. 

They were frequently stamped with 
a kin(^8 name while m^ing, as Boman 
bomt bricks ware with the names of a 
god, a place, a oonsnl, a legion, « 

with > 

I other 

Vitrarins thinks that crnde bricks 
were not fit for use in Italy, till they 
were two years old ; and the people of 
Utica kept them for five 'j^n, 
(VitmT. 2, 3.) Though the Jews are 
not distinctly mentioned on the Egyp- 
tian mouomente, and the copyistH of 
Hanetho hare confounded them with 
the Shepherds, it is not impowible 
that the name of the city of Abaris 
may point to that of the Bebrewg, 
or Abarim BnaB (Oen. li. 16). — 
[G. WJ " -^ ' 


■with the Btone pyramids;* for I BurpasB them all, as 
much as Jove surpaBsea the other gods. A pole waa plunged 

• Th' Bnperiority of this over Am 
stone pyramids baa been sappoaed to 
be in the indention or adoption of the 
arch, tonning the roof of ita ch&mben 
and paesagea. But thia woald require 
Aaychia to have tired at lout betoi« 
the I8tb dynaaty, ucbea being com- 
mon in the reign of Amnitoph I., the 
second king ot that dynaaty, aod 
poeaibly long before hia time. Hera 
again Herodotna appeara to hare ooa- 

Chap. 136, 137. 



into a lake, and the mud which clave thereto was gathered ; 
and bricks were made of the mud, and bo I was formed." 
Such were the chief actions of this prince. 

137. He was succeeded on the throne, they said, by a blind 
man, a native of Anysis,® whose own name also was Anysis. 
Under him Egypt was invaded by a vast army of Ethiopians,* 

foanded an earlier and a later king. 
(On the early nse of the aroh see my 
At. Eg. pp. 16, 18, 19, 69, 70.) Several 
brick pyramids still remain in Egypt ; 
there are several small ones at 
Thebes ; bat the largest are two near 
the modem Bashoor, or Mensheeh, 
and two others at the entrance to the 
Fyodm, at lUahoon, and El Haw&ra. 
It seems these four were originally 
eased with stone, and some blocks 
remain projecting from the crude 
brick mass, to which the outer cover- 
ing of masonry was once attached, 
similar to those in some of the old 
tombs near Rome. That at Hawdra, 
which stands at the end of the laby- 
rinth, was built upon a nucleus of 
rock, like the great pyramid of 
Geezeh, which was found by Colonel 
Howard Yyse to rise to about the 
height of 40 feet within it.— [G. W.] 

• This may be Ei-h-esi, " city 
(abode) of Isis, or Iseimi." It could 
not be the Hanes of Isaiah (xzx. ^. 
See note on Book iii. ch. 5. — [G. W.J 

* This conquest by the Ethiopians 
points to the accession of the 25th 
dynasty, which, coming immediately 
after Bocchoris, the sole king of the 
24th, shows that the latter may have 
been deprived of the throne by Sabaco. 
He, and his successors, are given in 
Manetbo's list : — 

Uth Dynatty <f one SaCUbt, 
••Boochoxis" (the wise). 

2SA Dynasty <if Ethiopian famUy. 

•« Sabttco,** Sabakdn, Sabaco I. 
"Sebecbon," Sevechiw, Sabaco IT. 
■•Tenoes," Tcftrchus, Tirbak* (Tehrak). 

It has been doubted which of the 
Sabaooe was the So, or Sava, of 2 
Kings zvii. 4; and which Sabaco, or 
Shebek, reigned first. Shebek I. 
appears, from Mr. Layard's discovery 
ol his name at Koyoiyik, to be So. A 

stela at Florence reckons 71 years 
from the 3rd of Kecho to the 35th of 
Amasis, who died in 525, and the 
44th year of Amasis is found on the 
monuments, and we also find that 
Peammetichus reigned directly after 
Tirhaka; so that it is possible that 
Kecho, the father of Psammetichus, 
was a contemporary of Sabaco, as 
Herodotus states (ch. 152). On these 
dates, and the supposed era of Senna, 
cherib, see Hist. Notice in App. ch. 
viii. § 33. While the two Sabacos 
possessed the country, Stephinathis, 
Nechepsos, and Kecho I. may have 
assumed a nominal regal power; 
though the twelve kings could only 
have been chiefs of nomes, or districts 
in the Delta. 

When the Egyptians mention kings 
who did nothing memorable, or the 
rule of a priest-king like Sethos, or 
twelve kings ruling the country ; and 
when the monuments show that 
nothing was done worthy of record, 
or that kings with the title of priest 
ruled in some part of the country, or 
that a priest dedicated a monument 
instead of a king, there appears evi- 
dence of foreign rule in Egypt. We 
see this at the time of the Shepherd 
invasion, before the accession of the 
18th dynasty ; again, before and after 
the accession of the 22nd and 23rd, 
both foreign dynasties, and about the 
24th, as well as before the 26th, in 
the time of the so-called twelve kings. 
These twelve kings or monarchs could 
not have governed the whole of 
Egypt, nor could they have made the 
labyrinth, as Herodotus states (ch. 
148), which had evidently been erected 
long before. 

The discovery of the stelss in the 
Apis tombs by M. Mariette now shows 
that Psammetichus I. was the imme- 
diate successor of Tirhaka. — [G. W.] 




led by Sabacos,*^ their king. The blind Anysis fled away to 
the marsh-country, and the Ethiopian was lord of the land for 
fifty years, during which his mode of rule was the following :— 
When an Egyptian was guilty of an offence, his plan was not 
to punish him with death : iustead of so doing, he sentenced 
him, according to the nature of his crime, to raise the ground 
to a greater or a less extent in the neighbourhood of the city 
to which he belonged. Thus the cities came to be even more 
elevated than they were before. As early as the time of 
Sesostris, they had been raised by those who dug the canals 
in his reign; this second elevation of the soU under the 
Ethiopian king gave them a very lofty position. Among the 
many cities which thus attained to a great elevation, none 
(I think) was raised so much as the town called Bubastis, 
where there is a temple of the goddess Bubastis, which well 
deserves to be described. Other temples may be grander, and 
may have cost more in the building, but there is none so 
pleasant to the eye as this of Bubastis. The Bubastis of the 
Egyptians is the same as the Artemis (Diana) of the Greeks. 
188. The following is a description of this edifice :® — ^Except- 

* Herodotus mentions only one Sa- 
baco, but the monuments and Manetho 
notice two, the Sabak6n and Sebichds 
(SeTdchos) of Manetho, called Shebek 
in the hieroglyphics. One of these is 
the same as So (Say^), the contempo- 
rary of Hosea, King of Israel, who is 
said (in 2 E^ing^ xrii. 4) to have made 
a treaty with the King of Egypt, and 
to have refosed the annual tribute to 
Shalmaneser, King of Assyria. Tir- 
hakah, the Tarchos, or Tarachus, of 
Hanetho, Tearchon of Strabo, and the 
Tehrak of the hieroglyphics, is noticed 
in 2 Kings xix. 9, and Isaiah xxxrii. 9, 
as King of Ethiopia, who had oome 
out to fight against the King of 
Assyria. It has been said that Saba- 
oon has not been found on the Egyp- 
tian monuments ; if so, no other 
king mentioned by the Greeks is met 
with, since the orthography of all 
differs from the Greek form. A monu- 
ment at Sakkdra g^ves the name of 
the second Sabaco» Shebek, or Sctc- 

chon.— [G. W.] 

* This account of the position of the 
temple of Bubastis is very accurate. 
The height of the mound, the site of 
the temple in a low space beneath the 
houses, from which you look down 
upon it, are the very peculiarities any 
one would remark on visiting the 
remains at Tel Basta. One street, 
which Herodotus mentions as leading 
to the temple of Mercury, is quite 
apparent, and his length of 3 stadia 
falls short of its real length, which is 
2250 feet. On the way is Uie square 
he speaks of, 900 feet from the temple 
of Pasht (Bubastis), and apparently 
200 feet broad, though now mudi 
reduced in size by the fallen materials 
of the houses that surrounded it. Some 
fallen blocks mark the position of the 
temple of Mercury ; but the remains 
of that of Pasht are rather more ex- 
tensive, and show that it measured 
about 500 feet in length. We may 
readily otedit the assertion of Hero* 

Chap. 137-189. 



ing the entrance, the whole forms an island. Two artificial 
channels from the Nile, one on either side of the temple, 
encompass the building, leaving only a narrow passage by 
which it is approached. These channels are each a hundred 
feet wide, and are thickly shaded with trees. The gateway is 
sixty feet in height, and is ornamented with figures cut upon 
the stone, six cubits high and well worthy of notice. The 
temple stands in the middle of the city, and is visible on all 
sides as one walks round it ; for as the city has been raised up 
by embankment, while the temple has been left imtouched in 
its original condition, you look down upon it wheresoever you 
are. A low wall runs round the enclosure, havhig figures 
engraved upon it, and inside there is a grove of beautiful tall 
trees growing round the shrine, which contains the image of 
the goddess. The enclosure is a furlong in length, and the . 
same in breadth. The entrance to it is by a road paved with 
stone for a distance of about three furlongs, which passes 
straight through the market-place with an easterly direction, 
and is about four hundred feet in width. Trees of an extra- 
ordinary height grow on each side the road, which conducts 
from the temple of Bubastis to that of Mercury. 

189. The Ethiopian finally quitted Egypt, the priests said, 
by a hasty flight under the following circumstances. He saw 

dotna respecting its beantj, since the 
whole was of the finest red granite, 
and was snrronnded by a sacred en- 
dosiire abont 600 feet square (agree- 
ing with the stadium of Herodotos), 
beyond which was a larger circuit, 
measuring 940 feet by 1200, contain- 
ing the minor one and the canal he 
mentions, and once planted, like the 
other, with a grove of trees. In this 
perhaps was the usual lake belonging 
to the temple. Among the sculptures 
are the names of a Gkiddess, who may 
be either Bubastis or Buto (see notes 
on ch. 59), and of Bemeses II., of 
Oaorkon I., and of AmyrtsBus (?) ; and 
as the two first kings reigned long 
before the yisit of Herodotus, we 
know that the temple was the one he 

saw. (See M. Eg. W. toL 1. p. 427- 
430.) The columns of the vestibule 
had capitals representing the buds of 
water-plants ; but near the old branch 
of the river, the modem canal of 
MoSz, is another column with a palm- 
tree capital, said to have been taken 
from this temple, which has the 
names of Bemeses 11. and Osorkon I. ; 
and was when entire about 22 feet 
high. Amidst the houses on the N.W. 
side are the thick walls of a fort, 
which protected the temple below; 
and to the E. of the town is a larg^ 
open space, enclosed by a wall now 
converted into mounds. Osorkon is 
said to have been called Hercules by 
the Egyptians.— [G. W.] 




in his Bleep a vision : — a man stood by his side, and counsellecl 
him to gather together all the priests of Egypt and cut every 
one of them asunder. On this, according to the account which 
he himself gave, it came into his mind that the gods intended 
hereby to lead him to commit an act of sacrilege, which would 
be sure to draw down upon him some punishment either at the 
hands of gods or men. So he resolved not to do the deed sug- 
gested to him, but rather to retire from Egypt, as the time 
during which it was fated that he should hold the country had 
now (he thought) expired. For before he left Ethiopia he had 
been told by the oracles which are venerated there, that he was 
to reign fifty years over Egypt. The years were now expired^ 
and the dream had come to trouble him ; he therefore of his 
own accord withdrew from the land. 

140. As soon as Sabacos was gone, the blind Ifin g left the 
marshes, and resumed the government. He had lived in the 
marsh-region the whole time, having formed for himself an 
island there by a mixture of earth and ashes. While he re- 
mained, the natives had orders to bring him food unbeknown 
to the Ethiopian; and latterly, at his request, each man had 
brought him, with the food, a certain quantity of ashes. 
Before Amyrtasus,^ no one was able to discover the site of this 
island,® which continued unknown to the kings of Egypt who 
preceded him on the throne for the space of seven hundred 
years and more.^ The name which it bears is Elbe. It is 
about ten furlongs across in each direction. 

^ See note on Book iii. oh. 17. 

^ This island appears to have stood 
at the S.E. oomer of the lake of Bato, 
now Lake Boorlos. — [G. W.] 

• The 700 years before AmyrtsBus 
would bring the time of this king to 
about 1165 B.C. , whioh ought to point 
to the flight of some king ; but it does 
not agree with the period of the She- 
shonks of the 22nd dynasty, who are 
supposed to have been of an Assyrian 
famiily. The interval could not be 
calculated from Anysis, since from the 
beginning of the first Sabaco's reign to 

the defeat of Amyrtseus was only a 
period of 260 year8.--[G. W.] 

Niebuhr, following Perisonios, pro* 
poses to read 300 for 700 (T or t for ▼), 
remarking that these signs are often 
confounded. (Lectures on Ancient 
History, voL i. p. G8, note.) It oer- 
tainly does seem almost inopedible tbat 
Herodotus should have committed 
the gross chronological error involved 
in the text as it stands, especially as 
his date for Psammetichoa is so nearly 

Chap. 139-141« 



141. The next king, I was told, was a priest of Vulcan, called 
Sethos.* This monarch despised and neglected the warrior 
class of the Egyptians,' as though he did not need their ser« 
vices. Among other indignities which he ofifered them, he 
took from them the lands which they had possessed under all 
the previous kings, consisting of twelve acres of choice land for 
each warrior. Afterwards, therefore, when Sanacharib, king 
of the Arabians ^ and Assyrians, marched his vast army into 
Egypt, the warriors one and all refused to come to his aid. On 
this the monarch, greatly distressed, entered into the inner 

^ No meiiticm is made by Hcrodotiui 
of Bocchoris (nor of his father Tne- 
phachthuB, the Teohnatis of Plntaroh) ; 
and the lists of Manetho, as well as 
Diodoms, omit the Asychis and Anysis 
of Herodotus. 8eth6s again, whom 
Herodotns calls a contemporary of 
Sennacherib, is nnnoticed in Manetho's 
lists ; and as Tirhaka was king of the 
whole country from Napata in Ethi. 
opia to the frontier of Syria, no other 
I%arsoh could have roled at that time 
in Egypt. We may therefore oon> 
elude that Herodotus has given to a 
priest of Pthah the title of king. The 
miraculous defeat of the Assyrian 
king mentioned both by the Egyptians 
and the Jews is remarkable. Some 
haTe attributed the destruction of his 
army to a plague ; but plague does 
not destroy upwards of 185,000 men in 
one night. The omission of all notice 
of Tirhaka by the Egyptian inform, 
ants of Herodotus may have been 
owing to jealousy of the Ethiopians. 
The Assyrians defeated by Tirhaka 
are represented at Medeenet Haboo in 
Thebes, and in his temple at Gebel Ber. 
kd, wearing cross-belts. — [G. W.] 

* The same spirit of insubordination 
may have been growing up among the 
soldiers which afterwards broke out in 
the reign of Psammetichns ; but it 
oonld not have had any effect while the 
Ethiopian king^ of the 25th dynasty 
ruled the country (see note * on ch. 
152). It is not impossible that it had 
already been the cause of the intro- 

duction of the Ethiopian rule ; and the 
desertion of the troops to Ethiopia in 
the reign of Psammetichns may have 
been connected with a similar but 
unsuccessful attempt. There could 
not have been any Egyptian king 
contemporary with the 25th dynasty, 
since the Sabacos (neither of whom 
gave the throne to the Egyptians) 
were succeeded by Tirhaka. — [G. W.] 

' It is curious to find Sennacherib 
called the " king of the Arabians and 
Assyrians " — an order of words which 
seems even to reg^d him as rather 
an Arabian than an Assyrian king. In 
the same spirit his army is termed 
afterwards " the Arabian host." It is 
impossible altogether to defend the 
view which Herodotus here discloses ; 
but we may understand how such a 
mistake was possible, if we remember 
how Arabians were mixed up with 
other races in Lower Mesopotamia 
(see Essay x. in voL i. § 11), and what 
an extensive influence a great Assy- 
rian king would exercise over the 
tribes of the desert, especiaUy those 
bordering on Mesopotamia. The 
ethnic connection of the two great 
Semitic races would render union 
between them comparatively easy; 
and so we find Arabian kings at one 
time paramount over Assyria (Beros. 
Fr. 11), while now apparently the case 
was reversed, and an Assyrian prince 
bore sway over some considerable 
number of the Arab tribes. 



sanctuary, and, before the image of the god, bewailed the fate 
which impended over him. As he wept he fell asleep, and 
dreamed that the god came and stood at his side, bidding him 
be of good cheer, and go boldly forth to meet the Arabian host, 
which would do him no hurt, as he himself would send those 
who should help him. Sethos, then, relying on the dream, 
collected such of the Egyptians as were willing to follow him, 
who were none of them warriors, but traders, artisans, and 
market people ; and with these marched to Pelusium, which 
commands the entrance into Egypt, and there pitched his 
camp. As the two armies lay here opposite one another, there 
came in the night a multitude of field-mice, which devoured 
all the quivers and bow-strings of the enemy, and ate the 
thongs by which they managed their shields.^ Next morning 
they commenced their flight, and great multitudes fell, as they 
had no arms with which to defend themselves. There stands 
to this day in the temple of Vulcan, a stone statue of Sethos, 
with a mouse in his hand,^ and an inscription to this effect — 
*' Look on me, and learn to reverence the gods." 

142. Thus far I have spoken on the authority of the Egyp- 
tians and their priests. They declare that from their first 
king to this last-mentioned monarch, the priest of Vulcan, was 
a period of three hundred and forty-one generations;^ such, at 
least, they say, was the number both of their kings, and of 
their high-priests, during this interval. Now three hundred 


* For a repreeentation of fche ** thongs 
intended, see toI. i. p. 290. 

" If any particnlar reyerence was 
paid to mice at Memphis, it probably 
arose from some other mysterions 
reason. They were emblems of the 
generating and perhaps of the pro- 
dncing principle; and some thooght 
them to be endued with prophetic 
power (a merit attribatednow in some 
degree to rats on certain occasions). 
(See B. iv. note on ch. 192.) The 
people of Troas are said to have 
reyered mice "because they gnawed 
the bowstrings of their enemies" 
(East. n. L 39), and Apollo, who was 

called Sminthens (from iridpBos, a 
''mouse"), was represented on coins 
of Alexandria Troas with a mouse in 
his hand (Muller, Anc. Art. s. 861. 5). 
There was also a statue of him by 
Scopas with a mouse under his foot, 
in his temple at Chrys^ (Strabo, xiii. 
p. 416) , commemoratiyeof their " gnaw- 
ing the leathern parts of the enemy's 
arms," or because their ** abonnding 
near the temple made them sacred ; " 
but Apollo Smintheus was worshipped 
in Greece also and other places, which 
argues against the story of the bow- 
strings being Egyptian. — [6. W.] 

Chap. 141-143. 



generations of men make ten thousand years, three genera- 
tions filling up the century; and the remaining forty-one 
generations make thirteen hundred and forty years. Thus 
the whole number of years is eleven thousand, three hundred 
and forty ; in which entire space, they said, no god had ever 
appeared in a human form ; nothing of this kind had hap- 
pened either under the former or under the later Egyptian 
kings. The sun, however, had within this period of time, on 
four several occasions, moved from his wonted course,^ twice 
rising where he now sets, and twice setting where he now 
rises. Egypt was in no degree affected by these changes; 
the productions of the land, and of the river, remained the 
same ; nor was there anything unusual either in the diseases 
or the deaths. 

143. When HecataBUS the historian^ was at Thebes, and, 
discoursing of his genealogy, traced his descent to a god in 
the person of his sixteenth ancestor, the priests of Jupiter did 

* From MeneB to Sethos (or to Tir- 
hftka his contemporary), which he 
reckons at 11,340 years. The exactly 
ffimilar number of kings and high- 
prieete is of course impossible, i^ie 
era of Menes is shown by the monu- 
ments not to require a Tory extraya- 
gant date. It is to be observed that 
841 generations, at the rate of three to 
ft century, do not make 11,340, but 
11,366} years.— [G. W.] 

7 This has been Tory ingeniously 
shown by Mr. Poole (Horse .^gyptiaosB, 
p. 94) to refer to " the solar risings of 
stars haying fallen on those days of the 
▼ague year on which the settings fell 
in the time of Sethos;" and "the 
lusfcorian by a natural mistake sup. 
posed they spoke of the sun itself." 
This is confirmed by Pomponius Mela, 
who only differs in stating that the 
king to whose reign th^ calculated 
was Amasis. — [G. W.] 

^ This is the first distinct mention 
of Hecateeus, who has been glanced at 
more than once. (Vide supra, chaps. 
21, 23.) He had flourished from about 
B.a 520 to B.c> 475, and had done far 

more than any other writer to paye 
the way for Herodotos. His works 
were of two kinds, geog^phical and 
historical. Under the former head he 
wrote a description of the known 
world (Tris vtpiahot), chiefly the result 
of his own trayels (Agathemer. i. i. p. 
172), which must have been of con- 
siderable seryice to our author. Under 
the latter he wrote his genealogies, 
which were for the most part mythical, 
but contained occasionally important 
history (yide infra, yi. 137). The 
political influence of HecatsBus is 
noticed by Herodotus in two passages 
(y. 85, 125.) He is the only prose- 
writer whom Herodotus mentions by 
name. The term \oyowoihs, which 
he applies to him both here and in 
Book y., I haye translated " histo. 
rian" rather than "chronicler," be- 
cause in Herodottis the word implies 
no disrespect, being the term by which 
he would probably have designated 
himself. "Prose-writer" is perhaps 
its most literal meaning, as it is anti- 
thetical to hromoihi, "a writer of 




to Tiinn exactly as they afterwards did to me, thongh I made 
no boast of my family. They led me into the inner sanctuary, 
which is a spacious chamber, and showed me a multitude of 
colossal statues, in wood, which they counted up, and found to 
amount to the exact number they had said ; the custom being 
for every high-priest during his lifetime to set up his statue in 
the temple. -As they showed me the figures and reckoned 
them up, they assured me that each was the son of the one 
preceding him ; and this they repeated throughout the whole 
line, beginning with the representation of the priest last 
deceased, and continuing till they had completed the series. 
When HecatsBUS, in giving his genealogy, mentioned a god as 
his sixteenth ancestor, the priests opposed their genealogy to 
his, going through this list, and refusing to allow that any 
man was ever bom of a god. Their colossal figures were 
each, they said, a Piromis, born of a Piromis,® and the 
number of them was three hundred and forty-five ; through 
the whole series Pirdmis followed Piromis, and the line did 
not run up either to a god or a hero. The word Pir&mis may 
be rendered " gentleman." 

144. Of such a nature were, they said, the beings repre- 
sented by these images — they were very far indeed from being 
gods. However, in the times anterior to them it was other- 
wise ; then Egypt had gods for its rulers,* who dwelt upon the 
earth with men, one being always supreme above the rest. 

• The Bgyptiaiifl justly ridiculed the 
Greeks for deriving their origin from 
Gods, which were attributes of the 
Deity ; and nothing could appear more 
inconsistent than to claim for an 
ctneestor Hercules, the ahstrctct idea of 
strength. Pir6mis or Pi-rdme was the 
usual Egyptian word for " man/' with 
the definite article vi, ** the/' prefixed ; 
and the simple and obyious meaning 
of the observation here recorded was, 
that each of the statues represented 
ft " man " engendered by a " man " 
without there being any Qod or Hero 
among them. The translation which 
Herodotus g^ves of the term, ira\^f iral 
iya06s, is justified neither by the 

meaning of Piromi, nor by the sense 
required. — [G. W.] 

^ This is in accordance with the ac- 
count given by Manetho and with the 
Turin Papyrus, both which represent 
the Gods as the first kings of Egypt 
before Menes. The last of them in 
the papyrus is also Horus the younger, 
the son of Osiris (see note ' eh. 4, and 
note ' ch. 99). This Horus was dis- 
tinct from Aroeris (Hor-oeri), the 
elder Horus, the brother of Osiris, and 
also from Harpocrates, the infant son 
of Osiris and Isis, said by Eratosthenes 
to be " the God of day." See note • 
on ch. 92.— [G. W.] 



The last of these was Horus, the son of Osiris, called by the 
Greeks Apollo. He deposed Typhon,* and ruled over Egypt 
as its last god-king. Osiris is named Dionysus (Bacchus) by 
the Greeks. 

145. The Greeks regard Hercules, Bacchus, and Pan as the 
youngest of the gods. With the Egyptians, contrariwise, Pan 
is exceedingly ancient,® and belongs to those whom they call 
" the eight gods," who existed before the rest. Hercules is 
one of the gods of the second order, who are known as " the 
twelre ; " and Bacchus belongs to the gods of the third order, 
whom the twelve produced. I have already mentioned how 
many years intervened according to the Egyptians between 
the birth of Hercules and the reign of Amasis.* From Pan 
to this period they count a still longer time ; and even from 
Bacchus, who is the youngest of the three, they reckon fifteen 
thousand years to the reign of that king. In these matters 
they say they cannot be mistaken, as they have always kept 
count of the years, and noted them in their registers. But 
from the present day to the time of Bacchus, the reputed son 
of Semele, daughter of Cadmus, is a period of not more than 
sixteen hundred years ; to that of Hercules, son of Alcmena, 
is about nine hundred; while to the time of Pan, son of 
Penelop^ (Pan, according to the Greeks, was her child by 
Mercury), is a shorter space than to the Trojan war,*^ eight 
hundred years or thereabouts. 

' Tfphon, or rather Seth, the brother 
of Osiris, was the abstract idea of 
" eril," as Osiris was of " good ; " and 
in after times many fables (as Flatarch 
shows) arose oat of this opposite nature 
of the two Deities. For both were 
adored nntil a change took place 
respecting Seth, brought about appa- 
rently l^ foreign influence. (See 
note * on ch. 171.) It is singular that 
names so like Tjphon should occur in 
other Icmguages. In Arabic Tyfoon 
(like rv^s) is a whirlwind, and Tufin 
is the '* Deluge ; " and the same word 
occurs in Chhiese as Tyf ong. On the 
different constructions put upon the 

fable of Osiris and Typhon, see notes ' 
and * on ch, 171.— [G. W.] 

' See note '^ on ch. 4, note * on oh. 
42, and note ^ on oh. 43. 

^ Supra, ch. 43. 

• The dates for the Trojan war vary 
almost two centuries. Dnris placed 
it as early as B.C. 1335 (Clem. Alex. 
Stromat. L p. 337, A.). Clemens in 
B.C. 1149. Isocrates, Ephorus, Demo> 
critus, and Phanias, seem to have 
inclined to the later, Herodotus, Thu- 
cydides, the author of the Life of 
Homer, and the compiler of the Parian 
Marble, to the earlier period. The 
date now usually received, b.c. llSSj is 



146. It is open to all to receive whichever he may prefer of 
these two traditions ; my own opinion about them has been 
ahready declared. If indeed these gods had been publicly 
known, and had grown old in Greece, as was the case with 
Hercules, son of Amphitryon, Bacchus, son of Semel6, and 
Pan, son of PenelopS, it might have been said that the last- 
mentioned personages were men who bore the names of certain 
previously existing deities. But Bacchus, according to the 
Greek tradition, was no sooner bom than he was sewn up in 
Jupiter's thigh, and carried off to Nysa,* above Egypt, in 

that of Eratosthenes, whose chronology 
was purely artificial, and rested on no 
solid basis. The following is a list of 
the principal yiews on this sabject : — 

Doris placed the fUI of Troy in 1335 

Autbor of the Life of Homer ... 1270 

Herodotoa 1260+ 

Thucydldee ... .„ 1260-h 

Parlan Marble 1209 

Eratosthenes .„ 1183 

Soeibius ini 

Ephoms .M ... ... 1169 

Clemens ii4» 

* The story of Bacchns being taken 
to Nysa in Ethiopia is explained by 
the identity of Osiris and that God. 
Nysa looks like n.isi (for ^i-n.isi), 
Isemn; bot there were several cities, 
cares, and hills of this name, and 
some in Greece. Those of Arabia 
OHodor. i. 15; iii. 63) and India 
(Arrian. Ind. c t. j Q. Cart. viii. 10) 
were most noted. Diodoros (iii. S3) 
says Baochtis was nnrsed at Nysa, an 
island of the river Triton in Libya; 
and the Theban Bacchns in the Nysaaan 
cave between Phcsnicia and Eg^t 
(iv. 2). He also mentions Nysa in 
Arabia (iii. 63) and the city of Nysa 
in Arabia Felix, near Egypt, where 
Osiris was educated, and says that from 
his father Jove and this place he was 
called Dionysus (i. 16 j see Her. iii. 97 ; 
Virg. ^n. vi. 805 ; Ovid. Met. iv. 13). 
Diodoms saying (i. 19) that Nysa in 
India was built by Osiris, in imitation 
of that of Egypt, seems to give an 
Egyptian origin to the name. Pomp. 
Hela (iii. 7), speaking of India, sajrs 
"of the cities, which are numerous, 
Nysa is Uie largest and most oele. 

brated ; " and mentions Meant Meios 
sacred to Jove. Fhilostratus (Vit. 
Apoll. Tyan. ii« 1) speaks of *'the 
Indians calling Bacchus Nyseus, from 
a place in their country, called Nysa;** 
and (ii. 4) of a " hill near Nysa called 
Meros (thigh), where Bacchus was 
bom ; " and of " the hiU Nysa," Heey- 
chius says "Nysa and the Nyssean 
Mount are not in one place alone, bat 
in Arabia, Ethiopia, Egypt, Babylon, 
Erythea, Thrace, Thessaly, Cilioia, 
India, Libya, Lydia, Macedonia, Naxns, 
and about the Pangeum, a place in 
Syria ; " to which may be added 
Eubo«^ FhflBacia (Schol. Apollca. 
Bbod. iv. 640, 983), and Fhrygia, near 
the river Sangarius. (Eustath. in 
Dionys. Perieg. 940. See ahw SchoL 
Hom. n. vi. 133; H. iL 608; Surip. 
Bacch. 666 ; Soph. Antig. 1131 ; Strabo, 
XV. 687, 701 ; Dion. Perieg. 626, 940, 
1169; SchoL ApoU. Bhod. ii. 904^ 
1211.) Pliny (vi. 21) says, "Nysam 
orbem plerique Indies adscribunt, mon- 
temque Merum Libero patri saonun, 
ande origo f abnlse Jovis f emine {/afp^} 
editum.**^ Plin, v. 18 says "Scytiko- 
polis was formerly Nysa;" and Ja* 
venal mentions Nysa on Mt. Bsma»- 
sus (vii 63). The Hindoos have mlao 
a sacred mountain called Mero. The 
custom of having " holy hills " waa of 
very early date, and common to the 
Egyptians, Jews, Greeks, and many 
people. Gebel Berkel in Ethiopia ia 
always called " the holy hill " on tbe 
monuments there (see n. ' on ch* 29). 
Pftrt of Mount Sinai was so oon- 
sidered by the early Pharaoha, and 

Chaf. 146, 147. 



Ethiopia ; and as to Pan, they do not even profess to know 
what happened to him after his birth. To me, therefore, it is 
quite manifest that the names of these gods became known to 
the Greeks after those of their other deities, and that they 
comit their birth from the time when they first acquired a 
knowledge of them. Thus far my narrative rests on the 
accounts given by the Egyptians. 

147. In what follows I have the authority, not of the Egyp- 
tians only, but of others also who agree with them. I shall 
speak likewise in part from my own observation. When the 
Egyptians regained their liberty after the reign of the priest 
of Vulcan, unable to continue any while without a king, they 
divided Egypt into twelve districts, and set twelve kings "^ over 
them. These twelve kings, united together by intermarriages, 
ruled Egypt in peace, having entered into engagements with 
one another not to depose any of their number, nor to aim 
at any aggrandisement of one above the rest, but to dwell 
together in perfect amity. Now the reason why they made 
these stipulations, and guarded with care against their infrac- 
tion, was, because at the very first establishment of the twelve 
kingdoms, an oracle had declared — "That he among them 
who should pour in Vulcan'q temple a libation from a cup of 
bronze,® would become monarch of the whole land of Egypt." 
Now the twelve held their meetings at all the temples. 

bj tlie Jews, Christians, and Moslems 
to this day ; and pilgrimages to it will 
readily accoimt for those inscriptions 
called Sinaltic, which are evidently 
Dot Jewish, but of a sea-faring people 
of that coast, since they haTO left 
similar records in the same language 
at the watering-places on the Egyptian 
side of the Bed Sea as far S. as lat. 
29^ and 27^ 50', where the Israelites 
conld nerer have been (see App. ch. ▼• 
§ 30).— [G. W.] 

7 The sarcastic observation that as 
they conld not exist without a king, 
they elected twelve, most have been 
amusing to the Gteeks. They were' 
probably only governors of the twelve 


principal nomes, not of all Egypt but 
of the Delta, to which Strabo gives 
ten and Ptolemy twenty-four, and 
which in later times contained thirty, 
five, including the Oasis of Animon. 
(See note* on ch. 137, and n.'^ ch. 164, 
of the Nomes of Egypt.) Pliny speaks 
of sixteen nomes of all Egypt who met 
in the Labyrinth (xxxvi. 13); and Strabo 
(xvii. p. 658) states that the nxmiber of 
nomes corresponded to that of its cham> 
bers, when it was first built. — [G. W.] 
^ This should not have been remark- 
able if those cups were so commonly 
used in Egypt as Herodotus says. See 
notes on ch. 37.— [G. W.] 




Book II. 

148. To bind themselves yet more closely together, it seemed 
good to them to leave a common monmnent. In pursuance 
of this resolution they made the Labyrinth -which lies a little 
above Lake Moeris,® in the neighbourhood of the place called 
the city of Crocodiles.^ I visited this place, and found it to 
surpass description ; for if all the walls and other great works 
of the Greeks could be put together in one, they would not 
equal, either for labour or expense, this Labyrinth ; * and 

^ The position of the natural lake is 
i^rell known ; but M. Linant has dis- 
covered that of the artificial Moeris, 
near the site of Crocodilopolis, now 
MedeeneUeUFyodm, It has long formed 
part of the cultivated plain of the 
Fyo<5m, and Pliny's using the word 
**fuit" shows it was no longer used 
in his time. It was an extensive 
reservoir secured by dams ; and from 
it channels conveyed the water in 
different directions to all parts of that 
inland province. A small reservoir 
at the modern town, a very humble 
imitation of the Lake Moeris, supplies 
in the same manner the various 
streams that irrigate the Fyo<5m ; and 
the ancient lake being a work of man 
accords with Pliny's " Moeridis lacus 
hoc est fossa grandis," as well as with 
the assertion of Herodotus. The other 
lake, now Birket-el-Kom, is formed 
by nature, and received in former 
times, as it does at present, the super- 
abundant water that ran off after the 
lands had been irrigated by the chan- 
nels from the artificial Hooris. See 
M. Linant's Memoir on his interesting 
and important discovery. — [G. W.] 

^ Afterwards called Arsino^, from 
the wife and sister of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphns, like the port on the Bed Sea 
(now Suez). The reason of the croco- 
dile being sacred in this inland pro- 
vince was to ensure the maintenance 
of the oanals, as De Pauw observes 
(^.4k pt. iii. 8. 7, p. 122.)— [G. W.] 

• The admiration expressed by He- 
rodotus for the Labyrinth is singular, 
when there were so many far more 
magnificent buildings at Thebes, of 
which he takes no notice. It wae 

probably the beauty of the stone, tbo 
richness of its decoration, and the 
peculiarity of its plan that struck him 
so much. Bemains of the white stones 
he mentions may stiU be traced even 
in the upper part ; they are a hard 
silicious limestone, and the broken 
columns of red granite with bad 
capitals are perhaps those alluded to 
by Pliny, who supposes them por- 
phyry. Strabo gives the length of 
the Labyrinth as a stadium, which 
agrees very nearly with the actual 
measurement, and makes the pyramid 
at the end of it 4 plethra, or 400 feet, 
square, and the same in height, which 
Herodotus calculates at 50 orgyiee, or 
800 feet (see note - on ch. 136). The 
excavations made by the Prussian 
commission have ascertained the exact 
size and plan of the Labyrinth. The 
oldest name found there was of Amnn- 
&-he IIL, who corresponds to Ameree, 
and whose immediate predecessor La- 
maris (or Labaris) is said by Manetho 
to have made the Labyrinth. Perhaps 
/i€ff %y /Jifuxpu was corrupted from 
ficO* tv 8^ Mdpis. These resemblances 
of names led to numerous mist^^kes of 
Greek writers (see note • on ch. 13, 
and note ' on ch. 100). Gliddon'thinks 
Labyrinth was so called from Labaris 
(Otia ^gyptiaca). Strabo ; describes 
well the position of the Labyrinth ; 
and his distance of 100 stadia from 
ArsinoS agrees very well with the 11 4 
English miles from the centre of its 
mounds to the pyramid of Hawara. 
Diodorus calls the founder of the 
Labyrinth Mendes j and Pliny (xxxri. 
13), who erroneously places it in the 
Heracleopolite nome, and attribntea it 

Chip. 148. 



yet the temple of Ephesus is a building worthy of note,^ 
and so is the temple of Samos.^ The pyramids likewise 
surpass description, and are severally equal to a number 
of the greatest works of the Greeks ; but the Labyrinth sur- 
passes the pyramids. It has twelve courts, all of them roofed, 
with gates exactly opposite one another, six looking to the 
north, and six to the south. A single wall surrounds the 
entire building. There are two different sorts of chambers 
throughout — half under ground, half above ground, the latter 
built upon the former ; the whole number of these chambers 
is three thousand, fifteen hundred of each kind. The upper 
chambers I myself passed through and saw, and what I say 
concerning them is from my own observation ; of the under- 
ground chambers I can only speak from report : for the 
keepers of the building could not be got to show them, since 
they contained (as they said) the sepulchres of the kings who 
bmlt the Labyrinth, and also those of the sacred crocodiles. 
Thus it is from hearsay only that I can speak ol the lower 

to king Petesncus, or Tithofis, shows 
that it stood near the frontier of the 
Crooodilopolite nome (or Fjo<5m) ; ae 
his expression " primns f^tns est" 
implies that it was added to by other 
kings. This was nsnal in Egyptian 
znonnments; and the names -of more 
than one king a the Labyrinth prove 
it was the case there also. If the 
number of chambers was eqoal to that 
of the nomes of Egypt, it most have 
varied greatly at different times (see 
note^ on ch. 164).— [G. W.] 

' The original temple of Diana at 
Ephesns seems to have been destroyed 
by the Cimmerians (see the Essays 
appended to Book i., Essay i. § 14) in 
^eir great incursion daring the reign 
of Ardys. The temple which Hero- 
dotus saw was then begrm to be built 
by Chersiphron of Cnossns and his son 
MetageneSy contemporaries of Theo. 
doms and Rhcecus, the builders of the 
Samian HersDom. (Cf. Yitniv^ prssf. 
ad lib. vii. ; Strab. xiv. p. 918 ; Plin. 
H- N. xxxvi, 14.) These architects 

did not live to complete their work, 
which was finished by Demetrius and 
Peonios of Ephesns, the rebuilder of 
the temple of Apollo at Branchidae. 
(Vitruv. 1. s. c.) The architecture of 
the temple of Chersiphron was Ionic. 
(Vitruv. iii. 2.) It was, according to 
Pliny, 220 years in building. After 
its destruction by Eratostratus in the 
year of Alexander's birth (Plut. Alex. 
c. 1 ; Timsaus, Fr. 137), the temple of 
Diana was rebuilt with greater, mag- 
nificence, and probably on a larger 
scale, than before ; as the dimensions 
given by Pliny considerably exceed 
those which observation assigns to 
the Herseum of Samos, while the 
Herseum was in the days of Herodotus 
"the largest of Greek temples "("^^^> 
iii. 60). No traces remain of this 
much-admired fabric (Chandler, vol. i. 
p. 153), unless the ruins noticed by 
Mr. Hamilton, near the western extre- 
mity of the town (Asia Minor, vol. ii. 
pp. 24, 25) , are admitted to mark its site* 
* Vide infra, iii. 60, note. 


LAKE M(£Bia 


chambers. The upper chambers, however, I saw with my 
own eyes, and fomid them to excel all other human produc- 
tions; for the passages through the houses, and the varied 
windings of the paths across the courts, excited in me infinite 
admiration, as I passed from the courts into chambers, and 
from the chambers iuto colonnades, and from the colonnades 
into fresh houses, and again from these into courts unseen 
before. The roof was throughout of stone, like the walls ; and 
the walls were carved all over with figures ; every court was 
surrounded with a colonnade, which was built of white stones, 
exquisitely fitted together. At the comer of the Labyrinth 
stands a pyramid, forty fathoms high, with large figures 
engraved on it ; which is entered by a subterranean passage. 

149. Wonderful as is the Labyrinth, the work called the 
Lake of Moeris,* which is close by the Labyrinth, is yet more 
astonishing. The measure of its circumference is sixty 
schoenes, or three thousand six hundred furlongs, which is 
equal to the entire length of Egypt along the sea-coast. The 
lake stretches in its longest direction from north to south, and 
in its deepest parts is of the depth of fifty fathoms. It is 
manifestly an artificial excavation, for nearly in the centre 
there stand two pyramids,^ rising to the height of fifty fathoms 
above the surface of the water, and extending as far beneath, 
crowned each of them with a colossal statue sitting upon a 
throne. Thus these pyramids are one hundred fathoms high, 
which is exactly a furlong (stadium) of six himdred feet : the 
fathom being six feet in length, or four cubits, which is the 
same thing, since a cubit measures six, and a foot four, 
palms.^ The water of the lake does not come out of the 

' See note ' to the preceding chap, 

'No traces remain of these pyra- 
mids. The rains at Biahmoo show 
from their forms, and from the angle 
of their walls, 67^, that they were not 
pyramids ; unless a triangular facing 
made up the pyramid (see ch. 125, 
n.»).— [Q.W.] 

^ The measures of Herodotus 
almost aU drawn either from portions 
of the human body, or from bodily 
actions easily performable. His small- 
est measure is the ScUrrvXo;, or ** fin« 
ger's breadth," four of which go to 
the iroAoioT^ ("palm" or "hand*a 

breadth"), while three palms 

the inrteofiii (" span "), and four tbo 

Obap. 14B, 14a 



groTmd, which is here excessively dry,^ but is introduced by a 
canal from the Nile. The current sets for six months into the 
lake from the river, and for the next six months into the river 
from the lake. While it runs outward it returns a talent of 
silver daily to the royal treasury from the fish that are taken ; ^ 

TOW ("foofO. The inixvs ("cubit;' 
or length from the tip of the fingers 
to the elbow) is a foot and a half, or 
two spans ; the ipyvid (*' fathom," or 
length to which the arms can reach 
whBD. extended) is four cnbits, or six 
feet. The wTUBpov (a word the deriva* 
tion of which is uncertain) is 100 feet; 
and the ffrdStow (or distance to which 

a man conld ran before be required 
to stop) is six plethra» or 600 feet. 
These are the only measures used hj 
Herodotus, besides the schoBne and 
parasang, by which he found distances 
determined in "Egypt and Persia res- 
pectively. The following table will 
exhibit his scheme of measures : — 


1 waXatCT^ 

1 9wt0afifi» 

1 rov?. 

1 v7,xvt. 

1 hpyvtd* 






















1 9\49pOV. 








1 9Tc(3lOV. 

* This is the nature of the basin on 
which the alluvial soil has been depo- 
sited; but it resembles the whole 
valley of the Nile in being destitute 
<^ springs, which are only met with 
in two or three places. The wells are 
all formed by IJie filtration of water 
from the river. In the Birket-el«Kom 
are some springs, serving, with the 
annual supply from the Nile, to keep 
np the water of the lake, which in the 
deepest part has only 24 feet, and it 
is gradually becoming more shallow 
fnnn the mud brought into it by the 
canals.— [O. W.] 

' A greot quantity of fish is caught 
even at the present day at the mouths 
of the canals, when they are closed 
and the wator is prevented from re- 
taming to the Nile. It affords a con- 
siderable revenue to the government. 
Ic is farmed by certain villages on the 
banks, and some idea may be formed 

of its value by the village of Agalteh 
at Thebes paying annually for its 
small canal 1500 piastres, equal till 
lately to 211. The custom of farming 
the fisheries was probably derived by 
the Arab government from the ancient 
Egyptians ; but El Makrisi mentionsit 
as of comparatively late introduction. 
(See Silv. de Sacy's Belation de 
I'Egypte, par Abd-al-latif, p. 288, note.) 
Herodotus reckons the revenue from 
the fish of the Lake Mcsris at a talent 
of silver (193 L 15«. English, or as some 
compute it, 2251., or 24S2. 159.) daily; 
and when the water fiowed from the 
Nile into the lake at 20 minsB (641. 125., 
or 811. Is. Sd.), amounting at the 
lowest calculation to more than 
47,0002. a-year. According to Diode- 
rus (i. 52) this was part of the pin- 
money of the queens. See n. ' ch. 98. 
— [G. W.] 


but when the current is the other way the return sinks to one- 
third of that sum. 

150. The natives told me that there was a subterranean 
passage from this lake ^ to the Libyan Syrtis, running west- 
ward into the interior by the hills above Memphis. As I could 
not anywhere see the earth which had been taken out when 
the excavation was made, and I was curious to know what had 
become of it, I asked the Egyptians who live closest to the lake 
where the earth had been put. The answer that they gave me 
1 readily accepted as true, since I had heard of the same thing 
being done at Nineveh of the Assyrians. There, once upon a 
time, certain thieves, having formed a plan to get into their 
possession the vast treasures of Sardanapalus, the Ninevite 
king,^ which were laid up in subterranean treasuries, pro- 
ceeded to tunnel a passage from the house where they lived 
into the royal palace, calculating the distance and the direc- 
tion. At nightfall they took the earth from the excavation 
and carried it to the river Tigris, which ran by Nineveh, con- 
tinuing to get rid of it in this manner imtil they had accom- 
plished their purpose. It was exactly in the same way that 
the Egyptians disposed of the mould from their excavation, 
except that they did it by day and not by night ; for as fast 
as the earth was dug, they carried it to the Nile, which they 
knew would disperse it far and wide. Such was the account 
which I received of the formation of this lake. 

151. The twelve kings for some time dealt honourably by 
one another; but at length it happened that on a certain 
occasion, when they had met to worship in the temple of 
Yulcan, the high-priest on the last day of the festival, in bring- 

* Herodotus here evidently alludes 
to the natural lake, now Birket-eU 
JTom, not to the artificial Moeris. The 
belief in underground communications 
is still very prevalent in Egypt (as in 
other countries) to the present day ; 
and might very reasonably arise from 
>vhat we see in limestone formations. 
— [G. W.] 

' It is uncertain which Assyriaa 
king is here intended. The Greeka 
recognized two monarchs of the name 
— one a warrior, who is perhaps Asshwr-- 
izir-palf the father of the Black Obe- 
lisk king : the other the voluptuary, 
who closed, according to them, the 
long series of Assyrian sovereigns. 

CHiLP. 14^-152. 



ing forth the golden goblets from which they were wont to 
pour the libations, mistook the number, and brought eleven 
goblets only for the twelve princes. Psammetichus was stand- 
ing last, and, being left without a cup, he took his helmet, 
which was of bronze,® from off his head, stretched it out to 
receive the liquor, and so made his libation. All the kings 
were accustomed to wear helmets, and all indeed wore them at 
this very time. Nor was there any crafty design in the action 
of Psammetichus. The eleven, however, when they came to 
consider what had been done, and bethought them of the 
oracle which had declared " that he who, of the twelve, should 
pour a libation from a cup of bronze, the same would be king 
of the whole land of Egypt,'* doubted at first if they should 
not put Psammetichus to death. Finding, however, upon 
examination, that he had acted in the matter without any 
guilty intent, they did not think it would be just to kill him ; 
but determined, instead, to strip him of the chief part of his 
power and to banish him to the marshes, forbidding him 
to leave them or to hold any communication with the rest of 

152. This was the second time that Psammetichus had 
been driven into banishment. On a former occasion he had 
fled from Sabacos the Ethiopian,* wha had put his father 
Needs to death ; and had taken refuge in Syria, from whence, 
after the retirement of the Ethiop in consequence of his 
dream, he was brought back by the Egyptians of the Saitic 
canton. Now it was his ill-fortune to be banished a second 
time by the eleven kings, on account of the libation which he 

5 If this were so, and the other kings 
wore the same kind of helmet, the 
Egyptians wonld not have been snr. 
prised at seeing men in similar armour 
coming from the sea (ch. 152). Bronze 
armour was of very early date in 
Egypt, and was therefore no novelty 
in the reign of Fsammetichns. It is 
represented in the tombs of the kings 
at Thebes ; and bronze plates, forming 
part of a corslet of scale armour, have 

been found bearing the name of Shes- 
honk, and are in Dr. Abbott's collec 
tion. (See note on B. vii. ch. 89.) 
XoUxos is really ** bronze," optlxaXKos 
" brass." Objects have been found of 
brass as weU as of bronze in Egypt. — 
[G. W.] 

"* On the Sabacos, Tirhaka, and 
Psammetichus, see notes * and ^ on ch. 
137, and Hist. Notice in App. CH. viii. 
§ 31-34.— [G. W.] 



Book II. 

had poured from his helmet ; on this occasion he fled to the 
marshes. Feeling that he was an injured man, and designing 
to avenge himself upon his persecutors, Psammetichus sent to 
the city of Buto, where there is an oracle of Latona, the most 
veracious of all the oracles of the Egyptians, and having 
inquired concerning means of vengeance, received for answer, 
that " Vengeance would come from the sea, when brazen men 
should appear." Great was his incredulity when this answer 
arrived ; for never, he thought, would brazen men arrive to be 
his helpers. However, not long afterwards certain Carians 
and lonians, who had left their country on a voyage of 
plunder, were carried by stress of weather to Egypt, where 
they disembarked, all equipped in their brazen armour, and 
were seen by the natives, one of whom carried the tidings to 
Psammetichus, and, as he had never before seen men clad in 
brass, he reported that brazen men had come from the sea 
and were plundering the plain. Psammetichus, perceiving at 
once that the oracle was accomplished, made friendly advances 
to the strangers, and engaged them, by splendid promises, to 
enter into his service. He then, with their aid and that of the 
Egyptians who espoused his cause, attacked the eleven and 
vanquished them.^ 

■ The Assjrrian inscriptions show 
that Psammetichus obtained the throne 
by the aid of troops sent to him from 
Asia Minor by Gyges. (See above, 
Tol. i. p. 353.) The story told to He. 
rodotns probably grew ont of this fact. 

[This was in fact the first time that 
the Egyptian Pharaohs had recourse to 
Greek mercenaries, and began to find 
their utility ; and though the ancient 
kings in the glorious times of Egypt's 
great power had foreign auxiliaries 
(see woodcut, next page ; and that in 
note, B. vii. ch. 61, where three of 
these people are enemies of Egypt), 
they were levies composing part of 
the army, like those of the various 
nations which contributed to the ex- 
peditions of Xerxes and other Persian 
monarchs. But the introduction of 

Greek paid troops into the Egyptian 
service excited the jealousy of the 
native army (who could not have been 
long in perceiving the superiority of 
those strangers) ; and the favoar 
shown to them led to the defection of 
the Egyptian troops (see note ' on ch. 
30). The Egyptian army had lost its 
former military ardour ; and now that 
Syria was so often threatened by the 
powerful nations of Asia, it was 
natural that Psammetichus should 
seek to employ foreigners, whose 
courage and fidelity he could trust. 
(See Hist. Notice, App. ch. viii. § 34.) 
Herodotus states that these Greek 
troops were the first foreigners allowed 
to establish themselves in Egypt ; that 
is, after the Shepherds and Israelites 
left it (see uote'ch. 112). Strabo 

Chap. 152, 153. 



153. When Psammetichus had thus become sole monarch 
of Egypt, he built the southern gateway of the temple of Vul- 
can in Memphis, and also a court for Apis, in which Apis ^ is 
kept whenever he makes his appearance in Egypt. This 
court is opposite the gateway of Psammetichus, and is sur- 

(zrii. p. 1131) speaks of the employ- 
ment of mercenary troops in Egypt as 
an old custom. That of Fsammeti- 
choB differed from the earlier system 
of auxiliaries ; it was a sign of weak- 
ness, and was fatal to Egypt as to 
Carthage (see Macchiavelli, Princ. 0. 
13). Polysenns says that Psammeti- 
ohofl took the Carians into his pay, 
hoping that the plumes they wore on 
their helmets pointed to the oracle. 

which had warned Temanthes, then 
king of Egypt, against cooks. (Cp. 
Pint. Yit. Artaz. of Carian crests.) 
With them he therefore attacked 
Temanthes, and having killed him, 
gave those soldiers a qnarter in Mem- 
phis, thence called Caromemphis. The 
mercenary troops, or "hired men," 
in the time of "Necho/' are men- 
tioned in Jeremiah (zlvi. 21). — 

Foreign AvoilUriet in the time of Remeees UL 

• This conrt was snrronnded by 
Osiridfi pillars, like that of Medeenet 
Haboo at Thebes. Attached to it 
were probably the two stables, " deln- 
bra," or " thalami," mentioned by 
Pliny (viii. 46) ; and Strabo (xvii. p. 
556) says, " Before the s6kos or cham- 
ber where Apis is kept is a restibnle, 
in which is another chamber for the 
BMther of the sacred bull, and into 
this restibnle Apis is sometimes in- 

trodnced, particularly when shown to 
strangers; at other times he is only 
seen through a window of the sdkos. 
.... The temple of Apis is close to 
that of Vulcan." Pliny pretends that 
the entry of Apis into the one or the 
other of the "delnbra" was a good 
or a bad omen. On Apis, see above, 
ch. 38, note *, and compare B. iii. oh. 
28.— [G. W.] 




rounded with a colonnade and adorned with a multitude of 
figures. Instead of pillars, the colonnade rests upon colossal 
statues, twelve cubits in height. The Greek name for Apis is 

154. To the lonians and Carians ^ who had lent him their 
assistance Psammetichus assigned as abodes two places oppo- 
site to each other, one on either side of the Nile, which 
received the name of " the Camps." ® He also made good all 
the splendid promises by which he had gained their support ; 
and further, he intrusted to their care certain Egyptian 
children, whom they were to teach the language of the Greeks. 
These children, thus instructed, became the parents of the 
entire class of interpreters® in Egypt. The lonians and 
Carians occupied for many years the places assigned them by 
Psammetichus, which lay near the sea, a little below the city 
of Bubastis, on the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile.^ King 
Amasis, long afterwards, removed the Greeks thence, and 
settled them at Memphis to guard him against the native 
Egyptians. From the date of the original settlement of these 
persons in Egypt, we Greeks, through our intercourse with 
them, have acquired an accurate knowledge of the several 
events in Egyptian history, from the reign of Psammetichus 
downwards ; but before his time no foreigners had ever taken 
up their residence in that land. The docks where their 
vessels were laid up, and the ruins of their habitations, were 
still to be seen in my day at the' place where they dwelt 

' The Carians seem to have been 
fond of engaging themselves as mer. 
cenary soldiers from a very early date, 
and to have continued the practice so 
long as they were their own masters. 
According to some commentators, the 
expression in Homer (II. ix. 378), iv 
Kafibs aX(rxi, is to be understood in this 
sense. (See the Schol. ad Flaton. od. 
Buhnken, p. 822, and comp. the note 
of Heyne, vol. v. p. 605.) Archilochns 
certainly spoke of them as notorious 
for mercenary service, as appears 
from the well-known line — 

The Scholiast on Plato says that they 
were the first to engage in the occu- 
X)ation, and quotes Ephoroa tm mn 

* See note * on oh. 112. 

• See end of note * on ch. 164, 

^ The site chosen for the Greek 
camps shows that they were thought 
necessary as a defence against foreign. 
invasion from the eastwai^. (See 
Diodor. i. 67.) The Boman Bctnm 
Veteranorum were not very far ficom 
this.— [G. W.] 

Chap. 1S3-155. 



originally, before they were removed by Amasls. Such was 
the mode by which Psammetichus became master of Egypt. 

155, I have already made mention more than once of the 
Egyptian oracle ; ^ and, as it well deserves notice, I shall now 
proceed to give an account of it more at length. It is a temple 
of Latona,^ situated in the midst of a great city on the Seben- 
nytic mouth of the Nile, at some distance up the river from the 
sea. The name of the city, as I have before observed, is Buto ; 
and in it are two other temples also, one of Apollo and one of 
Diana. Latona's temple, which contains the oracle, is a spacious 
building with a gateway ten fathoms in height.* The most won- 
derful thing that was actually to be seen about this temple ^ 

' Snpra, cbs. 83, 133, and 152. 
There were several other oracles, "bafc 
that of Buto, or Latona, was held in 
the highest repute. (See oh. 83.) 

' Herodotus says that this goddess 
was one of the great deities (ch. 156). 
She appears to be a character of Maut, 
and may, in one of her characters, be 
Thriphis the Goddess of Athribis, 
where the Mjgale or shrew-mouse, 
which was sacred to Buto, was said 
by Strabo to have been worshipped. 
I haye seen a small figure of a hedge- 
hog with the name of Buto upon it. 
Boto, as Champollion supposed, was 
probably primasval darkness. (See 
notes' and * on B. ii. ch. 59, and App. 
CH. iii. § 2, Maut.) Lucian (De Deft 
Syrft, B. 36) says there were many 
oracles in Egypt, as in Greece, Asia, 
and Libya, the responses of which 
were given " by priests and prophets." 
The principal ones in Egypt were of 
Buto, Hercules (Gem), Apollo (Horus), 
Hinerra (Neith), Diana (Bubastis), 
Jfars (Honuriufi, or more probably 
"MandoOf see note^ on ch. 63), and 
Jupiter (Amun, at Thebes; see chs. 
54, 67. 83, 111, 133). That of Besa 
was also noted, wfajch was said by 
Ammianus Harcellinus to have been 
at Abydns, or, according to others, 
near the more modem AntinoOpolis ; 
bat it is nncertain who that Deity 
was. Heliopolis had also its oracle 
(Hacrob. Sator. i. 30) ; but the most 

celebrated was that of '* Ammon" in 
the Oasis. The position of the city of 
Latona, near the Sebennytio mouth, 
was on the W. bank, between that 
branch of the Nile and the lake, about 
20 miles from the sea. The isle of 
Chemmis was in that lake. Hero- 
dotus is supposed to have been in- 
debted to HecatsBus for the mention 
of this island. (See Hiiller's Fragm. 
Hist. Gr89c. vol. i.)— [G. W.] 

^ This is the height of the pyramidal 
towers of the propyl86um, or court of 
entrance. The 10 orgyiro, or 60 feet, 
is the full height of those towers, 
which seldom exceed 50. In front, on 
either side of the entrance, was 
usually a colossus of. the king, before 
which stood two obelisks terminating 
an avenue, or dromos, of sphinxes. 
Clemens confounds the propylsDum 
with the pronaos. Pylon, pyldne, and 
propylon are applied to the stone gate- 
way, when standing alone before the 
temple ; and the same kind of entrance 
is repeated between the two towers 
of the inner court or propylaeum, 
immediately " before the door " of the 
actual temple, or at least of its portico 
A stone pylon is also placed as a side 
entrance to the crude brick enclosure 
of a temenos. — [G. W.] 

* Herodotus says, ** the most won- 
derful thing that was actually to he 
seen" because he considers that the 
wonder of the floating island^ which 








Chip. 155, 156. 



was a chapel in the enclosnre made of a single stone,* the 
length and height of which were the same, each wall heing 
forty cubits square, and the whole a single block ! Another 
block of stone formed the roof, and projected at the eaves to 
the extent of four cubits. 

156. This, as I have said, was what astonished me the 
most, of all the things that were actually to be seen about the 
temple. The next greatest marvel was the island called 
Ghemmis. This island lies in the middle of a broad and deep 
lake close by the temple, and the natives declare that it floats. 
For my own part I did not see it float, or even move ; and 
I wondered greatly, when they told me concerning it, whether 
there be really such a thing as a floating island.*^ It has 

he "did not see " (cb. 166), would, if 
true, have been still more asfconishing. 
* According to these measnrements, 
BTzppoang the walls to have been only 
6 feet thick, and the material g^ranite, 
aa in other monoliths, this monument 
wonld weigh npwards of 6738 tons, 
being 76,032 cubic feet, without the 
oomioe, which was placed on the roof. 
The reigns of the Psanmietiohi and 
other kings of this 26th dynasty were 
the period of the renaissance or re- 
viTal of art in Egypt, both for the 
size and beauty of the monuments ; 
and though the sculptures are not so 
spirited as during the 18th and 19th 
dynasties, they have g^reat elegance, 
sharpness of execution, and beauty of 
finiah. It is singular that though the 
sculptures and paintings in the tombs 
near the pyramids are inferior to those 
of the best age, and though progress 
is perceptible in different times, there 
is no rctfdly rude or archaic style in 
Egypt; there are no specimens of a 
primitiTO state, or early attempts in 
art, such as are found in other coun- 
tries ; and the masonry of the oldest 
monmnents that remain, the pyramids, 
Ties with that of any subsequent 
age, particularly in their exquisitely 
wrought granite. The art of Egypt 
was of native growth, and was ori- 
ginal and charaoteristic ; but the Egyp- 
tians, like all other people, borrowed 

occasionally from those with whom 
they had early intercourse; and as 
the Assyrians adopted from them the 
winged globe, the lotus, and many 
other emblems or devices, the Epryp- 
tiana seem also to have taken from 
Assyria certain ornaments unknown 
in Egypt before and during the 12th 
dynasty. Among these may be men- 
tioned vases with the heads of a horse, 
a cock, a vulture, or an eagle (such as 
is given to the supposed Assyrian 
deity Nisroch), the knot, and the 
feather patterns, and perhaps some of 
the trappings of the horse, an animal 
apparently introduced from Asia. 
Even the Typhonian monster with 
feathers on his head, so common under 
the 22nd dynasty, seems to have 
some connection with Asia, as well as 
with Libya. Those devices first occur 
on monuments of the 18th and 19th 
.dynasties, whose kings came much in 
Ipontact with the Assyrians; and it 
l^as perhaps from them that the 
nointed arch of that time was copied, 
which, though not on the principle of 
the true arch, appears to have been 
out into the stone roof, in imitation of 
what the Egyptians had seen, as the 
round one was in imitation of the 
brick arches they had themselves so 
long used (see n.* ch. 136). — [G. W.] 

7 Hecatffifus had related the marvels 
of this island, which he called Chem- 



Book II. 

a grand temple of Apollo built upon it, in which are three dis- 
tinct altars. Palm-trees grow on it in great abundance, and 
many other trees, some of which bear fruit, while others are 
barren. The Egyptians tell the following story in connection 
with this island, to explain the way in which it first came to 
float : — ** In former times, when the isle was still fixed and 
motionless, Latona, one of the eight gods of the first order, 
who dwelt in the city of Buto, where now she has her oracle, 
received Apollo as a sacred charge from Isis, and saved him 
by hiding him in what is now called the floating island. 
Typhon meanwhile was searching everywhere in hopes of find- 
ing the child of Osiris." (According to the Egyptians, Apollo 
and Diana are the children of Bacchus and Isis ; ® while 
Latona is their nurse and their preserver. They call Apollo, 
in their language, Horus ; Ceres they call Isis ; Diana, Bubas- 
tis. From this Egyptian tradition, and from no other, it must 
have been that -Slschylus, the son of Euphorion, took the idea, 
which is found in none of the earlier poets, of making Diana 
the daughter of Ceres.*) The island, therefore, in consequence 
of this event, was first made to float. Such at least is the 
account which the Egyptians give. 

157. Psammetichus ruled Egypt for fifty-four years, during 
twenty-nine of which he pressed the siege of Azotus ^ without 

bis, withont any appearance of incre- 
duUty. (Fr. 284.) There is a tacit 
allusion to him in this passage. 

^ Apollo was Horns, the son of Isis 
and Osiris (Ceres and Bacchus) ; bat 
he had no sister in Eg^tian mytho- 
logy, and Diana was Babastis or 
Pasht, who appears to be one of the 
great deities, and was the second 
member of the g^eat triad of Mem- 
phis, composed of Fthab, Pasht, and 
Nofre-Atmoo. The Diana of the 
Greeks was daughter of Ijatona ; and 
Herodotus and Plutarch say that ^s- 
chylus was the only one who mentions 
her as Ceres, in imitation of the Egyp- 
tians. Aroeria and even Hor>Hat 
were also supposed by the Greeks to 
answer to Apollo, from their having a 

hawk*s head like Horns. They there- 
fore called the city of Hor-Hat Apol- 
linopolis Magna (Edfoo), and that of 
Aroeris ApoUinopolis Parva (Koos). — 
[G. W.] 

* Pansanias reports this also (ttii. 
xxxvii. § 8), but seems to be merely 
following Herodotus. It is not a 
happy conjecture of Biihr*8 (not. ad 
loc.) that it was for revealing tbis 
secret (?) that uSschylns was aocused 
of violating the mysteries. The men- 
tion of .^schylus is important, as 
showing that Herodotus was ac- 
quainted with his writings. 

1 Azotus is Ashdod or Ashdoodeh of 
sacred scripture. This shows bow 
much the Egyptian power had declined 
when Psammetichus was obliged to 

Chap. 156-158. 



intermission, till finally he took the place. Azotus is a great 
town in Syria. Of all the cities that we know, none ever stood 
so long a siege. 

158. Psammetichus left a son called Necos, who succeeded 
him upon the throne. This prince was the first to attempt the 
construction of the canal to the Bed Sea ^ — a work completed 

besiege a city near the confines of 
Egypt ioT BO long a time as twenty, 
nine years, the armies of the Phaiaohs 
in the glorions days of the 18th and 
19th dynasties being in the constant 
habit of trarersing tiie whole country 
fram the Nile to the Eaphrates. Dio- 
doms says it was in the Syrian cam- 
pugn that the Egyptian troops de- 
serted from Psammetichns. The cap- 
ture of Azotus facilitated the adyance 
of his son Neco when he continned 
the war. The duration of the siege 
of Azotus was probably owing to its 
baring receiTcd an Assyrian garrison, 
being an important advanced point to 
keep the Egyptians in check ; and the 
king of Nineveh was perbaps pre- 
vented by circumstances at that time 
from aending to succour it. For 
Tartan had been sent by ''Sargdn, 
king of Assyria," and had taken Ash- 
dod (Isaiah xx. 1). Tartan is thought 
not to be the name of an individual, but 
the title "generaV The mention of 
Ethiopians and Egyptians taken pri. 
aoners by the Assyrians (Is. zz. 4) 
doubtless refers to the previous cap. 
ture of Azotus, when it held a mixed 
garrison (Egypt having then an Ethi- 
opian dy^iasty) which was compelled 
to surrender to the Assyrians. Ash- 
dod was the strong city of the Philis- 
tines, where they took the ark " into 
the house of Dagon" (1 Sam. v. 2) ; 
and that it was always a fortified 
place is shown by the name, which signi- 
fies, like the Arabic shedeed, ** strong." 
In the wars between the Egyptians 
and Assyrians it was at one time in 
the possession of one, at another of 
the rival power. Psammetichus reigned 
according to Herodotus fifty-four 
years, and his 64th year occurs on 
the Apis Stelse (see Histooioal Notice 

of Egypt in Appendix, CH. viii. § 33). 
— [G. W.] 

* Herodotus says Neco (or Needs) 
began the canal, and Strabo attributes 
it to "Psammetichus his son;" but 
the ruins on its banks show that it 
already existed in the time of Reme- 
ses II., and that the statement of 
Aristotle, Strabo, and Pliny, who 
ascribe its commencement at least to 
Sesostris, is founded on fact. That 
from its sandy site it would require 
frequent re.excavating ia very evi- 
dent, and these successive operations 
may have given to the different kings 
by whom they were performed the 
credit of commencing the canal. It is 
certainly inconsistent to suppose that 
the Egyptians (who of all people had 
the greatest experience in making 
canals, and who even to the late time 
of Nero were the people consulted 
about cutting through the Isthmus of 
Corinth — Lucian) should have been 
obliged to wait for its completion till 
the accession of the Ptolemies. The 
authority of Herodotus snfiioes to 
prove that it was completed in his 
time to the Bed Sea ; and the monu- 
ments of Bemesos at a town on its 
banks prove that it existed in his 
reign. Neco may have discontinued 
the re-opening of it ; Darius may have 
completed it, as Herodotus states, 
both here and in Book iv. ch. 39 ; and 
it may have been re-opened and im- 
proved by the Ptolemies, and again 
by the Arabs. In like manner, though 
the Alexandrian canal is attributed 
entirely to Mohammed Ali, this does 
not prove that it was not the successor 
of an older canal, which left the Nilo 
at another point. The trade of Egypt 
was very great with other countries, 
to which she exported 00m at a re- 



Book II. 

afterwards by Darius the Persian • — the length of which is four 
days' journey, and the width such as to admit of two triremes 
being rowed along it abreast. The water is derived from the 
Nile, which the canal leaves a little above the city of Bubastis,* 

mote period ; and we find from Athe- 
nsBos (il. c. 3) that Bacchylides, who 
lived abont the time of Pindar, speaks 
of com going to Greece in ships from 
Egypt, when he says, *' all men when 
drank fancy they are kings, their 
Ipnses are resplendent with g^ld and 
ivory, and corn-bearing ships bring 
over the bright sea the abundant 
wealth of Egypt.*' Wheat is repre- 
sented as its staple commodity, at the 
coronation of the early Egyptian kings. 
The trade with Arabia by sea appears 
to have been opened as early as the 12th 
dynasty, and afterwards trade extended 
to India. Bnt even under the Ptolemies 
and Ceesars it was confined to the 
western coast and the islands ; and in 
Sfcrabo's time "few merchants went 
from Egypt to the Ganges " (xv. p. 
472). The first Egyptian port on the 
Bed Sea was probably ^nnnm, after- 
wards Philotera, so called from the 
youngest sister of Ptolemy Philadel- 
phus (now old Kossayr), at the water- 
ing-place near which are the moun. 
ments of Amun-m-he II. and Osirtasen 
n.— [G. W.] 

"An inscription of Darius in the 
Persian Cuneiform chaiacter is en- 
graved upon the Suez stone near the 
embouchure of the ancient canal. It 
reads : *' Daryavush naqa wazarka," 
" Darius the Great King." (Behistun 
Memoir, vol. i. p. 313.) 

^ The commencement of the Bed 
Sea canal was in difiTerent places at 
various periods. In the time of Hero- 
dotus it left the Pelusiao branch a 
little above Bubastis; it was after- 
wards supplied with water by the 
Amnis Trajanus, which left the Nile 
at Babylon (near old Cairo) ; and the 
portion of it that remains now begins 
a short distance from Belbays, which 
is about 11 miles south of Bubastis. 
Strabo must be wrong in saying it 
was at ^Phaousa, which is too low down 

the stream. The difference of 13 feet 
between the levels of the Bed Sea 
and Mediterranean is now proved to 
be an error. Pliny says that Ptolemy- 
desisted from the work, finding the 
Bed £ea was 3 cubits (4^ feet) higher 
than the land of Egypt; but, inde- 
pendent of our knowing that it was 
already finished in Herodotus' time, 
it is obvious that a people accustomed 
to sluices, and every oontrivanoe ne- 
cessary for water of various lerelSy 
would not be deterred by this, or a 
far greater, difference in the height of 
the sea and the Nile, and Diodorus 
expressly states that sluices were con- 
structed at its mouth. If bo, these 
were on account of the different 
levels, which varied materially at high 
and low Kile, and at each tide, of 5 to 
6 feet, in the Bed Sea, and to prevent 
the sea.water from tainting that of 
the canal. The city of the Eels, Pba- 
groriopolis, was evidently founded on 
its banks to ensure the maintenance 
of the canal. The place of the sluices 
appears to be traceable near Suez, 
where a channel in the rock has been 
cut to form the mouth of the canaL 
It is probable that the merchandise 
was transhipped from the boats in the 
canal to those in the harbour, on the 
other side of the quay, and that sluices 
were not opened except during the 
inxmdation, when the stream ran from 
the Nile to the Bed Sea. In the time 
of the Bomans it was still used, bnt 
afterwards feU into disuse, and was 
choked up until the caliph Omar re- 
opened it, in order to send supplies to 
Arabia, in record of which benefit be 
received the title of " Prince of the 
Faithful,*' Emeer el Jfomeneen, whidi 
was continued to or assumed by his 
successors. It was closed 134 years 
afterwards by El Munsoor Aboo Q^ifer, 
the 2nd Abbaside Caliph, to prevent 
supplies going to Medeeneh, then in 

Chap. 158. 



near Patomus, the Arabian town,^ being continued thence until 
it joins the Bed Sea. At first it is carried along the Arabian 
side of the Egyptian plain, as far as the chain of hills opposite 
Memphis, whereby the plain is bounded, and in which lie the 
great stone quarries ; here it skirts the base of the hills run- 
ning in a direction from west to east ; after which it turns, 
and enters a narrow pass, trending southwards from this 
point, until it enters the Arabian Gulf. From the northern 
sea to that which is called the southern or Erythrsean, the 
shortest and quickest passage, which is from Mount Gasius, 
the boundary between Egypt and Syria, to the Gulf of Arabia, 
is a distance of exactly one thousand furlongs.^ But the way 
by the canal is very much longer, on account of the crooked- 
ness of its course. A hundred and twenty thousand of the 

the hAnds of one of the descendants 
of Ali; since which time it has re> 
mained closed, though El Hikem is 
■aid to haye once more rendered it 
nari^ble for boats, a.d. 1000. After 
that it was filled np with sand, thongh 
aome water passed during the high 
Nile as far as Shekh Ha^ydik and 
the Bitter Lakes, until Mohammed 
Ali closed it entirely, and the canal 
now only goes to Tel e' Big&beh, about 
26 miles from Belbays. Its course 
w^a nearly due east for 35 miles from 
Belbays as far as Shekh Hanilydik, 
-when it curved to the southward and 
ran by the Bitter Lakes to the sea. 
Its sea-mouth in early times was pro. 
bably further N. ; the land having 
riaen about Suex. — [G. W.] 

' Herodotus calls Patumus an Ara- 
bian town, as lying on the east side 
of the Nile. Patumus was not (as I 
formerly supposed) near the Bed Sea, 
bat at the commencement of the 
canal, and was the Pithom mentioned 
in Sxod. i. 11. It was the Thoum 
(Thou) of the Itinerary of Antoninus, 
54 M.P. from Babylon, whose site ap- 
pears to be marked by the ruined 
town opposite Tel el Wddee, 6 miles 
eaat of the mouth of the canal. From 
Tboom to the Bitter Lakes may be 

VOL. n. 

about 88 miles, and from Thoum to 
the sea about 80. PHny reckons 37 
H.p. from the western entrance of the 
canal to the Bitter Lakes, giving it a 
breadth of 100 feet and a depth of 40 
(H. N. vi. 33). On its length, according 
to Herodotus, see following note. (See 
M. Eg. W. i. 310 to 316.) 

Pithom Dne is related to the word 
Thummim D^n. which is translated in 
the Septuagint *' Truth," and is taken 
from the Egyptian Thmei, '* Truth," or 
<< Justice," whence the Greek 04fuf 
and Krvfws. The double capacity of 
the Egyptian goddess Thmei is re- 
tained in Thummim. — [G. W.] 

* This Herodotus considers less than 
the length of the canal ; but his 1000 
stadia (about 114 English miles at 600 
Greek feet to the stadium) are too 
much; and he appears to have in- 
cluded in it the whole distance by 
water from the Mediterranean to the 
Red Sea, both by the Nile and the 
canal. The length of the canal was 
about 80 miles, or, if measured from 
the Bubastite branch to the Bed Sea, 
about 96. The shortest distance from 
the Mediterranean to the Bed Sea 
overland is about 76 miles. The line 
from Mount Gasius is not the shortest, 
being about 90 miles.— [G. W.] 





Book IL 

Egjrptians, employed upon the work in the reign of Needs, lost 
their lives in making the excavation J He at length desisted 
from his imdertaking, in consequence of an oracle which 
warned him " that he was labouring for the barbarian." ® The 
Egjrptians call by the name of barbarians all such as speak 
a language different from their own. 

159. Needs, when he gave up the construction of the canal, 
turned all his thoughts to war, and set to work to build a fleet 
of triremes,* some intended for service in the northern sea, 
and some for the navigation of the ErythrsBan. These last 
were built in the Arabian Gulf, where the dry docks in which 
they lay are still visible. These fleets he employed wherever 
he had occasion ; while he also made war by land upon the 
Syrians, and defeated them in a pitched battle at Magdolus,' 

7 This calls to mind the loss of life 
when the Alexandrian canal was made 
by Mohammed Ali ; bat we may sap- 
pose the nnmbers greatly exagge- 
rated. Mohammed Ali lost 10,000 
men. The reason was that they were 
collected from distant parts of the 
country, and taken to the spot, and, 
no food being provided for them, 
those whose families failed to send 
them provisions died of hnnger, and 
some few from fatigue or accidents. 
— [G. W.] 

^ This was owing to the increasing 
power of the Asiatic nations. Berber 
was apparently an Egyptian name 
applied to some people of Africa, as 
now to the Nubians, who do not call 
themselves Berbers. It was afterwards 
extended to, and adopted by, other 
people. It was used by the Egyptians 
as early at least as the 18th dynasty. 
It is one of many instances of redu- 
plication of the original word. Ber 
became Berber, as Mar Marmar, in 
Marmarica, a district of North Africa ; 
and, the B and M being transmutable 
letters, Marmarica and Barbarica 
would apply equally well to the coast 
of Barbary.— [G. W.] 

' Fleets had been equipped and 
built by Sesostris; and Herodotus 
speaks of the docl^, or the stocks, 

) where the ships of Neoo were made. 
The Eg3rptiaiis had one fleet on the 
Bed 8^, and another on the Mediter. 
ranean; and their ships of war are 
represented on a temple of Bemeees 
ni.--[G. W.] 

^ The place here intended seems to 
be Meg^ddo, where Josiah lost his 
life, between Gilgal and Mount Car- 
mel, on the r^kd through Syria 
northwards, and not Migdd (MoySw 
k6s), which was in Egypt. The simi- 
larity of the two names easily led to 
the mistake (2 Chron. xxxr. 22). 
Neco had then gone " to fight a^^ainst 
Carchemish by Euphrates," and Josiah 
attacked him on his march, in the 
" valley of Megiddo," " as he went up 
against the king of Assyria to the 
river Euphrates " (2 Kings zxiii. 29.) 
Neoo is there called " Pharaoh (Phrah)- 

The position of the Jews between 
the two great rival powers exposed 
them to the resentment of the one 
against whom they took part ; as was 
the case with Hosea, kmg of Israel, 
when he sided with ** 8o, king of 
Egypt," and Shalmaneser, king of 
Assyria," carried Israel away into 
captivity" (2 Kings xvii. 4, 6). — 
[G. W.] 

There were two cities known to the 

Chap. 158» 159. 



after which he made himself master of Gadytis,^ a large city of 
Syria. The dress which he wore on these occasions he sent 
to Branchidse in Milesia, as an offering to Apollo.^ After 
having reigned in all sixteen years,^ Needs died, and at his 
death bequeathed the throne to his son Fsammis. 

Jews by the name of Migdol (Vii^D) ; 

one, mentioned in ExodoB (xiv. 2) 
and Jeremiah (xlvi. 14), was not onlj 
on the borders of Egypt, bnt was ac- 
toally in Egypt, as is apparent from 
both passages. This is nndoabtedly 
the Magd6lQS of classical writers, 
which appeared in HecatsBOS as " an 
Egyptian city" (t6\is AfyiWow, Fr. 
282), and wluch in the Itinerary of 
Antonine (p. 14) is placed 12 Roman 
miles to the west or south-west (not 
east, as Bl^ f^^J^* ▼oL L p. 921) of 
Pelnsinm. The other, called for dis- 
tinction*s sake Migdol-el {hvrhii]D), 
was in the lot of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 
38), and is fairly identified with the 
''Magdala" of St. Matthew (zv. 39) 
— the birthplace of Mary Magdalene. 
This place, which retains its name 
almost nnchanged (Stanley's Pales- 
tine, p. 875), was on the borders of 
the 8ea of Galilee, at the south- 
eastern corner of the plain of Gen- 
nesareth. Herodotus probably meant 
this last place by his Magd51ns, 
lather than the Magddlos of Egypt. 
Bnt he may well have made a con- 
fusion between it and Meg^do C>i:|p), 

just as " some MSB. in Matt. xt. 39 
turn Magdala into Magedon" (Stan- 
ley, 1. 8. c). 

'After the defeat and death of 
Joeiah, Keco proceeded to Oarchemish, 
and on his return, finding that the 
Jews had put Jehoahaz, ^ son, on 
the throne, ** he made him a prisoner 
at Biblah, in the land of Hamath, and, 
after having imposed a tribute of 100 
talents of silver and a talent of gold 
upon Jerusalem, he made his brother 
•pTifi Irim (whose name he changed to 
Jeboiakim) king in his stead, carrying 
Jehoahaz captive to Egypt, where he 
died" (2 Kings xxiii. 29). Cadytis 

has generally been considered the 
Greek form of the name of Jerusalem, 
Kadesh, or Kadtiska, "the holy" 
(given it after the building of the 
Temple by Solomon, and retained in 
its Arabic name El Kods), which was 
applied to other places, as Kadesh- 
Bamea, &o.; but as Herodotus says 
(iii. 5) Cadytis appeared to him to be 
not much smaller than Sardis, as he 
probably never went to Jerusalem, 
and as he mentions the seaport towns 
from Cadytis to Jenysus, it is thought 
not to be the Jewish capital, but 
rather to lie on the coast. Toussaint 
thinks it was Gkiza. Herodotus calling 
it a city of the ** Syrians of Palestine " 
(iii. 5) led to the conclusion that it 
was Jerusalem, as he seems to apply 
that name to the Jews (ii. 104) ; but 
Cadytis is supposed to be the Khazita 
taken by Shalmaneser, which was cer- 
tainly QtoBkf or Ghuzzeh; He could 
scarcely have meant by Cadytis in 
ii. 159, Jerusalem ; and in iii. 5, Qazsk, 
[G. W.] 

'Neco's dedication of his corslet 
to Apollo was doubtless a compliment 
to the Greek troops in his pay, who 
had now become so necessary to the 
Egyptian kings. — [G. W.] 

For an account of the temple of 
Apollo at Branchidsd, see note ^ on B. 
i oh. 157. 

^ The reverses which soon afterwards 
befel the Egyptians are not men- 
tioned to Herodotus. Keco was de- 
feated at Carchemish by Kebuchad- 
nezzar, in the 4th year of Jeboiakim 
(Jer. xlvi. 2), and lost all the territory 
which it had been so long the object 
of the Pharaohs to possess. For " the 
king of Babylon took, from the river 
of Egypt unto the river Euphrates, 
all that pertained to the king of 
Egypt " (2 Kings xxiv. 7). This river 



Book II. 

160. In the reign of Psammis,' ambassadors from Elis' 
arrived in Egypt, boasting that their arrangements for the 
conduct of the Olympic games were the best and fairest that 
could be devised, and fancying that not even the Egyptians, 
who surpassed all other nations in wisdom, could add any- 
thing to their perfection. When these persons reached Egypt, 
and explained the reason of their visit, the king summoned an 
assembly of all the wisest of the Egyptians. They met, and 
the Eleans having given them a full account of all their rules 
and regulations with respect to the contests, said that they 
had come to Egypt for the express purpose of learning whether 
the Egyptians could improve the fairness of their regulations 
in any particular. The Egyptians considered awhile, and 
then made inquiry, ''If they allowed their own citizens to 
enter the lists ? '* The Eleans answered, " That the Usts were 
open to all Greeks, whether they belonged to Elis or to any 
other state." Hereupon the Egyptians observed, "That if 
this were so, they departed from justice very widely, since it 

of Egypt was the email torrent-bed 
that formed the boundary of the 
ooontry on the N.B. side by the 
modem El Ar^esh. JeroBalem was 
afterwards taken by Nebuchadnezzar, 
and the people were led into captivity 
to Babylon (Jer. lii. 28, 29, 30; 2 
Kings xxiy. and zxv.), when some 
Jews fled to Egypt (2 Kings zxv. 26), 
and settled at Tsjipanhes, or Daphnsa, 
near Pelusium (Jer. xliii. 9), a strongly 
fortified post (Her. ii. 11), where the 
king of Eg^t had a palace ; and also 
at Migdol, at Noph, and in the land of 
Pathros (Jer. xUv. 1). This was in 
the reig^n of Hophra or Apries. See 
Hist. Notice in App. to Book ii. — 
[G. W.] 

' Plsammis is called Psammetichus 
(Psamatik) in the sculptm'es, and was 
succeeded by a thurd king of that 
name, whose wife was called Nitocris 
(Neitacri), and whose daughter 
married Amasis. (See note ' on ch. 
100.) Psammis appears to be Psam- 
metichus IL of the monuments,— 
[G. W.] 

^ This shows the great repute of the 
Egyptians for learning, even at this 
time, when they had greatly dedined 
as a nation. — [G. W.] 

Diodorus transfers the story to the 
reign of Amasis, and says the answer 
was given by that king himself (i. 95). 
Plutarch (Qua9st. Plat. vol. ii. p. 1000, 
A) assigns it to one of the wise men. 
The rcAl impartiality of the Eleans 
was generally admitted (cf. Plut. Apo- 
phtheg. Keg. p. 190, C. Dio Chrysoat. 
Rhod. p. 844, C), and is evidenced by 
the fact that in the only complete list 
of Olympian victors which we possess, 
that of the winners of the foot-race or 
stadium, Eleans occur but eitrht times 
between the original institution of 
the games, B.C. 776, and the reign of 
Caracalla, a.d. 217, a period of 993 
years, or 249 Olympiads. Of these 
eight victors, three occur within the 
first five Olympiads, when the contest 
was probably confined to Elis and its 
immediate neighbourhood. (SeeEoaeb. 
Chron. Can. Pars i. o. xxriii.) 

Chap. 160, 161. 



was impossible but that they would favour their own country- 
men, and deal unfairly by foreigners. If therefore they 
really wished to manage the games with fairness, and if this 
was the object of their coming to Egypt, they advised them 
to confine the contests to strangers, and allow no native of 
Elis to be a candidate." Such was the advice which the 
Egyptians gave to the Eleans. 

161. Psammis reigned only six years. He attacked Ethio- 
pia,' and died almost directly afterwards. Apries, his son,® 
succeeded him upon the throne, who, excepting Fsammetichus, 
his great-grandfather, was the most prosperous of all the kings 
that ever ruled over Egypt. The length of his reign was 
twenty-five years, and in the course of it he marched an army 
to attack Sidon, and fought a battle with the king of Tyre by 
sea. When at length the time came that was fated to bring 
him woe, an occasion arose which I shall describe more fully 
in my Libyan history ,• only touching it very briefly here. An 

^The names of PBammeticbns L 
and n. frequently ocour at Asonan, as 
well as that of Amasis. — [G. W.] 

^ Apries is the Fharaoh.Hophra of 
Jeremiah (zHv. 30), whose dethrone, 
ment seems to be thus foretold : " I 
will give Fbaraoh-Hophra, king of 
Egypt, into the hemds of his enemies, 
and of them that seek his life." His 
reign was at first very prosperoos, 
more so than that of any other king of 
this dynasty, except his great.grand- 
&ther, Psammetichos I. He sent ex- 
peditions against Cypras and Sidon, 
and engaged the king of Tyre by sea, 
flmd hairing taken Gaza (Jer. xlvii. 1) 
lie besieged Sidon, and reduced the 
whole of the coast of FhoBnicia (Diod. 
L 68), and advancing to Jerusalem, 
forced the Chaldees to raise the siege 
(Jer. xxxyii. 5-11), thus recovering 
much of the territory wrested firom his 
grandfather, Neco. But fortune then 
deserted him, and Nebnchadnezzar 
returned to the siege of Jerusalem and 
took it in the 11th year of Zedekiah 
(J(*r. xxxfx. 1, 2). According to the 
accoont given by the Egyptians to 

Herodotus, it was an unsuccessful ex- 
pedition sent by him to Gyrene which 
caused his downfall — Amasis, who was 
sent to recall the Eg3rptian troops to 
their duty, having taken advantage of 
that movement to usurp the throne, 
which he ascended after Apries had 
reigned, as Manetho says, 19, or, ac- 
cording to Herodotus, 25 years. The 
name of Hophra, or Apries (Haiphra- 
het), occurs on a few monuments; 
but another king, Fsammetichus 111., 
intervenes between Fsammetichus II. 
(Psammis) and Amasis, whose daugh- 
ter was married to Amasis. The reign. 
of Fsammetichus III. may have been 
included in that of Apries. Amasis 
died in 525 B.C., and as Herodotus 
assigns him 44 years, which date is 
found on the monuments, his reign 
began at least as early as 569 B.C., and 
probably much earlier; but these 
events, and the dates, are very uncer- 
tain. See Hist. Notice in App., and 
note ', ch. 169, and note '^g oh. 177. — 
[G. W.] 
• Infra, iv. 159. 



Book IL 

army despatched by Apries to attack CyrSne having met with 
a terrible reverse, the Egyptians laid the blame on him, 
imagining that he had, of malice prepense, sent the troops 
into the jaws of destruction. They believed he had wished a 
vast number of them to be slain, in order that he himself 
might reign with more security over the rest of the Egyptians. 
Indignant therefore at this usage, the soldiers who returned 
and the friends of the slain broke instantly into revolt. 

162. Apries, on learning these circumstances, sent Amasis 
to the rebels, to appease the tumult by persuasion. Upon 
his arrival, as he was seeking to restrain the malcontents by 
his exhortations, one of them, coming behind him, put a helmet 
on his head, saying, as he put it on, that he thereby crowned 
him king. Amasis was not altogether displeased at the 
action, as his conduct soon made manifest: for no sooner 
had the insurgents agreed to make him actually their king, 
than he prepared to march with them against Apries. That 
monarch, on tidings of these events reaching him, sent 
Fatarbemis, one of his courtiers, a man of high rank, to 
Amasis, with orders to bring him alive into his presence. 
Fatarbemis, on arriving at the place where Amasis was, 
called on him to come back with him to the king, whereupon 
Amasis broke a coarse jest, and said, "Frythee take that 
back to thy master." When the envoy, notwithstanding this 
reply, persisted in his request, exhorting Amasis to obey the 
summons of the king, he made answer, ''that this was exactly 
what he had long been intending to do ; Apries would have no 
reason to complain of him on the score of delay ; he would 
shortly come himself to the king, and bring others with 
him." ^ Fatarbemis, upon this, comprehending the intention 
of Amasis, partly from his replies, and partly from the pre- 
parations which he saw in progress, departed hastily, wishing 
to inform the king with all speed of what was going on. 

* Compare the answer of Cyrus to 
Astjages (i. 127), whioh showB that 
this was a commonplace — the answer 

supposed to be proper for a powerful 



Apries, however, when he saw him approaching without 
Amasis, fell into a paroxysm of rage ; and not giving himself 
time for reflection, commanded the nose and ears of Fatar- 
bemis to be cut off. Then the rest of the Egyptians, who had 
hitherto espoused the cause of Apries, when they saw a man 
of such note among them so shamefully outraged, without 
a moment's hesitation went over to the rebels, and put them- 
selves at the disposal of Amasis. 

168. Apries, informed of this new calamity, armed his 
mercenaries, and led them against the Egyptians : this was a 
body of Carians and lonians," numbering thirty thousand 
men, which was now with him at Sais,^ where his palace 
stood — a vast building, well worthy of notice. The army 
of Apries marched out to attack the host of the Egyptians, 
while that of Amasis went forth to fight the strangers ; and 
now both armies drew near to the city of Momemphis,* and 
prepared for the coming fight. 

164. The Egyptians are divided into seven distinct classes ^ 

' The Greek troops contmned in the 
paj of the king. The state of Egypt, 
and the dethronement of Apries, are 
predicted in Isa. zix. 2, and in Jer. 
xUt. so. (See Hist. Notice, in App. 
CH. Tiii. § 37.) As Amasis pat him- 
self at the head of the Egyptian army, 
and Apries had the Greeks with him, 
it is evident that the former was 
alone employed against Gyrene, either 
oat of fear of sending Greeks there, 
or from* their nnwillkigness to fight 
against a Greek colony. Amasis 
afterwards (infra, oh. 181) wisely 
coarted the friendship of the Greeks 
of Cyrene.— [G. W.] 

s Manetho agreed with Herodotus in 
representing this dynasty (his 26th) 
as Saite. (Fr. 66 and 67.) That the 
family of Psammetichos belonged to 
Sais had been already indicated, by 
what is related of the Saites bringing 
Psammetichos back from Syria (sapra, 
eh. 152). 

^ Momemphis was un the edge of 
the desert, near the mouth of the 

Lycus canal, some way below the 
modem village of Algam. Clemens 
(PsBdag. i. o. 4) says the Eg7ptift°B 
marched to battle to the beat of drum, 
a statement fully confirmed by the 
sculptures; but the trumpet was 
used for directing their evolutions. — 
[G. W.] 

^ These classes, rather than castes, 
were, according to Herodotus — 1. The 
saceniotal. 2. The military. 8. The 
herdsmen. 4. Swineherds. 5. Shop- 
keepers. 6. Interpreters. 7. Boat, 
men. Diodorus (i. 28) says that, like 
the Athenians, who derived this insti- 
tution from Egypt, they were distri- 
buted into three classes : 1. The priests. 
2. The peasants, from whom the sol- 
diers were levied. 8. The artificers. 
But in another place (L 74) he extends 
the number to five, and reckons the 
pastors, husbandmen, and artificers, 
independent of the soldiers and priests. 
Strabo (zvii. p. 541) limits them to 
three — the soldiers, husbandmen, and 
priests; and Plato (Timadus) divides 



Book IL 

— these are, the priests, the warriors, the cowherds, the 
swineherds, the tradesmen, the interpreters, and the boat- 
men. Their titles indicate their occupations. The warriors 
consist of Hermotybians and Galasirians,^ who come from 

them into six bodies — the priests, arti- 
fi eel's, shepherds, huntsmen, husband- 
men, and soldiers. The sailors em- 
ployed in ships of war appear to have 
been of the military class, as Herodo- 
tns (Book ix. eh. 32) shows them to 
have been of the Calafliries and Her- 

From these difFerent statements we 
may conclude that the Egyptians 
were divided into five general classes, 
which were subdivided again, as is the 
case in India even with the castes. The 
1st was the sacerdotal order; the 
2nd the soldiers and sailors ; the Srd 
peasants, or the agricultural class ; 
the 4th the tradesmen; and the 5th 
the plebs, or common people. The 
1st consisted of priests of various 
grades, from the pontiffs to the inferior 
functionaries employed in the temples ; 
the 2nd of soldiers and sailors of the 
navy; the 3rd was subdivided into 
farmers, gardeners, huntsmen, Nile- 
boatmen, and others; the 4th was 
composed of artificers, and various 
tradesmen, notaries, musicians (not 
sacred), builders, sculptors, and pot- 
ters ; and the 6th of pastors, fowlers, 
fishermen, labourers, and poor people. 
Some of these again were subdivided, 
as pastors into oxherds, shepherds, 
goatherds, and swineherds; which 
last, according to Herodotus, were the 
lowest grade, even of the whole com- 
munity, since no one would establish 
any family tie with them, and they 
oould not enter a temple without a 
previous purification ; which resembles 
the treatment of swineherds in India 
at this day. 

Though Diodoms places the soldiers 
with the hnsbandmen, it is more pro- 
bable that they constituted a class by 
themselves ; not that their following 
agricultural pursuits degraded them ; 
for even a Hindoo soldier in like man- 
ner may cultivate land without fear 

of reproach. According to Megaathe- 
nes the Indians were divided into 
seven castes; they have now four. 
(See Strabo, xv. p. 1118.) Herodotus 
says each person followed the profes- 
sion or occupation of his father, as 
with the Lacedaamonians (Book vi. dn. 
60) ; but it seems that, though a man 
was frequently of the same class and 
occupation as his father, this was not 
compulsory. Each person belonged 
to one of the classes, and it is not pro- 
bable that he would follow an inferior 
occupation, or enter a lower class 
than his father, unless circumstances 
rendered it necessary : but the sculp* 
tures show that sons sometimes did 
BO, and priests, soldiers, and others 
holding civil offices are found among 
the members of the same family. 
The Egyptians had not, therefore, real 
castes, but classes, as has already 
been shown by Mr. Birch and M. 
Ampere. Proofs of this, from the 
families of men in trade, and others, 
are not so readily established, as few 
monuments remain, except of priests 
and military men — the aristoorapy of 

Quarters of a town were appro- 
priated to certain trades (as now at 
Cairo) ; hence " the leather-cutters of 
the Menmonia," at Thebes, in the 
papyrus of Anastasy. (Dr. Young's 
Disoov. in Eg. Lit., p. G6.) The in- 
terpreters, Herodotus says (oh. 154), 
were the descendants of those Egyp- 
tians who had been taught Greek 1^ 
the lonians in the service of FlBamme- 
tichus, which would certainly apply 
rather to a class than to a caste, and 
his statement (whether true or not) 
respecting the low origin of Amasis 
shows he had not in view castes, bat 
classes. — [G. W.] 

^ This name (as Mr. Birch has 
shown) is Klashr, followed by tha 
figure of an archer, or the representa. 

Cbjlp. 164-166. THE CA^TTONS OR KOMES OF EGYlTr. 


different cantons,^ the whole of Egypt being parcelled out into 
districts bearing this name. 

165. The following cantons famish the Hermotybians : — The 
cantons of Busiris, Sal's, Ghemmis, Fapremis, that of the 
island called Pros6pitis,® and half of Natho.' They number, 
when most numerous, a hundred and sixty thousand. None 
of them ever practises a trade, but all are given wholly to war. 

166. The cantons of the Galasirians are different — they 
include the followiug: — The cantons of Thebes,^ Bubas- 

tion of an Egyptian soldier ; bowmen 
being the chief corps of the army. 
The Calasiries were probably all, or 
mostly, archers. See note on Book iz. 
ch- 32.— [G. W.] 

^ The nnmber of the nomes or can- 
tons Taried at different times. Hero- 
dotus mentions only 18 ; but in the 
time of Sesostris there were 86, and 
the same nnder the Ptolemies and 
Cieears; 10, according to Strabo, 
being assigned' to the Thebald, 10 to 
the Delta, and 16 to the intermediate 
pTorince. This triple division yaried 
at another time, and consisted of 
Upper and Lower Egypt, with an in- 
tervening province containing 7 nomes, 
and hence called Heptanomis. In 
after times an eighth, the ArsinoYte, 
was added to Heptanomis ; and the 
divisions were, 1. Upper Egypt, to 
the Thebaica-phylak^ (^vAoic^), now 
Daroot t^ 8here4f. 2. Heptanomis, to 
the fork of the Delta. And 8. Lower 
Sgypt, containing the northern part 
to the sea. Pliny gives 44 nomes to 
an Egypt, some nnder other than the 
nsaaJ names. Ptolemy mentions 24 
in the Delta, or Lower Egypt, which 
nnder the later Roman emperors was 
divided into fonr districts — Angnstam- 
nica prima and secnnda, JEgyptns 1* 
and 2^, still containing the same 
nomes ; and in the time of Arcadins, 
the son of Theodosins the Great, Hep. 
tanomis received the name of Arcadia. 
The ThebaTd was made into two parts. 
Upper and Lower, the line of separa- 
tion being P&,nopolis and Ptolemals- 
fiermii ; and the nomes were then 
increased to 58, of which the Delta 

contained 85, inclnding the Oasis of 
Ammon. These nomes were as on the 
following page. 

Each nome was governed by a Kom- 
arch, to whom was entrusted the 
levying of taxes, and various duties 
connected with the administration of 
the province. See Mr. Harris's 
Standards of the Nomes and Top- 
archies of Egypt. His discovery can- 
not be too highly appreciated. He 
has also those of Ethiopia, which 
we may hope will be published. — 
[G. W.] 

' Of Busiris, see note • on ch. 61, 
and preceding note. The Bnsirite 
nome was next to the Sebennytic, and 
to the south of it. Of SaTs, see note * 
on ch. 62, and note • on ch. 170. Of 
Chemmis, see note * on ch. 91 ; it was 
in Upper Egypt. Of Papremis, see 
note ^ on ch. 63. Of Prosopitis, see 
note ^ on ch. 41.— [G. W.] 

^ This was the tract between the 
Sebennytic, or Busiritic branch, and 
the Thermuthiac, which ran to the 
east of Xots.— [G. W. 

' It is singular that only two nomes 
of Upper Egypt are here mentioned, 
Thebes and Chemmis. But as Hero- 
dotus has mentioned so few of the 
nomes, it is more probable that he has 
overlooked some, than that no soldiers 
belonged to any nome in Upper 
Egypt but the Theban and Chem- 
mite. The largest force was neces- 
sarily quartered in these northern 
nomes, being wanted for defence 
against the enemy from the eastward : 
but it does not follow that they were 
nearly all ratted there. Besides the 


The Nomes of the Delta, or Lower E<?ypt, begixming^ from the East, were : 



Chief City. 

■•• ••• 

• •• ••• ••• 

#•• ••• ••• 

•• ••• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••■ 

■ •• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

« • • • • • 


1. Heliopolis 

2. Babastites 

3. Anthribites (with the\ 

Me of Myecphoris) / 

4. Heroopolites 

6. PhagroriopoUtes 

6. Arabia ., 
1. Setbroites 

8. Tanitee .. 

9. Pharbeethites... 

10. Leontopolites 

11. Neout (Neut) 

12. Mendeeios 

13. Papremites 

14. Busirites... 
16. Sebennytes 
16. Anysis 
1?. Sebennytes Inferior 

18. Elearchia 

19. ThelsleofNatho 

20. Xoites 

21. Onuphites 

22. Nitrites (Nitrlotia) 

23. Proeopites 

24. Phthemphite* 
26. Sdites 

26. Phtheneotec . 

27. Cabasites... 

28. Naucratites 

29. Metelites 

30. Alexandrinomm ... 

31. Hermopolites... 

32. Menelaites ... 

33. Letopolite* 

••• ••• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• 

•• ••# ••• 

• •• ••# ••• 

••• ••• 

• •• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• •*• ••■ 

••• ••• ••• 

••• ••• 

• •• 






Sethnim. or HtndeopoIlB Parra 

X a n i n ••• ... ... ... ... 


Leontopolis ... 


Aienuea ... ... ... ... ... 


Buslrls ... 


Anysis, or Isenm (?) ... 


••• ••• ••• 

••• •#• ••• 

■ • • ••• ••• 

• •• 


• •• ••• ••• 

34. Marea, Libya .. 
36. HammoniacuB 

••• ••• 

••• •■• 

• •• 

• «• 

• ■• 

Natho ... 

XoHb ... 

Onuphls ... 

Nitria ... 

Proeopis, or Nida 


Sais (Ssa) 


Cabaaa .. 



( Alexandria, ) 

) Racotis \ 

HermopoliB ParvA 


/ Letopolla ) 

t Latone Civitas ( 
Marea ... 

• •• • • • 

••• ••• 

••# ••• ••• ••• 

••• •#• •■• ■•• 

••• ••• ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• ••• 

••• ■•• 
•#• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

• •• ••• ••• 

• •• ••• ••• 

• •• ••• ••• 

•• ••• 

Modem Name. 

• •• 

• •• 

• •• 

f •• 

••• ••• 


••• ••• 

••# ••# ••• 



Abookeshiyd (?^ 
Shekh Han^dik (0 
Tel Fakkoos. 
TelShareeg (?) 

Harbayt» or Hearbayt. 
Tanbool (?) 
Aahmooii (?) 

Abooeeer (?) 





Banoob (?) 

Zakeek (?) 

Menoof (.>) or Ibahideb (7) 

Shooni (?) 






Weaeem (f) 

El Hayt (?) 
Seewah (Siwah). 

(For the Delta, its towns, and branches of the Nile, see Egypt and Thebes, toL L p. 399 to 4W.) 
The Nomes of Upper Egypt, or the Thebald, and of Heptanomis, beginning from the North, were : 









••• ••• 

••• ••• 

1. Memphites 

2. Aphroditopolites ... 

3. Arsinoites 

4. Heracleopolites 

6. Oxyrhlnchites 

6. Cynopolltes 

t, Hennopolitea 

8. AntinoTtes ("in which* 

are included the two> 
Oases." Ptol. 4, 6.) J 

9. Lycopolites 

10. Hypselites 

11. Ant«opolites 

12. AphroditopoUtec 

13. Panopolites ... 

••• «•• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

Chief City. 



Crocodilopolis, or Arsinofi 


Hermopolia MagnA 

••• ••• ••• 

••# ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• 

AntinoS ... 

••• ••• ••• •.. 

14. Thlnites 

••• •.« 

••• ... 

15. tHospolites 

16. Tentyrites 

17. Coptites ... 

18. Thebamm 

• •• ••• ••• 

■•• «•• •■• 

••• ••• ••■ 

f*a ••• ••■ 

19. Pathyrites 

20. Hermonthites 

21. Latopolites 

22. ApollinopoUtei 

23. Ombite* ... 

«•• ••• •#• 

«•• ••• •«• 

• •• ••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• 

•■• ••• ••• 

Lycopolis ... 


Antsopolis ... 


/" Thit, near Ahydu9 : ** tLf'\ 
} terwards the capital was ? 

» Ptolemais-Hennii ) 

DiospoUs Parva .. 
Tentjrris, Tentyra 

Modem Name. 

••• ••• 

^/OlJ vCM •■• ••• ••• ••• 

} " Egyptian Thebes/' ' 1 


lebs, Diospolis Magna, 

••• as* 

••■ ••• #•• 

••• ••• 

••• ••• ••• 

j The Libyan, or Western ) 
I part of Thebes. ) 

Hermonthis ... 

ApoUinopoUs Magna ... 
Ombos •«« ... 

••• ••• 

••• ••• 

••• »•# ••• 


Medetoet el Vj6cm. 



El Kays. 


t Shekh Ab4deb. «r 

I Insin^ 



Oow (Kow) el Kebe^. 


Ekhmim, or Akhme<^m. 

Birteh (?) or El Betrbeh (?) 

Kolt, or KebU 
Karoak, and 





ti8,^ Aphthis,* Tanis,* Mendes, Sebennytus, Athribis, Phar- 
b«thus, Thmuis, Onuphis, Anysis, and Myecphoris*^ — this last 
canton consists of an island which lies over against the 
town of Bubastis. The Calasirians, when at their greatest 
nmnber, have amounted to two hundred and fifty thousand. 
Like the Hermotybians, they are forbidden to pursue any 
trade, and devote themselves entirely to warlike exercises, the 
son following the father's calling. 


Dome of Thebes on the east, was the 
Fathjritic on the opposite bank, 
which contained " the Libyan snbnrb' 
of Thebes, or the *' Memnoneia." (See 
Dr. Yooni^, Disc. Eg. Lit., p. 66.) It 
was called Pa-Athor, "belong^ing to 
Athor" (Yenns), who presided over 
tiieWest The Theban and Chemmite 
may hare been the two that famished 
the troops of the Ethiopian frontier, 
and of Uie garrisons in Upper Egypt. 
According to Herodotns the whole 
fofoe was 410,(XX) men. Diodoros 
(i 54) makes it amoont, in the time 
of Sesostris, to 600,000 foot, 24,000 
hcne, and 27 chariots; bnt he pro- 
bably inclnded in these the auxiliaries. 

-ro. w.] 

' See notes on chs. 69, 60, 138. 

' The position of this nome is un- 
certain.— [G. W.] 

* The city of Tanis is the Zoan of 
sacred Scripture, and the modem San 
or Zan, — the Garni (or Djami) or 
Athennes, of the Copts. It has ezten- 
sire monnds, and remains of a small 
temple of the time of Bemesee the 
Great, remarkable from its having at 
least ten, if not twelve obefa'sks. The 
name of Osirtasen IIL fonnd there 
(see Burton's Excerpta, pi. 88, 89, 40) 
shows that an older temple once stood 
at Tanis : and the great antiquity 
of Tanis is also shown by its existing 
in the time of Abraham, and being 
founded seven years after Hebron, 
where Sarah died (Gen. xxiii. 2 ; Num. 
xiii. 22). In " the field of Zoan " the 
miracles of Moses are said to have 
been performed (Fs. Ixxviii. 12) ; and 
its present desolation shows how com. 
pletely the prophecies against it have 

been fulfilled. (Ezek. xxx. 14; Isa. 
xix. 11; XXX. 4).— [G. W.] 

' See note ' on Mendes, oh. 42. Se- 
bennytus, the modem Semenood, has 
no remains, except a few sculptured 
stones, on one of which are the name 
and figure of the God. (See note ^ on 
ch. 48.) They are of the late time of 
Alexander, the son of Alexander the 
Great, in whose name Ptolemy Lagi 
was then Governor of Egypt. Seme- 
nood stands on the west bank of the 
modem Damietta branch. Athribis, 
now Benhak'eUAssalf from its " honey," 
is marked by its mounds, still called 
Atre^b. The town was nearly a mile 
in length, E. and W., and three-fourths 
of a mile N. and S. It is on the E. 
bank of the old Sebennytio (and 
modem Damietta) branch. Pharbsa- 
thus, now Harhayt (the same as the 
old name without the article P), is 
between 12 and 18 miles to the K. 
of Bubastis. It stood on the Tanitio 
branch. The site of Thmuis is marked 
by a granite monolith at Tel.Etmai, 
bearing the name of Amasis. Its 
Coptic name is Thmoui, It stands a 
short distance to the south of the 
Mendesian branch. Onuphis is sup- 
posed to have stood on the Sebennytio 
branch, a little below its union with 
the Phatmetic channel, and a little 
to the W. of Anysis, probably at the 
modem Banooh, Anysis may be 
Iseum, now Bebayt (see note * on ch. 
61), about 6 miles below Sebennytus ; 
and the name is probably di-h-isi, 
** house (city) of Isis." Myeophoris was 
an island between the Tanitio and 
Pelusiao branches. See M. Eg. W., 
vol. i. pp. 899-452.— [G. W.] 



Book IL 

167. Whether the Greeks borrowed from the Egyptians 
their notions about trade, like so many others, I cannot say 
for certain.* I have remarked that the Thracians, the Scyths, 
the Persians, the Lydians, and almost all other barbarians, 
hold the citizens who practise trades, and their children, in 
less repute than the rest, while they esteem as noble those 

- who keep aloof from handicrafts, and especially honour such 
as are given wholly to war. These ideas prevail throughout 
the whole of Greece, particularly among the LacedsBmonians. 
Corinth is the place where mechanics are least despised.^ 

168. The warrior class in Egypt had certain special privi- 
leges in which none of the rest of the Egyptians participated, 
except the priests. In the first place each man had twelve 
arurcB^ of land assigned him free from tax. (The arura is a 
square of a hundred Egyptian cubits, the Egyptian cubit 

* These notions were not necessarily 
borrowed by one people from another, 
being very general in a certain state 
of society.— [G. W.] 

' It is cnrions to find this trait in a 
Dorian state. Bat the situation of 
Corinth led so natorally to extensiye 
trade, and thenoe to that splendour 
and magnificence of living by which 
the nsefol and ornamental arts are 
most encouraged, that, in spite of 
Dorian pride and exclosiveness, the 
mechanic's occnpation came soon to 
be regarded with a g^ood deal of 
favour. As early as the time of 
Cypselus elaborate works of art pro- 
ceeded from the Corinthian work- 
shops, as the golden statue of Jupiter 
at Olympia (Pans. v. ii. § 4), and the 
plane-tree in the Corinthian treasury 
at Delphi (Pint. Sept. Sap. 21). 
Afterwards, under Periander, art was 
still more encouraged, and the offer- 
ings of the Cypselidad at various 
shrines were such as to bear a com- 
parison with the works of Polycrates 
at Skmos and of the Pisistratidaa at 
Athens. (Ar. Pol. v. 9. Comp. Eph. 
Pr. 106, and Theophr. ap. Phot, in 
Kv^tXiZuv ijfdBrifia,) A little later a 
Corinthian architect rebuilt the temple 

at DelphL (Pausan. X. ▼. ad fin.) 
Finally, Corinth became noted for the 
peculiar composition of its bronze, 
which was regarded as better suited 
for works of art than uiy other, Mid 
which under the name of ^s Corinth- 
iacum was celebrated throughout the 
world. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 3.) 

^ The aruTBk, according to Herodo- 
tus and Horapollo, was a squM« of 
100 cubits, and contained 10,000 
square cubits, about 22,500 square 
feet. It was a little more than three- 
fourths of an English acre ; and was 
only a land measure. The 12 amre 
were about nine English acres. Dio- 
doms says the land of Egypt had 
been divided by Sesostris into three 
parte, one of which was assigned to 
the military class, in ordM' that they 
might be more ready to undergo tfa^ 
hazards of war, when they had pro- 
perty in the country for which they 
fought. This answered well at first, 
but in time the soldiers became mora 
fond of their property than of glory, 
and another occupation took away 
the taste for war, as was the case 
with the Janissaries of Torkej. — 
[G. W.] 

Chaf. 167-169 



being of the same length as the Samian.®) All the warriors 
enjoyed this privilege together ; but there were other advan- 
tages which came to each in rotation, the same man never 
obtaining them twice. A thousand Galasirians, and the same 
number of Hermotybians, formed in alternate years the body- 
guard of the king; and during their year of service these 
persons, besides their arwrce, received a daily portion of meat . 
and drink, consisting of five pounds of baked bread, two 
pounds of beef, and four cups of wine.^ 

169. When Apries, at the head of his mercenaries,^ and 
Amasis, in command of the whole native force of the Egyp- 
tians, encountered one another near the city of Momemphis,® 
an engagement presently took place. The foreign troops 
fought bravely, but were overpowered by numbers, in which 
they fell very far short of their adversaries. It is said that 
Apries believed that there was not a god who could cast him 
down from his eminence,^ so firmly did he think that he had 
established himself in his kingdom. But at this time the 
battle went against him ; and, his army being worsted, he fell 
into the enemy's hands, and was brought back a prisoner to 
Sals,* where he was lodged in what had been his own house. 

* On the Egyptian cubit, see App. 
CH, It. ad fin. It seems to have been 
rather more than 20| English inches. 
The ordinarj Greek cubit was 18^ 
inches.— [G. W.] 

^ These 2000 spearmen, selected by 
turns from the army, as a body-guard, 
had daily rations of 5 minsd (Gibs. 8oz. 
14 dwt. 6 grs.) of bread, 2 of beef 
(2 lbs. 8 oz. 6 dwt. 17 grs.), and 4 
amaters, or a little more than 2 pints 
of wine, during their annnal service. 
The mina seems to have been 16| oz. ; 
the talent about 80 lbs. Troy. The 
mina in hieroglyphics is called men, or 
mna ; in Coptic, emna, or amna ; and 
the talent ginshdr. See P. A. Eg. W., 
Tcd. ii. p. 259.— [G. W.] 

' See note ' on oh. 163, and note ^ 
on ch. 152. 

* See note ^ on ch. 163. 

* This was probably after having 

obliged the Babylonians to retire firom 
before Jerusalem (see note ^ on ch. 
161) ; for before the end of his reign the 
return of Nebuchadnezzar must have 
convinced him of his enemy's power. 
His pride is noticed in Ezek. xxix. 3, 
8, 9. See note * on oh. 177.— [G. W.l 
^ This was the royal residence of 
this 26th Salte dynasty; and the 
sacred temenos, or enclosure, contain, 
ing the temple and the lake, was sur- 
rounded by massive walls of crude 
brick. Some houses also stood within 
it, but the town itself was outside the 
walls. It was the custom of the 
Egyptians in the early periods to 
enclose their garrison towns with 
strong crude brick walls, geneiftlly 
about fifteen or twenty feet thick, 
and fifty feet high, crowned with 
battlements in the form of Egyptian 
shields, as a breastwork to the spacious 



Booi. n. 

but was now the palace of Amasis. Amasis treated him with 
kindness,® and kept him in the palace for a while ; but finding 
his conduct blamed by the Egyptians, who charged him with 
acting unjustly in preserving a man who had shown himself 
so bitter an enemy both to them and him, he gave Apries over 
into the hands of his former subjects, to deal with as they 
chose. Then the Egyptians took him and strangled him, but 
having so done they buried him in the sepulchre of his fathers. 
This tomb is in the temple of Minerva, very near the sanc- 
tuary, on the left hand as one enters. The Saites buried all 
the kings who belonged to their canton inside this temple; 
and thus it even contains the tomb of Amasis, as well as that 
of Apries and his family. The latter is not so close to the 
sanctuary as the former, but still it is within the temple. It 

rampart, which was ascended by broad 
inclined planes ; and the temples had 
nsnally a separate enclosore within 
this general circuit. In their regular 
fortresses the outer walla were 
strengthened with square towers at 
intervals; and parallel to the outer 
walls was a lower one of oiroumvalla- 
tion, distant about twelve to fifteen 
feet, the object of which was to pre- 
vent the enemy bringing his battering 
rams, or other engines, directly against 
the main walls, before he had thrown 
down this advanced one ; which, when 
the place vras surrounded by a ditch, 
stood in the middle of it, and served 
as a tenaille and ravelin. In larger 
fortifications the ditch had both a 
scarp and counterscarp, and even a 
regidar glacis (as at Semneh) ; and 
the low wall in the ditch was of stone, 
as at Contra Pselcis. There was also 
a wall nmning out at lighi^angles 
from (and of equal height with) the 
main wall, which crossed the ditch, 
for the purpose of raking it, by what 
we should caU a ** flanking fire." 
Theype was one main gate, between 
two towers; and on the river side 
was a water-gate, protected by a 
oovertway. This was a reg^ular sys- 
tem of fortification; but after the 
aocession of the 18th dynasty these 

fortresses appear to have been seldom 
built; and the lofty stone towers of 
the PropylsBa being added to the 
temples became detached forts in 
each city, and an asylum for what 
was most precious, the sacred things, 
the persons of the king and priests, 
and the treasury, as well as a protec- 
tion against foreign and domestic foes. 
(See Aristot Polit. iv. 11.) Even 
Thebes had no waU of cirooit; its 
hundred gates (a weakness in a wall) 
were those of the numerous courts of 
its temples ; and though the fortresses 
of Pelusium, and other strongholds of 
the frontiers, still oontinued to be 
used, towns were seldom enclosed by 
a wall, except small ones on a pass, or 
in some commanding position. See a 
letter in the Transactions of the 
Society of Literature, vol. Sv., new 
series, on the level of the Kile and 
Egyptian fortification. — [G. W.] 

^ It has been thought that Apries 
may have continued to be nominally 
king, imtil Amasis had sufficiently es- 
tablished his power and reconciled the 
Egyptians to his usurpation ; and the 
latter years of his reign may have 
been included in "the 44 years of 
Amasis ; " but the shortness of that 
period, and the Apis stelse, disprove 
this.— [G. W.] 



standB in the conrt, and is a spacious cloister, built of stone, 
and adorned with pillars carved so as to resemble palm-trees,^ 
and with other sumptuous ornaments. Within the cloister is 
a chamber with folding doors, behind which lies the sepulchre 
of the king. 

170. Here too, in this same precinct of Minerva at Sals, is 
the burial-place of one whom I think it not right to mention 
in such a connection.^ It stands behind the temple, against 
the back wall, which it entirely covers. There are also some 
large stone obelisks in the enclosure, and there is a lake ^ near 
them, adorned with an edging of stone. In form it is circular, 
and in size, as it seemed to me, about equal to the lake in 
Delos caUed " the Hoop." * 

'They are common in Egyptian 
templei, partionlarly in the Delta, 
mhem they are often of granite, as at 
BobaBtis, and Tanis. The date-palm 
WM not, as Dr. Pickering thinks (p. 
373), introdnced into Egypt in the 
Hylnos period, being represented on 
the tombs abont the Pyramids of the 
4th dynasty, where rafters for rooms 
are shown to have been already made 
of it, as at the present day. The 
palm-branch was aJso the emblem of 
"years" in the oldest dates. Its not 
being indicated at periods of which no 
recoids remain is no proof of its not 
being known in Africa then, or long 
before; negative inferences are Tory 
donbtfol ; and the eridenoe of a plant, 
or an animal, being found in ancient 
Egypt is frequently derived from the 
accidental preservation of a single 
monnment. See Dr. Piokering^s yaln. 
able work, the Baoes ot Man, p. 886, 
«eg.— [G. W.] 

"This was Osiris, in honour of 
whom many ceremonies were per. 
formed at 6a¥s, as in some other 
towns.— [G. W.] 

* This lake still remains at SaTs, 
the modem Sa^eUHagwry ** Sa of the 
stone ; " the ancient name being Ssa. 
(See above, note ^ on ch. 62.) The 
Btone casing, which always lined the 
sides of th^e sacred lakes (and which 
may be seen at Thebes, Hermcmthes, 
and other places), is entirely gone ; 

but the extent of the main enclosnre, 
which included within it the lake and 
temple, is very evident ; and the mas- 
sive crude brick walls are standing 
to a great height. They are about 
seventy feet thick, and have layers of 
reeds and rushes at intervals, to serve 
as binders. The lake is still supplied 
by a canal from the river. Some 
ruined houses stand on a ground with- 
in the enclosure (at B d) near the 
lake, perhaps on the site of the palace, 
but of a much later time than Amasis. 
Many have been burnt. Their lofty 
walls in one part have obtained the 
name of El Kala, <<the Citadel." It 
is difficult to ascertain the position of 
the temple of Minerva, as no ruins 
remain above ground, and you come 
to water a very short way below the 
surface; the Nile being of higher 
level than in former times. It stood 
within a ^^iemenos** or inner sacred 
enclosure near the lake, probably 
about K in the plan. At o may have 
been the royal tombs. Other tombs 
are in the mounds outside near the 
modem village, at f, and at q beyond 
the canal to the westward, is another 
burial-place, of private indiriduals. 
The lake is no longer, if it ever, was, 
*' round," but oblong, measuring nearly 
2000 feet by 760. (See plan opposite). 
— [G. W.] 

^ The Delian lake was a famous 
feature of the great temple or sacred 



Booi n. 

171. On this lake it is that the Egyptians represent by night 
his sufferings * whose name I refrain from mentioning ; and 
this representation they call their Mysteries.* I know well 

enclosnre of Apollo, whioh was the 
chief glory of that island. It is cele- 
brated by the ancient poet Theognis 
!B.c. 548) nnder the same appellation 
TpoxoeiJ^y) assigned it by Herodotus 
(Theogfn. 7) ; and is twice mentioned, 
once as rpox<^<r<''a (Hynm. ad Del. 
261), and once as Ttpirrfhs (Hymn, ad 
ApoU. 59), by Callimachns. Apollo 
was supposed to have been bom apon 
its banks. Larcher (note ad loc.) 
shows satisfactorily that it was situ- 
ated within the sacred enclosnre ; and 
decides with good reason in favour of 
its identity with the oval basin dis. 
covered by Messrs. Spon and Wheeler 
in 1675, of which an accoTmt is given 
in their Travels (vol. i. p. 85, French 
Tr.). The dimensions, which do not 
seem to have been accurately mea- 
sured, are reckoned at 300 paces 
(1500 feet) by 200 (1000 feet) . It was 
thus an oval, like the lake at Sals, and 
not very different in its dimensions. 

* The Egyptians and the Syrians 
had each the myth of a dying God; 
but they selected a different phseno- 
menon for its basis; the former the 
Nile, the Syrians, the aspect of nature, 
or, as Macrobius shows (Saturn, i. 26), 
the sun; which, during one part of 
the year manifesting its vivifying 
effects on the earth's surface, seemed 
to die on the approach of winter ; and 
hence the notion of a God who was 
both mortal and immortal. In the 
religion of Greece we trace this more 
obscurely ; but the Cretans believed 
that Jupiter had died, and even 
showed his tomb (Cic. Nat. Deor. 3), 
which made Callimachns, taking it 
literally, revile the Cretans "as 
liars : " 

KpnTCt &ei ^ewrraii nal yap ra^ov, « St^Oi ffcto 
K^nrer IrtKrijaatrrot av V oii Odvetf icct fap 

— an epithet quoted by St. Paul from 
Epimenides. (Epistle to Titus i. 12.) 
This belief was perhaps borrowed from 
Egypt or from Syria ; for the Greeks 

derided the notion of a God dying; 
whence the remark of Xenophanes 
and others to the Egyptians, " If ye 
believe them to be Gods, why do ye 
weep for them ; if they deserve your 
lamentations, whv repute them to be 
Gods ? " (Pint, de Is. 71.) They, on 
the other hand, committed the error 
of making men into Qods, and, mis- 
understanding the allegorical views of 
the Egyptians and others, ran into the 
grossest errors respecting those deities 
whom they adopted. In Crete again, 
Apollo's grief for Atymnins was comme- 
morated " *Air6x\uv 9eucpvx^tay iparta^w 
'Arifiyioif" as that of Yenus for Adonis 
in Syria, where the women sitting and 
weeping for Tammiiz (Tamooz), and 
the Jews weeping in the high places, 
when they fell off to the idolatry of 
their neighbours (Ezek. viii. 6, 14; 
Jerem. iii. 21), show the general ens- 
tom of the Syrians. The wailing of 
the orthodox Jews, though not un- 
usual, was of a different kind (Numb, 
xzv. 6), and was permitted except on 
festivals. (Joseph, xi. 55.) The la- 
mentations of the Egyptians led to 
the remark of Apuleius : ''iEgyptiorum 
numinum fana plena plangoribus, 
Graoca plerumque choreis." — [G. W.] 

' The sufferings and death of Osiris 
were the great mystery of the Egyp- 
tian religion; and some traces of it 
are perceptible among other people of 
antiquity. His being the divine good- 
ness, and the abstract idea of " good," 
his manifestation upon earth (like an 
Indian God), his death, and resurrec- 
tion, and his office as judge of the dead 
in a future state, look like the early 
revelation of a future manifestation of 
the deity converted into a m3rthologi- 
cal fable ; and are not less remarkable 
than that notion of the Egyptians 
mentioned by Plutarch (in Yit. 
Numee), that a woman might conceive 
by the approach of some divine spirit. 
Ajs Osiris sigpiified " good," Typhon (or 
I rather Seth) was ** evil | " and the re* 


the whole c<5nrse of the proceedings in these ceremomea,* but 
the; shall not pase my lips. So too, vith regard to the 

nmrkable Dotion of good and evil being 
brotbeTB is abnndikatlf illuBtrated in 
the earl J soolptDras ; nor waa it till 
m chuige irsa muds, apporentlj by 
foreigners from AnBf wbo held the 
doctrine of the two prindplea, that 
eril became coDfonnded with sin, when 
the brother of OsiriH no longer re- 
coived divine hononrs. {See At. Eg'. 
W., p. 18* to 127.) TiU then sin, 
"the great »erpent," or Aphophia 
"the giant," was distinot from Seth, 
who was a deitj, and port of tha 

hiunan head, being repreeentod pieroed 
by the Bpeor of Home, or Atmoo (u 
fie the " Son "), reoalli tho war of the 
and giants, and the ^ 

serpent dain by Tiehnoo. 
(See note on Book ir. oh. < 
ISl.) Osirii may be anid 
rather to have presided over 
the judgment of the dead, 
than to have jadgod them ; ho 


So. L 
diTtoa mUm, which recalli thoae I 
words of laaiah (ilv. 7) , "I form | 
the light, and create darkneM ; I 
nutlie peace, and create evil ; I the 
Lord do these things;" and of 
Amos (iii. 6), " shall there he evil 
in a city, and the Lord bath not 
done it?" In like manner the 
mythology of India admitted tho 
creator and destroyer as charao- 
t«n of the divine Being. Seth 
was even called Baal-Seth, and 
made the God of their euemie* 
alao, which wag from w«r being 
an evil, as peace in the above 
TCfse ii equivalent to good ; and 
in (Baal) Zephon we may perhaps 

trace the name of Typhon. In 

the nmo sense the Egyptians re- 
presented Eeth teaching a, Fharaoh 
the lu« of the bow and other weapons 
cf deatmction which were prodacera 
<if evil- Sin, the giant Aphophis, as 
" tbe great serpent," often with a 

foand worthy. He w 

not the avenging deity; 

he did not pnnifih, nor 

oonld he show mercy, 

OF sabvert the jadg. 

ment piDnonnced. It 

was a simple qaestion 

offset. If wicked they 

were destined to goffer 

pnniahment. A man's 

_ actions were balanced 

in the scales against 

ie or troth, and, if foand wanting, 

-aa eioloded from fatm:e b^ipi- 

cess. Thns, tbongh tbe Egyptians ars 
sud to believe the gods were capable 
of inflnencing destiny (Easeb. Pr. Ev. 
iii. 4), it is evident that Oairi* (t'^e 
the Qreek Zens) waa bound by it ; and 



Book IL 

mysteries of Ceres, which the Greeks term "the Thesmo- 
phoria/' ^ I know them, but I shall not mention them, except 

the wicked were pmuBhed, not because 
he rejected them, bnt because they 
were wicked. Each man's conscience 
released from the sinfol body, was 
his own jndge ; and self-condemnation 
hereafter followed np the ^ydOi and 
€u<rx^f*o fftavrhv enjoined on earth« 
Thoth, therefore (or that part of the 
divine nature called intellect and con- 
science), weighed and condemned ; 
and Horns (who had been left on 
earth to follow ont the conqnests of 
his father Osiris after he had re- 
turned to heaven) ushered in the 
just to the divine presence. — [G. W.] 
^ These mysteries of Osiris, Hero- 
dotus says, were introduced into 
Greece by the daughters of Danaus. 
(See note * on ch. 91, note ^ on ch. 
107} note ^ on ch. 182, and Book vi. 
n. ch. 63.) The fables of antiquity 
had generally several meanings ; they 
were either historical, physical, or re- 
ligious. The less instructed were led 
to believe Osiris represented some 
natural phenomenon ; as the inunda- 
tion of the Nile, which disappearing 
again, and losing its effects in the sea, 
was construed into the manifesta- 
tion and death of the deity, destroyed 
by Typhon ; and the story of his body 
having been carried to Byblus, and 
that of the head which went annually 
from Egypt to that place, swimming 
on the sea (Lucian, de De4 Syr4) for 
seven days, were the allegory of the 
water of the Nile carried by the 
currents to the Syrian coast ; tiiough 
Pausanias (x. 12) says they lamented 
Osiris, •' when the Nile began to rise." 
His fabulous history was also thought 
by the Greeks to be connected with 
the sun ; but it was not so viewed in 
early times by the Egyptians ; and 
this was rather an Asiatic notion, and 
an instance of the usual adaptation of 
deities to each other in different my- 
thologies. Least of all was he thought 
to be a man deified ; and as Plutarch 
says (de Isid. s. 11, 20), *'we are not 
to suppose the adventures related of 

him were actually true, or ever hap- 
pened m fact ; " and the real meaning 
of them was confined to those initiated 
into the higher mysteries. (See fore- 
going note.) The death of Adonis, and 
of Bacchus, and the story of Osiris 
being enticed by Typhon to get into 
a chest, which floated down the river, 
and was conveyed to "Byblus in 
PhGenicia," shows a dose connection 
between different reh'gpons; and the 
rites of Adonis were performed in the 
temple of Venus at that place. 
(Lucian, de DeA Syr.) Xsis having 
found the chest, brought it back by sea 
to Eg^t, and concealed it till she 
could meet her son Horns. In iho 
mean time Typhon discovered it, and 
having cut up the body into fourteen 
pieces, distributed them over different 
parts of the country. Xsis then went 
in a boat made of papyrus rushes in 
quest of the scattei^ members, and 
having found them, buried them in 
various places, which accounts for the 
many burial-places of Osiris, as her 
adventures by water do for the repre. 
sentations on the lake of Sals. The 
portion of the mysteries imparted to 
strangers, as to Herodotus, Plutarch, 
and others, and even to I^thagoras, 
was limited ; and the more important 
secrets were not even revealed to all 
"the priests, but to those only who 
were the most approved." (Clem. AL 
Strom. V. 7, p. 670.) 

On the resemblance of the Indian 
Rama, his army of Satyrs, and his 
conquest of India, see Sir W. Jones, 
vol. i. p. 262. In the Yedas (written 
before the later notions about trans- 
migration of the soul) is a deity called 
Tama, who bears a strong resemblance 
to Osiris, being the ruler of the dead, 
who gives a place of happiness here- 
after to the souls of good men. The 
analogy is made more striking by his 
having lived on earth with his siater 
and wife Yami (as Osiris with Xsis); 
and they, like Adam and Eve, were 
the parents of the human raoe. 8eo 

CpAP. 171, 172. 



60 far as may be done -without impiety. The daughters of 
Danaus brought these rites from Egypt, and taught them to 
the Pelasgic women of the Feloponnese. Afterwards, when 
{he inhabitants of the peninsula were driven from their homes 
by the Dorians, the rites perished. Only in Arcadia, where 
the natives remained and were not compelled to migrate,^ 
their observance continued. 

172. After Apries had been put to death in the way that 
I have described above, Amasis reined over Egypt. He 
belonged to the canton of Sais, being a. native of the town 
called Siouph.^ At first his subjects looked down on him and 
held him in small esteem, because he had been a mere private 
person, and of a house of no great distinction ; but after a 
time Apries succeeded in reconciling them to his rule, not by 
severity, but by cleverness. Among his other splendour he 
had a golden foot-pan, in which his guests and himself were 
wont upon occasion to wash their feet. This vessel he caused 
to be broken in pieces, and made of the gold an image of one 
of the gods, which he set up in the most public place in the 
whole city ; upon which the Egyptians flocked to the image, 
and worshipped it with the utmost reverence. Amasis, finding 
this was so, called an assembly, and opened the matter to 
them, explaining how the image had been made of the foot- 
pan, wherein they had been wont formerly to wash their feet 
and to put all manner of filth, yet now it was greatly reve- 
renced. "And truly," he went on to say, "it had gone with 
him as with the foot-pan. If he was a private person for- 
merly, yet now he had come to be their king. And so he bade 
them honour and reverence him." Such was the mode in 

Joam. American Orient. Soo., vol. iii. 
No. 2, pp. 328, 336.— [G. W.] 

' See note on Book vi. oh. 16. 

' Compare viii. 73, and note ad loo. 

^ This place is supposed to have 
stood to the north of Sals, at SejB^eh, on 
the east bank of the modem Boeetta 
branch. Plato thinks Amasis was from 
Sals itself (in Tim.) — Herodotus says 
be was of plebeian origin; bat the 

two facts of his having become King 
of Egypt, and having married the 
daughter of a king, argue against this 
assertion; and Diodorus, with more 
reason, describes him as a person of 
consequence, which is confirmed by 
his rank as a general, and his being a 
distinguished member of the military 
class.- [a. W.] 



Book IL 

which he won over the Egyptians^ and brought them to be 
content to do him seryice. 

178. The following was the general habit of his life : — ^From 
early dawn to the time when the forum is wont to fill,^ he 
sedulously transacted all the business that was brought before 
him : during the remainder of the day he drank and joked 
with his guests> passing the time in witty and^ sometimes, 
scarce seemly conversation. It grieved his friends that he 
should thus demean himself, and accordingly some of them 
chid him on the subject, saying to him, — ** Oh ! king, thou 
dost but HI guard thy royal dignity whilst thou aJlowest 
thyself in such levities. Thou shouldest sit in state upon a 
stately throne, and busy thyself with affairs the whole day 
long. So would the Egyptians feel that a great man rules 
them, and thou wouldst be better spoken of. But now thou 
conduotest thyself in no kingly fashion." Amasis answered 
them thus : — " Bowmen bend their bows when they wish to 
shoot ; unbrace them when the shooting is over. Were they 
kept always strung they would break, and fail the archer in 
time of need. So it is with men. If they give themselves 
constantly to serious work, and never indulge awhile in pas- 
time or sport, they lose their senses, and become mad or 
moody. Knowing this, I divide my life between pastime and 
business." Thus he answered his friends. 

174. It is said that Amasis, even while he was a private 
man, had the same tastes for drinking and jesting, and was 
averse to engaging in any serious employment. He lived in 

* In early times the Greeks divided 
the day into three parts, as in Homer, 
Iliad, zxi. Ill, li^s, 8ff(Xiy, fi^cop 
^ftap. The division, according to Die 
GhrTSOstomns (De GloriA Drat. 67; see 
also Jol. PoUnz, Onom. i.68) was upt^, 
Bonrise, or earlj mom ; W9pl n}Ji$ov<ratf 
ieyopdi^t market time (Xenoph. Anab. 
1), or forenoon, the third hour; /ico-- 
rififipla, midday; ittXri, or %tpi 8ff(- 
Xiyr, afternoon, or the ninth hour ; and 
ifripOf evening, or snnset. These are 
very like the Arabic divisioni at the 

present time, for each of which they 
have a stated nnmber of prayers: 
svhhf "morning " (which is idso sub- 
divided into el fegr, '< daybreak," 
answering to the Greek t^pim, 
** dawn") ; idhot " forenoon ; " dohr, 
" Biidday ; " osmt, ** afternoon " (mid- 
way between noon and snnset) ; and 
mighreb, "snnset;" after which is 
the EsheXt at one hour and a half after 
sunset, when the last or fifth set of 
daily prayers is said. — [G. W.] 

Coat. 172-175. 



coDBtant feasts and reTelries, and whenevflr bis means failed 
him, he roamed about and robbed people. On such ocoasions 
the persons from vhom he bad stolen would bring him, if be 
denied the charge, before the nearest oracle ; sometimes the 
oracle would pronounce him goilty of the theft, at other times 
it would acquit him. When afterwards he came to be king, 
be neglected the temples of sach gods as had declared that be 
was not a thief, and neither contributed to their adornment, 
nor frequented them for sacrifice ; since he regarded them as 
utterly worthlese, and their oracles as wholly false : but the 
gods who had detected bis guilt be considered to be true gods 
whose oracles did not deceive, and these he honoured exceed- 

175. First of all, therefore, he built the gateway * of the 
temple of Minerva at Sus, which is an astonishing work, far 
surpassing all other buildings of the some kind both is extent 
and height, and built with stones of rare size and excellency. 
In the next place, he presented to the temple a number of 
large colosBal statues, and several prodigious androspbinxes,* 

The androiphinx had tbe Iiead of « 
man and tlia body of a lion, eym. 
boliBmg the nnion of intellBotnal and 
pbysical etrength ; and ClemsDB and 
Plotaroh say thej were placed before 
the temples as types of the myBterion* 
nature of the Deitj. (Strom, t. 6, p. 
664, and 7, p. 671, and Plut. de. Is. s. 
9.) There were also tbe oriospbinx, 
with the head of a ram ; the bieraco- 
Bphinz, with that of a hawk ; and some- 
times the paiatingH represented an 

* Hot • " portico," as Larohec sup. 
poses, bnt the lofty towera of the 
Are», or Court of Entrance, which 
Berodotos properly deaoribei of great 
height and size. See note * on oh. 
155, wd woodoDt tbere.— [G. W.] 

' Tbe hbubI sphinxes ef the dromoi, 
or aTCnne, leading to the entrance of 
tbe large temples. Sometimes kneel. 
ing rams were sabstitnted for andro- 
■phinies, as at Kamak, Gebel Berkel, 
wd other places ; and sometimes lions. 


besides certain stones for the repairs, of a most extraordinary 
size. Some of these he got from the qn&niea over against 

asp, oTMiiie otlier snake (see woodont ] of a wotiHUi and a lion, like thooe ti 

below, No. Tn. Og. 2), in Ueo of a Oreeoe i and if an instance oocnts of 

head, attached to the body of a lion. I tluB it waa a mere taprioe, and piD- 

Egyptian spUnzea were not eompoeed | bablj a foreiRn L '' -'■'■' 

Chap. ITS. 



Ifemphifl, but the largest were bronght from Elephantine,' 
which is twenty days' voyage from Sais. Of all these won- 
derful masses that which I most admire is a chamber made of 
a single stone,' which was quarried at Elephantine. It took 

by its representiiig a queen, the wife 
of King Horns, of the IBth dynasty ; 
and they are sometimes seen in the 
•oolptnree that portray the spoil taken 
from Amatic nations. One of them 
forms the coTer of a vase, either of 
gold or ■ilT'er ; rings (or ore) of whioh 
are probably contained in the sealed 
bags below; and the same head is 
affixed to other ornaments taken from 
the same conntries in the immediate 
neighbonrhood of the Naharayn, or 
Mesopotamia, by the arms of Sethi, 
the father of the great Bemeses. 
Another foreign sphinx has the crested 
head of the Assyrian " nisr** 

One sphinx has been foond of the 
early time of the 6th dynasty (in the 
possession of Mr. Larking, of Alexan- 
dria), having the name of King Me- 
renre; and another of the I2th 
dynasty (on a scarabaeos of the 
Lonrre) ; which at once decide the 
priority of those of Egypt. The great 
sphinx at the Pyramids is of the time 
oif a Thothmes of the I8th dynasty 
(note* on oh. 127). Sometimes an 
androsphinx, instead of the lion's 
paws, has hnman hands, with a vase, 
or censer, between them. The winged 
sphinx is rare in Egypt; bnt a few 
solitary instances of it oocnr on the 
monuments and on scarabsei ; as well 
as of the hawk.headed sphinx, called 
9^er, which is wing^ (fig. 3). There 
is also a fabolons animad called adk, 
with the head of a hawk, the body of 
a lion, and the tail terminating in a 
lotos flower (fig. 5) — a strange combi- 
nation of the bird, qnadraped, and 
regetable — as well as other fanciful 
creatures, one of which has the spot- 
ted body of a leopard, with a winged 
human head on its back resembling a 
modem cherub ; and another is like a 
gazelle with wings (fig. 1). There is 
also the square-eared quadruped, the 
emblem of Seth (fig. 4). The unicorn 
also occurs in the same early paint- 

ings. To this was generally attached 
the idea of great " strength " (Numb, 
xxiii. 22, and xxiv. 8), for which the 
real unicorn (the rhinoceros) was 
noted ; an4 with this yiew the sculp- 
tors of the Nineveh obelisk, and of 
Persepolis (Ker Porter, i. PL 85), who 
had never seen it, represented it 
under the form of a bull, their emblem 
of strength (Gp. Pausan. ix. 21) : but 
the Egyptiflm unicorn, even in the 
early time of the 12th dynasty, was 
the rhinoceros; and though less 
known then than afterwards, it had 
the pointed nose and small tail of that 
animal, of which it is a rude represen- 
tation. Over it is "ebo," a -name 
applied also to *' ivory," and to any 
large beast. The winged Greek 
sphinxes, so eommon on vases, are 
partly Egyptian, partly Phoenician in 
their character, Uie recurved tips of 
the wings being evidently taken from 
those of Astarte. (See woodcut No. 4 
in App. to B. iii. Essay i.) 

The Bomans sometimes gave to 
sphinxes the head of a man, sometimes 
of a woman, with the royal asp upon 
the forehead, in sculptures of late 
time. It is remarkable that in India 
a sphinx is said to represent the 
fourth avatar of Yishnoo, and in 
Thibet it is called nara-sinhas, " man. 
lion," or merely sinhas, "lion," pro- 
nounced singhasy like ff^yyas, — 
[G. W.] 

^ These were granite blocks. — 
[G. W.] 

' The form and dimensions of this 
monolith were very like that of the 
same king at Tel-et.mai, Thmuis, or 
LeontopoUs (given in Mr. Burton's 
Excerpta, plate 41), which measures 
21 ft. 9 high, 18 ft. broad, and 11 ft. 
7 deep, and internally 19 ft. 8, 8 ft., 
and 8 ft. 8. That of Sals, according 
to Herodotus, was 81 ft. 6 long, 22 ft. 
broad, and 12 ft. high, and, within, 
28 ft. 8, 18 ft., and 7t. His length is 



Book IL 

three years to convey this block from the quarry to Sais : and 
in the conveyance were employed no fewer than two thousand 
labourers, who were all from the class of boatmen. The 
length of this chamber on the outside is twenty-one cubits, its 
breadth fourteen cubits, and its height eight. The measure- 
ments inside are the following : — The length, eighteen cubits 
and five-sixths; the breadth, twelve cubits; and the height, 
five. It lies near the entrance of the temple, where it was left 
in consequence of the following circumstance : — It happened 
that the architect, just as the stone had reached the spot 
where it now stands, heaved a sigh, considering the length of 
time that the removal had taken, and feeling wearied with the 
heavy toil. The sigh was heard by Amasis, who, regarding it 
as an omen, would not allow the chamber to be moved forward 
any further. Some, however, say that one of the workmen 
engaged at the levers was crushed and killed by the mass, and 
that this was the reason of its being left where it now stands. 

176. To the other temples of much note Amasis also made 
magnificent offerings — at Memphis, for instance, he gave the 
recumbent colossus * in front of the temple of Vulcan, which 
is seventy-five feet long. Two other colossal statues stand on 
the same base, each twenty feet high, carved in the stone of 
Ethiopia, one on either side of the temple. There is also a 
stone colossus of the same size at Sais, recumbent like that 
at Memphis. Amasis finally built the temple of Isis^ at 
Memphis, a vast structure, well worth seeing. 

177. It is said that the reign of Amasis was the most pros- 
perous time that Egypt ever saw,*^ — ^the river was more Uberal 

really the height, when standing erect. 
It was not equal in weight to the 
granite Colossus of Bemeses at Thebes, 
which weighed upwards of 887 tons, 
and it was far inferior to the monolith 
of Buto, which was taken from the 
sam^quarries. See note ^ on oh. 156. 
— [G. W.] 

* It was an unusual position for an 
Egyptian statue ; and this, as well as 
the other at Memphis^ and the mono- 

lith, may have been left on the ground, 
in consequence of the troubles which 
came upon Egypt at the time; and 
which the Egyptians concealed from 
Herodotus. Strabo speaks of a Colos- 
sus of a single stone, lying before the 
dromos of the temple at Memphis, 
in which the bull fights were held. 
This may be the statue of AmaniB. — 

£G. wg 

^ This can only relate to the m« 



to the land, and the land brought forth more abundantly for 
the service of man than had ever been known before ; -while 
the nnmber of inhabited cities was not less than twenty thou- 
sand. It was this king Amasis who established the law that 

ternal state of the oonntry ; and what 
Herodotus afterwards says shows this 
was his meaning. The flourishing in- 
ternal condition of Egypt is certainly 
proTed by the monuments, and the 
wealth of priyate indiridnals was very 
remarkable; bat Eg3rpt had lost all 
its power abroad, and had long been 
threatened, if not actaally invaded, 
by the Babylonians. Indeed the 
civil war between Apries and Amasis 
bad probably given Nebuchadnezzar 
an opportunity for interfering in 
Egypt ; and if Amasis was forced to 
pay tribute to the Babylonians for 
quiet possession of the throne, this 
nught account for the prophecy in 
Ezekiel (ch. zxiz.), which is so per- 
plexing, that Egypt should be given 
to Nebuchadnezzar, and be "a base 
kingdom," raising itself no more to 
"rule over the nations/' Its being 
the basest of kingdoms, uninhabited 
forty years (v. II), and its cities deso- 
late, appears to accord badly with the 
prosperous time of Amasis ; if all this 
was to happen after the year 585 b.c., 
when Tyre was taken, and conse- 
quently to extend into his reign 
(Eaek. zxiz. IB). Still less could the 
captivity of Egypt date before the 
fall of Nineveh, as has been supposed 
from Nahnm (iii. 8). The successful 
reign of Apries, and his obliging the 
Chaldsans to raise the siege of Jeru- 
salem (Jer. xzxvii. 5), render it im- 
possible ; and the civil war between 
Apries and Amasis happening after 
the taking of Tyre, would agree better 
with the statement of Ezekiel (xxiz. 
18) as to the time of Nebuchad. 
nezzar's invasion of Egypt. That it 
took place is directly stated by 
Exekiel and Jeremiah (xliii. ID, and 
zlvi. 13) : the opportunity for inter- 
ference was favourable for the Baby, 
lonians; and the mere fact of a tri- 
baio being imposed by Nebuchad- 

nezzar would account for the great 
calamities described by those prophets, 
since to the Egyptians a tribute would 
be the utmost humiliation. Many tri- 
butes too were imposed on people with- 
out absolute conquest or invasion. The 
reference to the pride of Apries in 
Ezekiel (zxiz. 3) also argues that it 
was at his downfall : and this is again 
foretold in Isaiah (ziz. 2). There is, 
however, a difficulty in the forty 
}rears, occupying as they would so 
great a portion of the reign of Amasis. 
(See Hist. Notice, App. ch. viii., end 
of § 37.) During his reign, and be- 
fore 554 B.C. (when Sardis was taken), 
Crcssus had made a treaty of alliance 
with Amasis, as well as with the 
Babylonians, at the time that Laby- 
netus (Nabonidus?) reigned in Baby- 
lon (supra, i. 77) ; &om which it might 
be argued that the Egyptians were 
bound to follow the policy of the 
Babylonians ; and the Egyptian pha- 
lanz in the Lydian army is mentioned 
by Xenuphon. (See Cyrop. vi. ii. ID, 
and VII. i. 30-45.) Again, it has been 
supposed that the captivity of Egypt 
should rather refer to the Persian in. 
vasion, which could scarcely have been 
overlooked in prophecy; but these 
denouncements did not allude to 
events about to happen long after the 
fall of Jerusalem ; they were to show 
the hopelessness of trusting to Egypt 
against the power of Babylon ; and 
the invasion of Egypt by the Persians 
had no connection with Jewish his- 
tory. Nor is it certain that 40 is 
always to be taken as an ezact num. 
ber; its frequent occurrence in the 
Bible (like 7 and some other numbers) 
shows this could not be ; and 4, 01^40, 
is considered to signify " completion," 
or " perfection," like the square, and 
the number 24 in Arabic. See Hist. 
Notice, § 38, and note * on ch. 100, 
and on ch. 8, Book iii. — [G. W.] 



every Egyptian shonld appear once a year before tlie governor 
of his canton," and show his means of living; or, failing to do 
80, and to prove that he got an honest livelihood, ahonld be pot 
to death. Solon the Athenian borroved this law from the 
Egyptians, and imposed it on his countrymen, who have 
observed it ever since. It is indeed an excellent custom. 

178. Amasis was partial to the Greeks,^ and, among other 
favours which he granted them, gave to such as liked to settle 
in Egypt the city of Naneratis" for their residence. To those 

. * Baoh nome, or canton, wu go- 
Tsrned bj s Domsrob. Herodotus 
Mtribntea thia law to Amasia ; bnt it 
iqipean to haTe boon mnch older) 
eince we find in the aculptnreB of the 
18th djmaatj' bodiea of men present- 
ing themgeWeB before the maRiHtntCB 
for regiatration. It is possible that 
AmoHia, the first king of that djnaatf , 
made the law, and that the reaem- 
blanoe of the two names led to the 
miatake. Diodoros (i. 77) meDtioni 
jtae an Egyptian law, and agrees with 
Berodotns in saying that Solon intro. 
dnced it at Atbena ; bat it waa Draco 
who made death the pnoiahmmt at 
Athens ; which was altpred by Solon 
(Plot. Life of Solon), "who repealed 
all Draco's laws, excepting those con- 
cemiog mnrder, because they were 
too aeTBie ; " " inaomnoh that thoee 

who were oooTioted of idleneaa were 
condemned to die." Bnt Solon 
"ordered the Areopagitea to ascar> 
tain how every man got his tiring, 
and to chastise the idle."— [Q. W.] 

' Amaaia had reason to be hoMile to 
the Greelcs, who had assisted Aprias, 
bnt, peroeiving the valne of their aid, 
he became friendly to them, moA 
granted them many pririlegea, whidi 
had the eSeot of indncing many ta 
settle in Egypt, and afterwards led 
them to assist the Egyptians in ttt»- 
ing their ooontry from the Persiaua.— 
[G. WJ 

'This waa "formerly" the jOnlf 
commercial cntrapftt for Greek mer- 
chandise, and was eBtsblishod for th» 
first time by AmasJB. The privilege* 
enjoyed by Naneratis were not only 
owing to ijie eiclnsiTe regnlationa ot 

Chip. 177-179. 



who only -wished to trade upon the coast, and did not want to 
fix their abode in the country, he granted certain lands where 
they might set up altars and erect temples to the gods. Of 
these temples the grandest and most famous, which is also the 
most frequented, is that called ** the Hellenium.*' It was built 
conjointly by the lonians, Dorians, and Cohans, the following 
cities taking part in the work : — ^the Ionian states of Chios, 
Tecs, Phocsea, and Glazomense ; Bhodes, Cnidus, Halicamas- 
sas, and Phaselis' of the Dorians; and MytilSne of the 
iBolians. These are the states to whom the temple belongs, 
and they have the right of appointing the governors of the 
factory ; the other cities which claim a share in the building, 
daim what in no sense belongs to them. Three nations, 
however, consecrated for themselves separate temples — ^the 
Eginetans one to Jupiter, the Samians to Juno, and the 
Uilesians to Apollo.^ 
179. In ancient times there was no factory but Naucratis 

tlie 'EgJp^^B3i%t like those of the 
Cliinese at the present day, but were 
a precantion against pirates landing 
on the coast, under pretence of trad- 
ing. (See notes' and' on chs. 112 
and 154.) The exact position of 
Kaocratis is unknown. The name is 
Greek, like that of Archander (snpra, 
ch. 98). Of the Kancratis garlands, 
see Athen. Deip. xv.— [G. W.J 

The story told by Strabo (xrii. p. 
1137) of the foundation of Nancratis 
by the Milesians in the time of In<wu9 
is entitled to no manner of credit. It 
may be qnestioned whether Nancratis 
was in any real sense "a Mileman 

' Phas^lis lay on the east coast of 
Lycia, directly at the base of Monnt 
Solyma ( Takhialu) . It was sometimes 
reckoned to Famphylia (Plin. H. N. 
T. 27; Mela, i. 14; Steph. Byz. ad 
▼oc.)> bnt more commonly, and by 
the best geographers, to Lycia (Scyl 
Peripl.. p. 94; Strab. xiv. p. 952; 
Ptolem. T. 8 ; Arrian. i. 24, ko), Ao- 
0(»ding to tradition, it was founded 
by LadnB, the brother of Antiphdmos, 

the Lindian colonizer of Gela. (He- 
ropyth. and Philosteph. ap. Athen. 
Deipn. vii. p. 297, F. and AristeBnet. 
ap. Steph. Byz. ad yoc. T/Ao.) This 
wonld place its foundation about B.C. 
690. There seems to be no doubt that 
it was a purely Greek town. 

The remains of Phasdlis are very 
considerable, and have been carefully 
described by Capt. Beaufort. (Kara- 
mania, pp. 69-70.) Its modem name 
is Tehrova, The part of the coast 
where it is situated abounds in woods 
of pine, which explains its ancient 
name of Pityussa. (See Steph. Byz. 
ad voo. ^a0^A(s.) 

The other places here mentioned are 
too well known to need comment. 

^ That is, to the g^s specially 
worshipped in their respective coun- 
tries. The great temple of Jupiter 
Panhellenius in Egina, briefly de- 
scribed by Pausanias (11. xxiz. § 6), is 
well known to travellers, lliat of 
Apollo at BranchidsD, and that of Juno 
at Samos, have been already noticed. 
(Supra, i. 157, ii. 148.) 



Book IL 

in the whole of Egypt ; and if a person entered one of the 
other mouths of the Nile, he -was obliged to swear that he had 
not come there of his own free will. Having so done, he was 
bound to sail in his ship to the Ganobic mouth, or, were that 
impossible owing to contrary winds, he must take his wares by 
boat all round the Delta, and so bring them to Naucratis, 
which had an exclusive privilege* 

180. It happened in the reign of Amasis that the temple of 
Delphi had been accidentally bumt,^ and the Amphictyons ' 
had contracted to have it rebuilt for three hundred talents, of 
which sum one-fourth was to be furnished by the Delphians. 
Under these circumstances the Delphians went from city to 
city begging contributions, and among their other wanderings 
came to Egypt and asked for help* From few other places 
did they obtain so much — Amasis gave them a thousand 
talents of alum,* and the Greek settlers twenty min«.* 

181. A league was concluded by Amasis with the CyrenaBans, 
by which Cyr§ne and Egypt became close friends and allies. 
He likewise took a wife from that city, either as a sign of his 
friendly feeling, or because he had a fancy to marry a Greek 
woman. However this may be, certain it is that he espoused 
a lady of Cyr^ne, by name Ladice,® daughter, some say, of 
Battus or ArcesUaiis, the king ^ — others, of Critobulus, one of 

' The temple at Delphi was burnt in 
the year b.c. 548 (Paosan. X. v. § 5)i 
oonseqaently in the 21st year of 
Amasis. According to one account 
(Philoch. Ft. 70), it was purposely 
destroyed by the Fisistratidsd. But 
this was probably a calumny. Its re- 
construction by the Alcmaeonidsei who 
took the contract from the Amphictj. 
ons, is noticed in Book v. ch. 62. 

' See note on Book vii. ch. 200. 

^ That of Egypt was celebrated : 
" laudatissima in ^gypto." (Plin. 
zxzv. 15.) Much is still obtained in 
the Oasis ; but the best is from Sheb 
(which signifies " aliun "), to the south 
of the Great Oasis, on the caravan-road 
from Darfib.— [G. W.] 

' Twenty min» would be somewhat 

more than eighty pounds of our money. 
The entire sum which the Delphians 
had to collect exceeded 18,0002. 

' One wife of Amasis was a daughter 
of the third Psammetichus, 
and another is mentioned on 
the monuments, called Tashot, 
which looks like a foreign 
(Asiatic) name. Ajnasis had 
the title of Neitsi, ''son of 
Keith," or Minerva ; and this 
name, Ames-Neitsi, has been 
changed by Pliny into Senosertens, 
who (he says) reigned when Pytha- 
goras was in Egypt. — [G. W.] 

' Some of the MSS. give the reading 
" Battus, the son of Aroesilaus," which 
Wesseling prefers. But the weight 
of authority is on the other side. The 

Chap. 17^182. 



the chief citizens. When the time came to complete the con- 
tract, Amasis -was struck with weakness. Astonished hereat 
—for he was not wont to be so aflBicted — ^the king thus 
addressed his bride: "Woman, thou hast certainly bewitched 
me — ^now therefore be sure thou shalt perish more miserably 
than ever woman perished yet." Ladic6 protested her inno- 
cence, but in vain ; Amasis was not softened. Hereupon she 
made a vow internally, that if he recovered within the day 
(for no longer time was allowed her), she would present a 
statue to the temple of Venus at Cyrene. Immediately she 
obtained her wish, and the king's weakness disappeared. 
Amasis loved her greatly ever after, and Ladice performed her 
vow. The statue which she caused to be made, and sent to 
Cyrene, continued there to my day, standing with its face 
looking outwards from the city. Ladic6 herself, when Gam- 
byses conquered Egypt, suffered no wrong ; for Cambyses, on 
learning of her who she was, sent her back unharmed to her 

182. Besides the marks of favour already mentioned, Amasis 
also enriched with offerings many of the Greek temples. He 
sent to Cyrene a statue of Minerva covered with plates of 
gold,^ and a painted likeness^ of himself. To the Minerva of 

dmrnology of the Cjrenseaii kings is 
GO obscure, that it is di£5ciilt to saj 
which monarch or monarchs are in- 
tended. Perhaps Batt as the Happy, and 
Arcesilaus IL, his son, have the best 
claim. (See note on Book ir. oh. 163.) 
" Statuea of this kind were not nn- 

oommon (infra, vi. 118). The most 
famous was that of Minerva at Delphi, 
which the Athenians dedicated from 
the spoils of their victorjat the Enry- 
medon. (Pansan. X. zy. § 8 ; Clitod. 
Fr. 15.) 
* The Egyptians had actual portraits 



Book XL 

Chip. 183. 



Lindns he gave two statnes in stone, and a linen corslet^ well 
worth inspection. To the Samian Juno he presented two 

of their kings at aveiy remote period : 
•nd those in the sonlptures were real 
hkenesses. That sent hj Amaais to 
Gyrene was on wood, like the %lycjc€s, 
or ypapei (tabolffi), of the Greeks ; and 
nmUar pictures are shown to have 
been painted in "Kgypt as early aa the 
12th dynasty, nearly 2000 B.C. (Cp. 
Pliny zxzT. 3, vii 56, where he says, 
''Gyges, the Lydian^ first invented 
painting in Egypt.") In Greece pio- 
tores (often hung op in temples) were 
works of the best artists, frescoes and 
others cm walls being an inferior 
branch of art (** nulla gloria arfcificom 
est, nisi eomm qni tabolas pinxere ; " 
Plin. xxzv. 10) ; and we may conclnde 
that in Egypt also the real artists 
were those who painted pictures. The 
bas-reliefs and paintings on the monu- 
ments were executed more mechani- 
oally, the figures being drawn in 
squares ; but in many oases the use of 
the squares was for copying the figures 
from smaller original designs (n the 
master-artist ; and some figures were 
diawn at once without the squ£u:«8, 
and then corrected by the master. 
When in squares, 19 parts were given 
to the height of a man from the top of 
the head to the plant of the foot ; and 
flo systematic was this method, that 
in statues Diodorus says (i. 98) the 
Tarious portions of the same figure, 
made by several artists in different 
places, when brought together, would 
agree perfectly, and make a complete 
whole. In his time, however, the 
proportions had been altered, and he 
gives 21|^ parts as the height of the 
figure. It seems, too, that they were 
somewhat different in statues and 
painted fignrea. These last also varied 
at times. The above, of 19 parts, was 
used in the best period of art during 
the 18th and 19th dynasties. The 
figures were then a little more elon- 
gated than during the reigns of the 
Memphite king^ (a greater distance 
being g:iven from the plant of the foot 
to tl^ knee), and still more than under 

the Ptolemies, when an attempt to 
bring the proportions nearer to the 
real figure altered its character, and 
gave it a clumsiness, without any 
approach to greater truth. For the 
^Sjptian style was quite oonventional, 
and could never be subjected to any 
other rules; and the Ptolemaic figure, 
as Dr. Lepsius observes, " was a bad 
imitation of foreign and ill.understood 
art." (See his letters from Egypt, p. 
117.) With the Greeks the length of 
the foot was the measure whose proper, 
tion to the entire height was generally 
maintained" (Muller, Anot. Art. p. 
392) ; but as in Egypt it is equal in 
length to 3 squares, or parts, it cannot 
answer for a figure of 19. And six 
of these feet coming only to the fore- 
head, which varied so much as to be 
" h ^^ h ^^ ^^B of another square," 
shows that neither the foot, nor the 
arbitrary and variable point to which 
it was measured, could be any guide. 
In the best period, from the ground 
to the knee was 6 parts or 2 feet; 
but the figure was greater in breadth 
as compared to its height in the 
pyramid period than during the 18th 
and 19th dynasty ; the distance from 
the ground to the knee, though 6 parts, 
was less than 2 feet, and the waist waa 
nearly 3 parts (or 2^) ; while at the 18th 
dynasty period it was only 2 parts in 
breadth. In the old pyramid-time the 
length of the foot was ^ of the whole 
figure to the top of the head ; in the 
other period much less (3X6 being 
18) ; so that there must have been 
another standard ; and the great differ, 
ence was in the breadth, compared 
to the height, of the figure ; a differ- 
ence in the number of the squares is 
also said to have been met wiUi. (See 
Handbook of Egypt, Route 29, Omhos.) 

There are some portraits painted on 
wood and affixed to mummy cases, but 
these are of Greek and Roman time, 
and an innovation not Egyptian. — 
[G. W.] 

1 Some of these linen corsleta were 




Btatnes of bimeelf, made in wood,* which stood in the great 
temple to my day, behind the doors. SamoB was hononred 
with these gifts on account of the bond of Mendship anbsiBt- 
ing between Amasis and Polycratea, the eon of ^aces:' 
Lindus, for no such reason, but becanse of the tradition that 
the daughters of Danaus * touched there in their flight from 

of veT7 remarkable texture ; and He. 
lodotuB (iii. 4T> mentiODa aoother 
presented by Amasie to the Lacedn. 
moDJang, wluab waa carried oC by the 
Samians. It was ornamented with 
nnmeniiiB fignrea of aniniali, worked 
in gfold and cotton. Each thread was 
wortb; of admiiatioD, for thoagh rery 
fine, every one waa oompoied or 360 
other thr^ds, all diBtmct, the qnaliCj 
being similar to that dedicated to 
Minerra at Lmdos. Gold thread, it 
Bhonld be observed, is mentioned in 
Giod. mix. 9 for worldDg io rioh 

coloDra (see At. Eg. vol. iii. p. 128). 
It baa been coajeotored that tbe " tree- 
wool " of Henxlotna waa Bilk ; bat 
cotton iB commonly naed for em> 
broidery even at the preeent day. 
(See above, ch. 86, note*.) A similar 
corslet with Sgnret of animals is Te> 
presented m the tomb of Bcmeses m. 
at Tbebei. Lncan (Pbars. z. 142) 
mentions the needle work .of Eg^pt. — 
■■CmidJiU Sldonlo perloeml p«tor» Bio, 
Qdo] NILotli una csmpraanni pcrtina SifSB 
SulTlt, M auam Uuvil lUmliu teIo." 
Fliny (liz. 1) notices " tbe coralet 
of AJnasis, ahown in the Temple of 
I Minerva at Bbodea," which seem* 
to have been nearly palled to pieces 
' (as it would be now), to test "the 
365 threadB."— [G. W.] 

* These were not nncommon ; and 
many have been fomid of kings, who 
preceded Amasis in the same biiild- 
ings where granite and other alAtaaa 
of the aame period were placed. 
PansaiiiBS (ii. 19) says " all ancient 
stataeB were of wood, eapeciall^ 
those of the Egyptians ; " and if in 
Egypt they ware no proof of ao- 
tiqnity, still the oldest there also 
were probably of wood.— [G. W.j 

• Vide infra, iii. 39-48. 

■ The flight of Danana from Egypt 
to Greece is not only mentioned bj 
Horodotoa, bnC by Hanetho mod 
others, and was t^^ited both by- 
Greeks and Egyptians ; and it is 
certainly very improbable (aa Mr. 
Kenrick observes) that the Or«eka 
wonld have traced the oolonixation 
of Argoe. and the origin of oerttuD 
rites, to Egypt, nnless there had been 
Bome authority tor the story. The 
tonndation of the Temple of Liu. 
dua in Bhodea by the djtaghten of 

Chap. 182. 



the sons of ^gyptus, and built the temple of Minerva. Such 
were the oflferings of Amasis. He likewise took Cyprus, 
\?hich no man had ever done before/ and compelled it to pay 
him a tribute .* 

Danftiis, wben fljing from Egypt, 
accordfl with the notion of colonisa- 
tion and religions rites jOMBrng from 
the Egyptians to the Greeks; and 
the tradition of the relationship be- 
tween ^gjptns, Danans, and Belns, 
comiects the three oonntries of 
Egypt, Greece, and FhGenicia. See 
noce *, ch. 101, and note ^ ch. 107. 
-[G. W.] 

•CjpmB seems to have been first 
occupied by the Ghittim, a Japhetic 
race (Gen. x. 4). To them mnst be 
attribnted the foundation of the 
original capital, Citinm. Before the 
Trojan war, however, the PhoBnicians 
had made themBeWes masters of the 
island, which they may hare named 
Cyprus, firom the abundance of the 
heib Cyprus (Lawsonia alba), called 
in the Hebrew cDs, which is fonnd 

there. (Steph. Byz. ad voc. K6rpos* 
Plin. H. N. xii. 24.) According to 
Greek tradition, the conquest was 
effected by a certain Cinyras, a Syrian 
king (Theopomp. Fr. Ill ; Apollod. 11 1. 
ziv. § 3), whom Homer makes con- 
temporazy ivith Agamemnon. (II. 
xi. 20.) His capital was Paphos. If 
we may believe YirgO, the Cittseans 
eoon regained their independence, for 
Belos, the father of Dido (more pro- 
perly Matgen, Henand. i^. Joseph, o. 
Ap. i 18), bad again to reduce the 
island (^n. L 621-2), where, according 
to Alexander of Ephesus, he built 
(rebuilt ?) the two cities of Gitium and 
Lap^thus. (See Steph. Byz. ad too. 
Aifar96tof.) A hundred and fifty years 
afterwards we find the Gitteans again 

in revolt. They had renounced their 
allegiance to EIuIsbus, king of Tyre, 
and were assisted in their struggle by 
Shalmaneser (Menand. ap. Joseph. 
A. J. ix. 14). Aft«r the fall of the 
Assyrian empire, PhcBuicia seems to 
have recovered her supremacy, and 
thenceforth Cyprus followed her for- 
tunes ; being now attacked by Amasis 
as a sequel to the Phoenician wars of 
his predecessor (supra, oh. 161 ; cp. 
Died. Sic L 68). So, too, when 
Phoenicia submitted to Cambyses, 
Cyprus immediately followed her 
example (infra, iii. 19). Concerning 
the Greek colonies in Cypmsy see note 
on Book V. ch. 104. 

' Dean Blakesley says (note ad loc.) : 
** It is impossible that Cyprus could 
have been reduced without a fleet, and 
Egypt did not possess one of her own.** 
He then proceeds to speculate on the 
quarter whence an auxiliary naval 
force was at this time procured, and 
decides in favour of Somos. But Neco 
had made Egypt a naval power (supra, 
ch. 159), whicik she thenceforth con- 
tinued to be. Under Apries she con- 
tended against Phoenicia (ch. 161), 
undoubtedly with her own ships, not 
with ** some Hellenic auxiliary naval 
force," as Mr. Blakesley supposes. 
Her continued possession of a large 
navy after her conquest by the Per- 
sians is marked in vi. 6, where her 
vessels are engaged against the 
lonians, and again in vii. 89, where 
she furnishes 2(X) trfremes (the largest 
contingent, after that of Phoenicia) to 
the fleet of Xerxes. 

VOL. n. 

( 274 ) 

NOTE (p. 45). 

SiKCB ihe second edition of this work was published, the author has 
received from the Rev. J. W. Burgon a second very careful transcript 
of the Aboo-Simbel Inscription. It differs from the transcript of Sir 
G. Wilkinson in the following respects : — 1. The second and third lines 
are complete, the one ending with the word eEOKAOS (for ecoxXovs), and 
the other with nOTAMOS ; 2. The last word is read as OTAAMA ; 3. The 
writing is altogether more upright than represented by Wilkinson; 4. 
The name of Psammetichus lb spelt with one M in the first line, and with 
two in the second ; 5. The following points are remarkable in the forms 
of the letters : — (a) the two strokes of the gamma sometimes form a right 
angle, sometimes an acute one ; (b) the cross in the middle of the iheta is 
sometimes upright, sometimes inclined, like the cross of an English X ; 
(c) the rho has generally its usual form, but on one occasion neariy 
resembles a Roman D ; (c2) the upright stroke of the tau is sometimes 
carried a little beyond the line of the horizontal one ; (e) the upsilon is 
generally a Roman Y, but sometimes has the right-hand limb shortened ; 
(/) the chi is represented indififerently by an upright or an inclined cross. 
It may be added that Mr. Burgon did not notice any case in which the 
omega was represented (as Sir G. Wilkinson states) by an omicron with 
a dot in the centre, . — (1875.) 



OP MANKIND."— Chap. 2. 

1. The EgyptiaziB from Asia. 2. Egyptian and Celtic. 8 Semitic character of 
^gyptiaji. 4. Evidences of an older language than Zend and Sanscrit. 5. 
Ba or Pa, and Ma, primitive cries of infants, made into father and mother. 
6. m for b. 7. Bek not to be prononnced by an untutored child. 8. Bek, 
name of bread in Egypt. 9. The story told to Herodotus. 10. Claim of the 
Scythians to be an early race. 

Ip Egypt is not the oldest civilised nation of antiquity, it may vie 1. 
with any other known in history ; and the records of its civilisation, 
left by the monuments, nnquestionably date far before those of any 
other country. But the inhabitants of the valley of the Nile were 
not the most ancient of mankind, they evidently derived their 
origin from Asia ; and the parent stock, from which they were a 
very early offset, claims a higher antiquity in the history of the 
human race. Their skull shows them to have been of the Caucasian 
stock, and distinct from the African tribes Westward of the Nile ; 
and they are evidently related to the oldest races of Central Asia. 
(See note * on ch. 15.) The Egyptian language might, from its 
grammar, appear to claim a Semitic origin, but it is not really one 
of that family, like the Arabic, Hebrew, and others ; nor is it one 
of the languages of the Sanscritic family, though it shows a pri- 
mitive affinity to the Sanscrit in certain points ; and this has been 
accounted for by the Egyptians being an offset from the early 
•* undivided Asiatic stock ; " — a conclusion consistent with the fact 
of their language being " much less developed than the Semitic and 
Sanscritic, and yet admitting the principle of those inflexions and, 
radical formations, which we find developed, sometimes in one 
sometimes in the other, of those great families.'* Besides certain 


affinities with tbe Sanscrit, it has others with the Celtic, and the 

2. languages of Africa; and Dr. Ch. Meyer thinks that Celtic "in 
all its non-Sanscritic features most strikingly corresponds with the 
old Egyptian." It is also the opinion of M. Miiller that the Egyp- 
tian bears an affinity "both to the Arian and Semitic dialects," 
from its having been an offset of the original Asiatic tongue, which 
was their common parent before this was broken up into the 
Turanian, Arian, and Semitic. 

3. In its grammatical construction, Egyptian has the greatest re- 
semblance to the Semitic ; and if it has less of this character than 
the Hebrew, and other purely Semitic dialects, this is explained by 
the latter having been developed after the separation of the original 
tongue into Arian and Semitic, and by the Egyptian having retained 
a portion of both elements. There is, however, a possibility that 
the Egyptian may have been a compound language, formed from 
two or more after the first migration of the race; and foreign 
elements may have been then added to it, as in the case of some 
other languages. 

It is also interesting to observe that while the Semitic languages 
are confined to the south-west part of Asia, including Mesopotamia, 
Syria, and Arabia, the same elements are met with in the languages 
of Africa. 

4. Though Zend and Sanscrit are the oldest languages of the Indo- 
European family, stiU these two are offsets of an older primitive 
one; and among other evidences of this may be mentioned the 
changes that words had already undergone in Zend and Sanscrit 
from the original form they had in the parent tongue ; as in the 
number " twenty," which being in the Zend " Ft«ai7t," and in San- 
scrit " Vinsatiy^ shows that they have thrown off the " d " of the 
original dva, "two," of dvisaiti, and of dvinsati (as the Latin 
" viginti " is a corrupted form of " dviginti ") ; and this is the more 
remarkable as the original form is maintained in the "dvadeset," 
or " dvaes," of the Slavonic ; and " twice " in Sanscrit is dvie. 
Another evidence is obtained from the Sancrit verb o^mi, " I am," 
where santi, " they are," is put for asarUiy Ac. 

The word "Bekos" is thought to be Phrygian; and Strabo, 
following Hipponax, says it was the Cyprian word for bi^ad. 
(vii. p. 340.) 

Larcher remarks that, deprived of its Greek termination, "oe," 
and reduced to " Bek," it looks like an imitation of the bleating of 


the goats, wluch the children had been accustomed to hear ; bat it 
might rather be considered one of the two primitive sounds (ba or 
pa^ and ma) first uttered hj infants, which have been the origin of 5. 
the names of &ther and mother in the earliest offsets from the 
parent language of mankind : thus matar (Zend) ; matar {Sa/nscr,) ; 
mater {Lot,), and m^p (^0 5 mtitter (Germ.) ; m4tor {Slav.) ; mam 
(Welsh) ; nm (Heb. and Arab,) ; amm4 (Tamil) ; eme " woman " 
(Mongol^ whence the terminations of khanem and begum) ; ima 
•* wife " (Ostiak) ; ema " mother" (Finnish) ; ema " female " (Magyar) ; 

hime 2|M £ " wi^^i" " woman," and man (t-mau, mau-t), " mother " 


The same with a5, or jpa; and though it has been observed that 
Greek and Sanscrit have the verbs of similar meaning wdm and ^, 
pa and ma ; and that ir^n^p, m^p* i>^^ ^^i ma^la/r, are regularly formed ; 
the existence of the same roots in other languages claims for them 
a far earlier origin ; and they were borrowed irom, the first efEorts 
of the infant's speech. 

It is remarkable that the two consonants which begin these 6. 
sounds " 5a," " ma," are commutable labials, " b " being frequently 
put for " m," in many languages ; as in ancient Egypt, chnubis for 
chnumis ; G^mnoute changed into Sebennytus and Semenhoud ; 
the river Bagradas converted into Magradah; the Mandela into 
Bardela, and many others ; and the modem Greeks, who have no 
" b," are obliged to introduce an " m " before a " p," to imitate the 
sound, — fahrica being written by them phamprika. The natural 
sound, then, at the beg^inning of the word hek might have been 
pronounced by a child, but not the '* k," unless instructed to make 7. 
Hie necessary artificial effort ; and one untaught to speak would not 
have the power of uttering any but labial sounds. The fact, there- 
fore, of the children not being able to go beyond " be," the begin- 
ning of the word, renders the story doubtful ; and still less can we 
believe that the Egyptians gave precedence to the Phrygians from 
the use of the word hek; since their own word " oik," " ak," "cake," 8. 
" bread," or with the definite article poik (pronounced in Coptic 
hayk, like our word " hake ") would be at once construed, by a 
people already convinced that they were the oldest of men, into a 
proof of their own claims ; for those cakes of bread were used by 
the Egyptians in all their offerings to the gods. The story, then, 0. 
may be considered one of the many current among the Greek 


ciceroni in Egypt, whicli were similar to those concocted at the 
present day in the " Frank quarter " of an eastern city ; and we 
may acqnit Psammetichus of ignorance of his own, as well as of 
other, languages. 

And though Herodotus says he learnt the story itself from the 
priests of Memphis, it is evident that, being ignorant of the language, 
he was at the mercy of an interpreter. 
IQ Justin (ii. 1) and Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 15) also mention 
a question between the Egyptians and Scythians respecting their 
comparative antiquity, which was considered with some show of 
reason to end in favour of the latter, as they inhabited those high 
lands of Central Asia, naturally the first freed from the water that 
once covered the earth, and therefore the first inhabited ; and the 
antiquity of the races of Central Asia is fully borne out by modem 
ethnological researches. — [G. W.] 

Chap. IL 





YEAR."— Chap. 4. 

(See note * on Chap. 61, and below, Appendix, Ch. vii) 

1. The 12 months in Egypt. 2. Years of 360, 365, and 365i days. 3.".The three 
seasons. 4. Length of the year corrected. 5. Sothic year. 6. The year of 
365 days. 7. The dates of kings' reigns. 8. The Sqnare or Sothic year. 9. 
The Lnnar year. 10. The Arab year. 11. The Jewish year. 12. Intercala- 
tion of the Egyptians and Gireeks. 

Thocgh Herodotus does not call the twelve portions, into which the 1. 
Egyptian year was divided, months, it is certain that the original 
division was taken as among most other people from the moon; 
the hieroglyphic signifying "month" being the crescent. The 
Egyptians had three years : one nnintercalated, of 360 days ; and 
two intercalated, respectively of 365 and 365^ days. They were 2. 
divided into three seasons (" spring, summer, and winter/' accord- 
ing to Diodoms, i. 11), each composed of four months of 30 days ; 
and in the two intercalated years five days were added at the end of 
the twelfth month, which completed the 365 days ; the quarter day 
in the last of them being added every fourth year, as in our leap- 

The three seasons were thus represented with the four months 3. 
belonging to each : — 



9 -^ A/VWV 



^ /WVSA 

4. Cboeak. 


I -ic 

^ A/S/WN 

3. Atbor. 



8. Ptunnnthi. 

X PaopL 

III )i( 

1. Tbotb. 


7. Phionenopb. 

6. Mechir. 

6. TobL 

IX Ucwr^. 


11. Epep. 


10. Taonl. 

/wvv\ A/V>A/V 

9. pAcbons. 


The first season began with the month Thoth (the first day of 
which, in the time of Angustns, B.C. 24, coincided with the 29th 
August, 0.8.), and was composed of the four months Thoth, Paopi, 
Athor, Choeak ; the second of Tobi, Mechir, Phamenoth, Pharmu- 
thi ; the third of Pachons, Paoni, Epep, and Mesor^ ; at the end of 
which were added the five days of the intercalated year. The 
names of the seasons appear to be, 1st, of the plants; 2nd, of 
flowering, or harvest, and 3rd, of the waters, or inundation ; which 
originally corresponded nearly to 1°, November, December, January 

4. and February ; 2°, March, April, May and June ; 3°, July, August^ 
September and October. But as, in course of time, the seasons 
changed, and those of sunmier fell in winter, they found it neces- 
sary to make another correction; and for this purpose they resolved 
on ascertaining the period that elapsed between the return of a 
fixed star to the same place in the heavens, which they perceived 
would not be variable as were their conventional seasons. The 

r heliacal rising of the dog-star, Sothis, was therefore the point fixed 
upon, and in 1460 Sothic (or 1461 of their vague) years, they 
found that it rose again heliacally, that their seasons had returned 
to their original places again, and that they had lost one whole 
year, according to the calculation of 365 days. This showed them 
that the dilEerence of a quarter of a day annually required that one 
day every four years should be intercalated to complete the true 
year ; and though they had already devised other means of fixing 
the return of a certain period of the year, this was the first nearly 

., accurate determination of its length. The period when they first 
began their observations, as well as that still more remote one when 
the first intercalated year of 365 days came into use, must have 
been long before the year 1322 B.c. ; and an inscription (in the 
Turin Museum) of the time of Amunoph I., the second king of the 
18th dynasty, mentions the year of 865 days. Lepsius and M. de 
Roug6 have also shown that the five days were already noticed in 
the 12th dynasty, and that the rite of Sothis was celebrated at the 
same period. The heliacal rising of Sothis was therefore ascertained 
long before the year 1322 ; and the reputed antiquity of the inter- 
calary days is shown by their being ascribed, according to Strabo, 
to Hermes ; as well as by the fable of the five sons of Seb having 
been born on those days; nor would the Egyptian kings have 
" sworn to retain the sacred year of 365 days without intercalating 
any day or month,'* unless the Sothic year had been already the square OB SOTHIC YEAR. 28 1 

invented. Herodotns also says that they were isdebted to the stars 
for their mode of adjosting the year and its seasons. Bnt there is 7^ 
reason to believe that the still older year of 860 days was retained 
for the dates of kings' reigns ; and that this nnintercalated year of 
360 days was the one nsed in their records and monnmental stelsB : 
thus, an Apis was bom in the 53rd year of Psammetichns I., the 
19th Mechir, and died in the 16th year of Neco on the 6th Paopi, 
aged 16 years, 7 months, and 17 days. Now from 19 Mechir to 
6 Paopi are 210 days + 11 to the end of Mechir + 6 of Paopi= 227, 
or 7 months 17 days over the 16 years; without any intercalary 
5 days. It is, however, possible that the 5 days were included in 
the last month of the year, and that it was a year of 365 days ; but 
there is no mention of the 31st, or any other day beyond the 30th, 
of Mesor^. 

The Sothic year of 365|- days was called the square year, the cmnus 
quadraiw of Pliny (ii. 47) ; and the same mentioned by Diodorus 
(i. 50), Macrobius (i. 16), and HorapoUo. It appears to be repre- 


sented in hieroglyphics by a square J instead of the sun i^ 

of the two vague years. The retention of the nnintercalated and 
intercalated vague year would prevent the confusion which might 
bave been expected from the older and later chronological memoirs 
having been kept in years of a different reckoning; for it was 
always easy to turn these last into Sothic years, when more accurate 
calcolations were required ; and this Sothic, or sidereal year, was 
reserved for particular occasions, as the old Coptic year is used by 
the modem Egyptians when they wish to fix any particular period, 
or to ascertain the proper season for agricultural purposes. 

The Egyptians had therefore an object in retaining the vague 
year, in order that the festivals of the gods, in course of time, might 
pass through the different seasons of the year, as Geminus the 
Bhodian (who lived in 77 B.C.) informs us. It is also evident, that 
without the accuracy of the Sothic year they could not, as Hero- 
dotns supposes, have fixed the exact return of the seasons. 

We may conclude, that the Egyptians had at first a lunar year, 9. 
which being regulated by the moon, and divided into 12 moons, or 
months, led to a month being ever after represented in hieroglyphics 
by a moon ; but this would only have been at a most remote period 
before the establishment of the Egyptian monarchy; and some 


might hence derive an argnment in favour of the earl j nse of hiero- 
glyphics, and suppose that they were invented before the introduc- 
tion of the solar months. In India also the lunar year was older 
than the solar. 

10. The lunar year still continues in use among the Arabs, and other 
Moslems, and the origin of a month has been the same in many 
countries ; but their year is only of 354 days. The Aztecs, again, 
had months of 13 days, of which 1461 made their cycle of 52 years, 
by which the supernumerary quarter day was accurately adjusted. 
But though the Arabs always used lunar months, it has been ascer- 
tained by Mr. Lane, and by M. Caussin de Perceval, that their 
years were intercalated for about two centuries, until the 10th year 
of the Hegira, when the intercalation was discontinued by Moham- 
med's order ; so that the usual mode of adjusting Arab dironology 
with our own is not quite correct. 

11. It is a singular fact, that Moses, in describing the abatement of 
the waters of the Deluge, calculates five months at 150 days (Gren. 
viii. 3, 4), or 30 days to a month, being the same as the uninterca- 
lated Egyptian year ; the lunar however was that first used by the 
Hebrews; and, as in other languages, their name for the moon 
signified also a month. The lunar year of the Jews consisted of 12 
months, which began (as with the Arabs) directly the new moon 
appeared; they varied in their length, and in order to rectify the 
loss of the 11 days, in the real length of the year, they added a 
thirteenth month every third, and sometimes every second year, to 
make up the deficiency, so that their months and festivals did not 
(like those of the Arabs) go through the various seasons of the 

12. Herodotus considers the intercalation of the Egyptians better than 
that of the Greeks, who added a month at the end of every 2nd 
year, making them alternately of 12 and 13 months. This indeed 
would cause an excess, which the omission of 1 month every 8th 
year by the Greeks would not rectify. (See Cen^orinus, de Die Nat. 
c. 18.) Herodotus calculates the Greek months at 30 days each, 
and the 12 months at 360 days, when he says 70 years, without in- 
cluding intercalary months, are 25,200 days, i.e, 360 X 70, which, 
he adds, the 35 intercalary months will increase by 1050 days (35 
X 30), making a total of 26,250 days for 70 years. This would be 
375 days to the year. (See n. •, ch. 32, Bk. i.) On the Greek in- 
tercalation see Macrobius, Saturn, i. 14, who says the Greeks made 


their year of 354 days, and perceiving that 11 J days were wanting 
to the true year, tbey added 90 days, or 8 months, every 8 years. 
Strabo (xviL p. 554) says the Greeks were ignorant (of the tnie 
length) of the year nntil Endoxns was in Egypt ; and this was in 
tiie late time of the 2nd Nectanebo, abont B.C. 360 ; and Macrobins 
affirms that the Egyptians always possessed the true calculation of 
the length of the year, — ^'anni certus modus apud solos semper 
-^Jgyptios fuit.** (Saturn, i. 7.) He then mentions the primitive 
year among other people — as the Arcadians, who divided it into 
3 months ; other Greeks making it consist of 354 days (a lunar 
year); and the Romans under Bomulus, who divided it into 10 
months, beginning with March. — [G. W.] 

284 EaTPTUK GODS. App.BooiIL 



THEM."— Chap. 4. 

1. Different orders of Gods. 2. The great Gods of the first order. 3. The 
second order. 4. Plaoe of Re, or the Snn. 5. Glassifioation of the Gods. 
6. Sabaism not a part of the Egyptian religion. 7. Pantheism. 8. Name 
of Re, Phrah, and Pharaoh. 9. Position of Re in the second order. 
10. Rank of Osiris. 11. Children of Seb. 12. The third order. 18. The 
other most noted deities. 14. Other Gods. 15. Foreign diyinities. 
16. Chief God of a city and the triad. 17. Deities multiplied to a great 
extent — the nnity. 18. Offices of the Deity — characters of Jnpiter. 
19. Resemblances of Grods to be traced from one original. 20. Sabdiviaioa 
of the Deity— local Gods. 21. Personifications — Nature Gods. 22. Sacred 
trees and mountains. 23. Common origin of religions systems. 24. Greek 
philosophy. 25. Creation and early state of the earth. 

1^ It is evident that some gods held a higher rank throughout the 
country than others, and that many were of minor importance, while 
some were merely local diyinities. But it is not certain that the 
great gods were limited to 8, or the 2nd rank to 12 ; there are also 
proofs of some, reputed to belong to the 2nd and 8rd orders, hold- 
ing a higher position than this gradation would sanction, and two 
of different orders are combined, or substituted for each other. It 
is not possible to arrange all the gods in the 3 orders as stated by 
Herodotus, nor can the 12 have been all bom of the 8 ; there was 
however some distinction of the kind, the 8 agreeing with the 8 
Cabiri (i.e. " great " gods) of the PhoDuicians (see note • on ch. 51), 
and the others with the 12 gods of Olympus, and the Consentes of 
the Romans ; though it is uncertain how this arrangement applied 

,) to them. Those who have the best claim to a place among the 8 
Great Gods are, — 1. Amun; 2. Maut; 3. Noum, or Nou (Noub, 
Nef , Kneph) ; 4. Sat6 ; 5. Pthah ; 6. Neith ; 7. Khem ; 8. Pasht, 
who seems also to combine the character of Buto, under whose name 
she was worshipped at Bubastis. 

1. AnmUy the Great God of Thebes, "the King of the Gods," 
answered to Jupiter ; 2. Mcmt, the ** Mother " of all, or the maternal 
principle (probably the mot of Sanconiatho, see App. Book iii. GODS OF THE FIEST OBDEB. 2S5 

Essay i § 3, 11), appears to be sometimes a cliaracter of Bnto (La- 
tona), primsBval darkness from which sprang light ; 3. Nourrij Nn, 
Nou (or Non-bai? called also Noub, Nef, Kneph, Cnuphis, and 
Glmubis, the ram-headed god), who was also considered to answer 
to Jupiter^ as his companion (4) SdtS did to Juno, was the Great 
Ood of the Cai».racts, of Ethiopia, and of the Oases ; and in later 
temples, especially of Boman time, he often received the name of 
Ammi: — the "contortis comibns Ammon." (See notes on ch. 29, 
42, Book ii., and on ch. 181, Book iv.) There is a striking re- 
semblance between the Semitic nef, " breath," and the Coptic nibe, 
nifi, nouf, " spiritus ; " and between the hieroglyphic nam (with the 
article pnnm), and the weC/io, ** spirit,'' which Diodoms says was the 
name of the Egyptian Jnpiter. He was the '' sonl of the world " 
(comp. ''mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet"). The 
ram, his emblem, stands for hai "soul," and hence the Asp also 
received the name of Bait. The " K " of Kneph is evidently a cor- 
rupt addition, as E[nonb for Nonb; the change of m and b in Nonb 
is easily explained (see above, in ch. i. § 6) ; and the name " Nonb " 
is perhaps connected with Nubia as well as with gold. The very 
general introduction of the ram's head on the prow of the sacred 
boats, or arks, of other gods, seems to point to the early and uni- 
versal worship of this Grod, and to connect him, as his mysterious 
boat does, with the spirit that moved on the waters. He is said to 
be Agathodemon ; and the Asp being his emblem, confirms this state- 
ment of Eusebius. 

5. Pthah was the creative power, the maker of all material things, 
" the father of the gods," and assimilated by the Greeks, through a 
gross notion of the Aiifjitovpy6s, or Opifex Mundi, to their Hephasstus 
(Vulcan). He was the god of Memphis. He had not so high a 
rank in Greece, nor in India, where Agni (ignis of Latin, ogan 
" fire " of Slavonic) was an inferior deity to ]\iLahadeva, or Siva. 

6. Neith, the goddess of Sais, answered to AthSn^ or Minerva ; 
she was self-bom, and iipfr€v6$ri\vs ; she therefore sometimes had the 
sceptre given to male deities. (See note * on ch. 62, Book ii.) 

7. Khentj the generative principle, and universal nature, was 
represented as a phallic figure. He was the god of Goptos, the 
"iUreir/55r," and the Pan of Chemmis (Panopolis) — ^the Egyptian 
Pan, who, as Herodotus justly observes (ch. 145, Book ii.), was one 
of the eight great gods. Of him is said in the hieroglyphic legend, 
" thy title is * father of thine own father.' " (See notes ' and • on 
ch. 42, and App. Book iii. Essay i. § 11.) 


8. Pashty Bnbastis, answered to Artemis, or Diana; as at the 
Speos Artemidos. 

It is not easy to determine the 12 gods of the 2nd order ; and I 
only do this temporarily, as I have long since done in my Materia 
Hieroglyphica (p. 58) ; but I must not omit to state that they do 
not appear always to have been the same, and that the children of 
the 8 great gods do not necessarily hold a place among those of the 
2nd order. (For the forms of those of the other gods, whose names 
are mentioned below, see At. Eg. W., vol. v., Plates.) 
3. The 12 deities of the most importance after the 8, and who may 
have been those of the 2nd order, are : — 

1. Ee, Ea, or Phrah, the Sun, the father of many deities, and 
combined with others of the 1st, 2nd, and even 3rd order. 

2. Sehy Chronos, or Saturn. He was also the Earth. Being the 
father of Osiris, and other deities of the 3rd order, he wa^ called 
** father of the gods." The goose was his emblem. (See note * 
eh. 72.) 

3. Netjpe, Rhea, wife of Seb. She was the Vault of Heaven, and 
was called " mother of the gods." 

4. Khons, the 3rd member of the Great Triad of Thebes, com- 
posed of Amun, Maut, and Khons their offspring. He is supposed 
to be a character of Hercules, and also of the Moon. In the 
Etymologicum Magnum, Hercules is called Chon. 

6. Anouke^ Estia, or Vesta, the 3rd member of the Great Triad of 
the Cataracts, composed of Noum (Nou), S4te, and Anouke. (See 
note ^ on ch. 62.) Estia is Festia with the digamma. 

6. AtmoUf Atmoo, Atwrriy or Atm^ is " Darkness," the Sun after 
sunset (comp. Atmeh, " darkness," Arahic)^ sol inferus, and called 
Re-Atum. Mr. Birch thinks him the negative principle, tern signi- 
fying " not." 

7. 3fot*t, apparently the same as Gom or Hercules, the splendour 
and light of the Sun, and therefore called a " son of Re." 

8. Tafne (Daphne), or Taf ne-t, a lion-headed goddess, perhaps the 
same as Thriphis, who is with Khem at Athribis and Panopolis. 

9. Thothy the intellect ; Hermes or Mercury ; the Moon (Lunus), 
a male god as in India ; and Time in the sense of passing period. 
Anubis is also Time, past and future. (Plutarch de Is. s. 44.) 

10. Savaky the crocodile-headed god, often called Savak-Re. 

11. Eileithyia, Ilithyia, or Lucina, Seben, Seneb, or Neben. 

12. Mandoo, Mandou, or Mnnt (!Mars), quite distinct from 


AfftTiilfiliQ or Malonli of Kalabshi (Talmis), where both gods are 
represented. From him Hermonthis received its name. 

I had formerly placed Be among the 8 great gods, instead of 4. 
Pasht, or Bubastis ; bnt the position she held as second member of 
the Great Triad of Memphis, gives her the same claim as Mant, the 
consort of Amnn. I am much disposed to make a separate class of 
deities connected with Be ; who has a dilEerent name at his rising, 
at his meridian height, and at night. He is also the solar disc, and 
the shining snn or solar light ( JTbrirre), The Sxm-worshippers, or 
Stranger Kings of the 18th dynasty, had a triad composed of 
Atin-rej Moid (solar splendonr), and Be. Besides other characters, 
he is the sonl of the world ; his title Be is added to the names of 
other gods ; and several deities are sons and daughters of the Son. 
In these offices they are distinct from the deified attributes of the 
ideal, or primary god, which are necessarily of a different natore 
from the Sun-gods. There is at the same time a point of union 
between some of those attributes and certain characters of the Snn, 
or Re ; who is connected with many gods of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd 
orders; — Amun had the name Amun-Be; Nou (or Noum) was 
Noam-Be, and even Atin-Be; and the additional title of Be is 
also assigned to deities of the 2nd order, as to Savak, Mandou, and 

In giving three orders I have been guided by Herodotus, though 5. 
it is evident the numerous gods of Egypt were not confined to that 
number. If such were the sole classification, the greater part of the 
deities would be altogether omitted ; and it is impossible to make 
them accord with his orders, even if we allow many of them to be 
repetitions of the same god under other characters. For some 
were characters of the deities belonging to the 1st or 2nd orders ; 
but even then they were distinct, and members of some other group ; 
as all the attributes of the one God became distinct deities. Nor 
can aU those connected with the Sun be classified under one group. 
They may however claim a separate arrangement, like the Osiride 
family, which is supposed to form the 3rd order ; and this distinct 
classification of Sun-gods might be used to explain the nature of 
several important members of the Egyptian Pantheon. 

Though actual Sabaism was not a part of the religion of the G. 
Egyptians, and the worship of the Sun and Moon was of a different 
kind, still it may have been connected with their earlier belief; 
which, may be inferred from the idea of "prayer" being repre- 


sented in liieroglypliicB by a man holding up bis bands, accompanied 
by a star. It is not impossible tbat when 
they immigrated into the Valley of the 
Nile they may have brought with them 
that Asiatic superstition, combined with 
some purer notions which they had of the 
Deity ; but afterwards having endeavoured 
to reconcile the notion of physical and 
material, with ideal and incorporeal gods, 
they abandoned their earlier mode of wor- 
shipping the Sun and Moon. This last 

seems to accord with their religion as we see it on their monu- 
ments ; where the Sun was chiefly looked upon as the visible repre- 
sentative of the generative, or vivifying, principle of Nature. The 
disc of the Sun and the crescent of the Moon were placed as 
emblems on the heads of gods, and elsewhere ; as the name of Be 
(" the Sun ") was appended to their titles ; and these deities received 
a worship, but it was not Sabaism, and no notice was taken of the 
stars as objects of adoration. And when some " Stranger Elings " 
from Asia re-introduced the worship of the real Sun's disc, the in- 
novation was odious to the Egyptians, and was expelled for ever 
with the usurpers who had forcibly established it in the country. 
Macrobius, indeed, endeavours to show that nearly all the gods 
corresponded to the Sun; and Chssremon thinks *^the Egyptians 
had no gods but the Sun and planets; and that all related to 
physical operations, having no reference to incorporeal and living 
essences " (Eus. Pr. Evang. iiL 4). But this correspondence was 
distinct from Sabaism ; and if many gods did '' correspond to the 
Sun," still the Sab&oth worship of the Sun and stars was not the 
religion of the Egyptians even in the earliest times of which any 
monuments remain. Many deities were characters of the Sun ; and 
its daily course from its rising to its setting, and at different 
periods of the year (as well as certain phaenomena — its supposed 
offspring), gave rise to beings who may be classed among Nature- 
Gods ; as in the mythology of India and Greece. 
^ The Egyptians, as they advanced in religious speculation, adopted 
a Pantheism, according to which (while the belief in one Supreme 
Being was taught to the initiated) the attributes of the Deity were 
separated under various heads, as the " Creator,** the divine wisdom, 
the generative, and other principles; and even created things^ 


which were thought to partake of the divine essence, were per- 
mitted to receive divine worship. 

The name of Be is remarkable for its resemblance to the ouro^ q 
"Kght" of Coptic, and the Aor of Hebrew (whence the Urim^ 
*' lights"), and to Horns, and Aroens (Hor-oeri, "Horns the 
chief"), to Aof, "heat," to ^po, hora, " season " or "honr," as well 
as to the names of the Son in several African dialects, as Airo, 
ajero, eer, niro, ghnrrah, and others. It is the same as " Phrah," 
or Pharaoh, the Egyptian Pi-Re, "the Snn," Memphittch Phra; 
which was first snggested by the Dnke of Northumberland and 
Colonel Felix. Be had different characters : as the rising Snn he 
was a form of Horns ; at midday Be ; and Ubn-re, " the shining 
Snn ; " as the solar disc Atin-re ; when below, the horizon Be-Atum, 
Atmon, or Atnm, " darkness." 

I have stated the reasons for placing Pashi (Bnbastis) among the 
8 great gods in preference to Be ; and it wonld not only be incon- 
sistent to place the created in the same rank as the creator, bnt Be 
has Athor as the 2nd member of his principal triad, and is himself 
the 2nd of a minor triad composed of Amnn, Be, and Horns. 
Again, thongh Be is the father of many deities, he has no claim on 
this acconnt; since Nilus, and even Ap6 (Thebes), are called the 
" father " and " mother of the gods ; " Asclepins is a son of Pthah, 
withont being one of the 12 gods ; and Nepthys is called daughter 
of Be in the same bnilding where she is allowed to be the sister of 
Isis. These and similar relationships therefore prove no more 
r^ardiDg the classification of the gods, than do the facts of Pthah 
being called "father of the gods" (while one only, Asclepins, is 
mentioned as his son), and of Be not being called by that title, 
thongh there are so many deities recorded in the scnlptnres as his 
children. And if Be was not one of the 8 great gods, this does not 1 a 
necessarily place him in an inferior position, since Osiris, who was 
the greatest of all, and was with Isis worshipped thronghont the 
country, belonged to the 3rd order. For Osiris had this honour 
from being the god whose mysteries contained the most important 
secrets ; his rites comprised the chief part of the Egyptian wisdom ; 
he was the chief of Amenti, or Hades, and he was a heavenly as 
well as an inferial deity. There was also an important reason for 
bis being of the last, or newest order of gods; he related par- 
ticularly to nmn, the last and most perfect work of the creation ; 
and as the Deity was at first the Monad, then the Creator (" creation 

VOL. n. U 


being God passing into activity "), he did not become Osiris nntil 
man was placed npon the earth. He there manifested himself 
also (like Booddha) for the benefit of man, who looked to him for 
happiness in a future state. (See notes \ \ ^ on ch. 171, Book iL) 
It onght, however, to be observed that the same god may belong 
to two different orders in two of his characters, and may be pro- 
duced from different parents. Even Mant is once called *' daughter 
of Be," and Be is said to be " engendered bj Khem," as Khem was 
his own father; and Minerva at Sais proclaimed that ''she pro- 
ceeded from herself." But these apparent inconsistencies are 
readily explained by the nature of the Egyptian mythological 

II If it is necessary to confine the gods of the 3rd order to the 
children of Seb, a 4th and other orders might also be admitted (as I 
have already suggested in the " Materia Hieroglyphica ") ; for since 
those of the 2nd order are limited to twelve, it would be denying 
the accuracy of Herodotus, without any authority from the monu- 
ments, to class any of the numerous deities that remain together 
with the twelve of the 2nd order. There are, however, some lists of 
Deities on the monuments, in which eight, or sometimes twelve, are 
thus arranged : 1. Mandou, 2. Atmou, 3. Moui, 4. Tafne, 5. Seb, 
6. Netpe, 7. Osiris, 8. Isis; or these eight with 9. Seth, 10. Nep- 
thys, 11. Horus, and 12. Athor. 

!-• The 3rd order contains the children of Seb and Netpe: — 1. Osiris. 
2. Aroeris, or the Elder Horus, " son of Netpe." 3. Seth (Typhon). 
4. Isis. 5. Nepthys (Neb-t-^i, *' lady of the house," corresponding 
to Vesta in one character (see note * on ch. 62) ; but we may per- 
haps include in the same order the Younger Horus, the son of Osiris 
and Isis ; as well as Harpocrates, their infant son, the emblem of 
childhood ; and Anubis, the son of Osiris. The Younger Horus was 
the god of Victory and " the defender of his father ; " and in like 
manner the Greek Apollo, to whom he corresponded, was repre- 
sented as a ** youthful god." (Comp. Lucian de Dea Syr.) 

13. Of the remaining deities the most noted were : — 1. Thmei, Mei, 
or Ma, in her two capacities of Truth and Justice, Alethda and 
Themis, called " Daughter of the Sun," sometimes represented with- 
out a head, and who ought, perhaps, to belong to the 2nd order of 
Deities. 2. Athor (ei-t-HoVy " Horus's mundane habitation ") Venus, 
often substituted for Isis, called " Daughter of the Sun," answering 
to the West, or the place where the setting Sun was received into 


her arms. (See note * cb. 44, note • cb. 122, Book ii., and App. 
Book iii. Essay i. § 16.) 3. Nofr-Atmon, perhaps a variation of 
Atmoiu 4. Hor-Hat, frequently as the winged globe, one of the 
cbaraciers of the San, generally called Agathodaamon. 5. Hacte 
(Hecate ?), a goddess with a lion's head. 6. Selk, with a scorpion 
on her head. 7. Tore, a god connected with Pthah. 8. Amunta, 
perhaps a female Amnn. 9. Tpe, " the heavens." 10. Hapi, or the 
god Nilns. 11. Eanno, the asp-headed goddess, perhaps a character 
of Agathodsamon (see Calmet, PI. 69). 12. Hermes Trismegistns, a 
form of Thoth. 13. Asclepias, Motph, or "Imoph," called "the 
son of Pthah," probably the origin of the Emeph of lamblichns. 
14. Sofh, perhaps the goddess of Speech ; and about 50 more, some 
of whom were local divinities, as **the Land of Egypt;" "the 
East " and " the West " (bank) ; A$, A^6, op Taj?e, " Thebes ; " and 
the personifications of other cities. 

There were also various forms of early gods, as frog-headed deities 14. 
connected with Pthah ; and the offspring of local triads, as Pneb-to, 
Hor-pi-re, and other forms of the infant Horus ; the Apis, a form of 
Osiris, who was the Sarapis (t. e. Osir-Api) of Memphis, and other 
representations of well-known gods, together with minor divinities 
and genii : as Cerberus, the monster who guarded Amenti, " the 
region of the dead ; " the 4 genii of Amenti, with the heads of a man, 
a cynocephalus, a jackal, and a hawk ; the 6 spirits with the heads 
of hawks and jackals ; the 12 hours of day and night ; the 42 
assessors at the future judgment, each of whom presided over, or 
bore witness to a particular sin ; and the giant Apap (Aph6phis) — 
"the great serpent," and the emblem of wickedness. 

Many of the 50 gods above alluded to were certainly of late intro- 
duction; but those whose names 1 have mentioned were of early 
date, as well as many of minor note ; and for the figures of all the 
gods I must refer to my Anct. Egyptians. Some of them are called 
children of the Sun. There were also a few foreign deities, as 15. 
Banpo, the god of battles, and the goddess of war, Anata or Anta 
(see Appendix to Book iii. Essay i. § 21), Astarte, and others, who 
were of early introduction ; but the character given to Seth, who 
was called Baal- Seth and the god of the Gentiles, is explained by 
his being the cause of evil. (See note ' on ch. 171.) The intro- 
duction of foreign gods finds a parallel among other people of an- 
tiquity, whose readiness to adopt a god from another religion is one 
of the peculiarities of Polytheism; and the complacency of the 
Bomans on this point is well known. 


16. In each ciiy of Egypt one deiiy was the chief object of worship ; 
he was the g^nardian of the place, and he had the most conspicnons 
post in the adytum of its temple. The town had also its particolar 
triad, composed of 8 members, the third proceeding from the other 
two ; and the principal cities of Egypt, as Thebes and Memphis, 
had two of the great gods as the first members of their triads. They 
might be gods of any order, and the 2 first members not neces- 
sarily of the first rank ; for one of the 1st, or of the 2nd order, might 
be combined even with a local deity to produce the 3rd of still 
inferior rank in the divine scale ; and these in latter times became 
multiplied and brought down to a very low order of beings, the 
divine essence being thought to pervade, in a greater or less degree, 
all the creations of the deity. It was merely the extension of the 
same idea ; as an instance of which the great divine wisdom might 
combine with the genius of a city to produce a king. And to show 
how the divine and human natures of a king were thought to be dis- 
tinct, he was often represented offering to himself in the Egyptian 
sculptures, his human doing homage to his divine character. 

17. With such views it is not surprising that the Egyptians multi- 
plied their deities to an endless extent ; and plants, and even stones, 
were thought to partake in some degree of the divine nature ; but 
the notion that Egyptian gods were represented as animals and not 
under the human form is quite erroneous, the latter being by far 
the most usual. Originally, indeed, they had the Unity, worshipped 
under a particular character ; which was the case in other countries 
also, each considering him their protector, and giving h\m a peculiar 
form and name, though really the same one Gt>d ; and it was only 
when forsaken by him that they supposed their enemies were per- 
mitted to triumph over them. (Comp. Josephus, Antiq.' Ind. viii. 
10, 3, of the Jews and Shishak.) But it was not long before they 
subdivided the one God, and made his attributes into different 
deities. In like manner the Hindoos have one supreme Being, 
Brahme (neuter), the great one, who, when he creates, becomes 
Brahma (masculine) ; when he manifests himself by the operation 
of his divine spirit, becomes Vishnu, the pervader, or Narayan, 
" moving on the waters," called also the first male ; when he de-> 
stroys, becomes Siva, or Mahadiva, '* Great Qod ; " and as Brahma, 
Vishnu, and Siva, is the Creator, Preserver, and Destroyer, which 
last answers to the regenerator of what only changes its form, 
reproducing what he destroys. (See Sir W. Jones, vol. i. p. 249 ; and 
Asiat. Bes. vol. vii. p. 280 ; and my note ' on ch. 123, Book ii.) 


The same original belief in one God may be observed in Greek 
mythology ; and this accordance of early traditions agrees with the 
Indian notion that ** tmth was originally deposited with men, bat 
gradnally slnmbered and was forgotten ; the knowledge of it how- 
ever returning like a recollection." For in Greece, Zens was also 
nniversal, and omnipotent, the one God, containing all within him- 
self, and the Monad, the beginning and end of aJL (Somn. Scip. 
c. 6 ; Aristot. de Mnnd. 7.) 

Zths Kf<l>aXfi' Zths /jJ<r<reiy Aihs 8*^it ir(£rra rrrvKTOi, (line 2.) 
*Ejf Kpdros, etr Aaifuoy yiv^ro, /liytu iipx^^ awdyrcov, (line 8.) 
Ilcbrra yhp itf /Atydkif Zriyhs rttSt ffi&fiart kutcu. (line 12.) 

Orphic IVagm. 

Zt6s itrrw oM^p, Ztht tk yri, Ztbs 8* obpoMSsr 

Zi6s rot T^ vdtrrtu — Madu Fragm. 296. 

(Comp. Clemens Alex. Stax)m. v. p. 603.) 

At the same time each of the various offices of the Deity was 18. 
known under its peculiar title. (See note A. in App. to Book i.) 
Jupiter was also prefixed to the names of foreign gods, as Jupiter- 
Ammon, Jupiter-Sarapis, Jupiter-Baal-Mark6s, and many others ; 
and though the Sun had its special Deity, altars were raised to 
Jupiter-the-Sun. He was also the nmnifestation of the Deity, like 
Gsiris, who was the son of Seb, the Saturn of the Egyptians. Thus 
Osiris, Amnn, and Noum, though so unlike, were each supposed by 
the Greeks to answer to Jupiter. Hesiod, too, calls Jupiter the 
youngest of the Gods ; as Osiris was in the 3rd order of deities, 
though the greatest of all ; and the correspondence was completed 
by both being thought to have died. This notion— common to 
Egypt, Syria, and Crete, as to the Booddhists and other people — is 
one of many instances of the occurrence of similar religious views 
in different countries (see notes \ ', ch. 171) ; but there is also evi- 
dence of the Ghreeks having borrowed much from Egypt in their 
early mythology, as well as in later times, after their religion had 
long been formed ; and the worship of Isis spread from Egypt to 
Greece and its islands, as it afterwards did to Rome. But the cor- 
rupt practices introduced at Alexandria, and more especially at 
Canopus, and thence carried to Europe, were no part of the Egyp- 
tian religion : they proceeded from the gross views taken, through 
ignoruice, of certain allegorical representations, and were quite 
opposed, in their sensual and material character, to the simple ex- 
pression of the hieroglyphical mind of Egypt. 


19. It is easy to perceive, in all tbe religions of antiquity, "why bo 
many divinities resemble each other, why they differ in some points, 
and how they may be traced to one original ; while others, being 
merely local, have a totally different character. Thongh they began 
by subdividing the one Deity, they subsequently laboured to show 
that all the Qods were one; and this last, which was one of the great 
mysteries of Egypt, was much insisted upon by the philosophers of 
Greece. Even the names of some Deities show they came from one 
and the same, as Zeus-Dios, Dis, lav, Jovi, Dius-piter, Dies-piter, 
Jupiter (lapeter ?), lacchus, and Janus, who was said to be a character 
of Apollo, as Jana was Diana (Macrob. Saturn, i. 5), corresponding 
to PhcBbus and Phoebe ; and Macrobius not only identifies most of 
the Gods with the Sun, but makes Apollo and Bacchus, thongh so 
very dissimilar, the same (Saturn, i. 20). Again, the Olympian^ or 
heavenly, and the inferial Gods were essentially the same ; Pluto 
was only a character of Japiter ; and Ceres and Bacchus belonged 
to both classes, in which they resembled Isis and Osiris. The same 
notion led to the belief in a Sol inf erus — a deity particularly Egyp- 
tian, and connected with the Sun-gods. 

20. The Deity once divided, there was no limit to the number of 
his attributes of various kinds and of different grades ; and in 
Egypt everything that partook of the divine essence became a God. 
Emblems were added to the catalogue ; and though not really 
deities, they called forth feelings of respect, which the ignorant 
would not readily distinguish from actual worship. The Greeks, 
too, besides the greater gods, gave a presiding spirit to almost every 
part of visible Nature: trees of various kinds had their dryads, 
hama-dryads, and other nymphs ; rivers, lakes, marshes, and wells 
had their Naiads, as plains, mountains, caves, and the like, had tbeir 
presiding spirits ; and each " genius loci " of later times varied with 

21. tho place. These were mere personifications — an inferior grade of 
Nature-gods — who had no mysteries, and could not be identified 
with the one original Deity, as the local divinities of Egyptian towns 
were different from those who held a rank in the first, second, and 
third orders of gods. 

22. Tree- worship, and the respect for holy mountains, were African as 
well as Egyptian superstitions ; and they extended also to Asia. 

23. Besides the evidence of a common origin, from the analogies in 
the Egyptian, Indian, Greek, and other systems, we perceive that 
mythology had advanced to a certain point before the early migra* 

Chap.iil philosophical view of the greeks. 29s 

tions took place from central Asia. And if in after-times each intro- 
dneed local changes, they often borrowed so largely from their 
neighbonrs that a stroDg resemblance was maintained ; and hence 
the religions resembled each other, partly from haying a common 
origin, partly from direct imitation, and partly from adaptation; 
which last continued to a late period. 

The philosophical view taken by the Gb^eks of the nature of the 24. 
Deity was also different from their mythological system ; and that 
followed by Thales and others was rather metaphysical than reli- 
gions. Directly they began to adopt the inqniry into the nature of 
the Deity, they admitted that he must be One and Supreme ; and he 
received whatever name appeared to convey the clearest notion of 
the First Principle. How far any of their notions, or at least the 
inquiry that led to them, may be traced to an acquaintance with 
Egyptian speculation, it is difficult to determine ; Thales, and many 
more philosophers, studied in Egypt, and must have begun, or have 
sought to promote, their inquiry during their visit to the learned 
people of that age ; and in justice to them we must admit that they 
went to study there for some purpose. At all events their early 
thoughts could not but have been greatly influenced by an inter- 
course with Egypt, though many a succeeding philosopher suggested 
some new view of the First Cause; speculation taking a varied 
range, and often returning under different names to a similar con- 
clusion. Still, many early Greek philosophers admitted not only an 
ideal deity as a first cause, a divine intelligence, the '* holy infinite 
spirit " of Empedocles, or other notions of the One ; but, like Alc- 
m89on of Crotona (according to some a pupil of Pythagoras, according 
to others of the Ionian school), "attributed a divinity to the sun 
and stars as well as to the mind " (Cic. Nat. Deor. i.) Plato, too, 
besides the incorporeal Grod, admits " the heaven, stars, and earth, 
the mind, and those Gods handed down from our ancestors " to be 
deities ; and Chrysippus, called by Cicero (Nat. Deor. i. and iii.) 
the most subtle of the Stoics, extended the divine catalogue still 
further ; which recalls the Egyptian system of a metaphysical and 9 
mysterious view of the divine nature, and at the same time the admi& 
sion of a worship of the Sun. (See note * on chap. 51, and note on 
ch. 123, B. ii.) 

Of the Egyptian theory of the creation some notion may perhaps 25. 
be obtained from the account given in Ovid (Met. i. and xxv.) bor- 
rowed from the Pythagoreans ; as of their belief in the destruction 
of the earth by fire, adopted by the Stoics. (Ovid, Met. i. 256 ; 


Seneca, Nat. QnsBst. lii. 13 and 28 ; Plat, de Placit. Phil. iv. 7.) 
They even thought it had been stibject to seyeral catastrophes, 
" not to one deluge only, bat to many ; " and believed in a variety 
of destructions *' that have been and again will be, the greatest of 
these arising from fire and water " (Plat. Tim. pp. 4:66^ 467). The 
idea that the world had successive creations and destmctions is also 
expressly stated in the Indian Manu. 

But though some subjects in the tombs of the kings, seem to 
point to the creation, perhaps also to the destruction (as well as to 
man's future punishment) of the world by fire, there are few direct 
indications of its creation beyond some mysterious allusions to the 
agency of Pthah (the creator), or the representation of Noum (Nef), 
the divine spirit, passing in his boat *' on the waters," or fashioning 
the clay on a potter's wheel. This last is also done by Pthah, 
which seems to correspond with the doctrine of Empedodes, as well 
as with the notion expressed in Grenesis, that the matter already 
existed " without form and void " {tohSo 00 hohoo) ; and not that it 
was then for the first time called into existence. For (as Mr. Stuart 
Poole has observed) the same expression, tohoo 00 hohSo, is used in 
Jeremiah (iv. 23), where the land " without form and void " was 
only " desolate," not destroyed nor brought " to a full end " (v. 27), 
but depopulated and deprived of light. (Cp. Ps. civ. 30.) 

They probably had a notion of the indefinite period that inter- 
vened between " the beginning " and the creation of man, which is 
in accordance with the Bible account, as St. Gregory Nazianzen 
and others have supposed, and which seems to be pointed out by 
the Hebrew text, where in the two first verses the past tense of the 
verbs (" God created ") Q)ard) and " the earth was without form ") 
is used ; while in the 8rd, and some other verses, we have iamer 
(" aaya "), and ihra (" creates ") ; for though these have a past sense, 
that construction is not a necessary one, and the verb might have 
been placed after^ instead of before, the noun, as in the 2ud verse. 
The creation of plants before animals, as in " the third day " of 
Genesis, was also an ancient, perhaps an Egyptian, belief; and 
"Empedodes says the first of all Kving things were trees, that 
sprang from the earth before the sun expanded itself." (Comp. 
Plut. de Plac. Phil. v. c. 26). The tradition among the Hebrews 
of the world having been created in autumn was borrowed from 
Egypt, to which climate only (as Miss F. Corbaux has shown) the 
idea that autumn was the period of the world's creation, or renewal, 
would apply. — [G. W.] 



"WHEN MCERIS WAS KING," Ac— Chap. 13. 

1« Bise of the Nile 16 onbita. 2. Differed in different parts of Egypt. 8. Oldest 
Nflometer. 4. The lowering of the Nile in Ethiopia by the giving way of 
the rooks at Silsilis. 6. Ethiopia affected by it, bat not Egypt below 
Sihilis. 6. Other Nilometers and measnrements. 7. Length of the Egyp- 
tiaii cubit 

** When Moeris teas Tdng^^ says Herodotus, ** the Nile overflowed aU 1. 
Egypt hehw Memphis^ da soon as it rose so Utile as 8 cubits ; " and 
this, be adds, was not 900 years before his visit, when it required 
15 or 16 cubits to inundate the country. But the 16 figures of 
children (or cubits, Lucian. Rhet. PrsBC. sec. 6) on the statue of the 
Nile at Rome show that it rose 1 6 cubits in the time of the Roman 
Empire; in 1720, 16 cubits were still cited as the requisite height 
for irrigating the land about Memphis ; and the same has continued 
to be the rise of the river at old Cairo to this day. For the propor- 
tion is always kept up by the bed of the river rising in an equal 
ratio with the land it irrigates; and the notion of Savary and others 
that the Nile no longer floods the Delta, is proved by experience to 
be quite erroneous. This also dispels the gloomy prognostications 
of Herodotus that the Nile will at some time cease to inundate the 

The Mekeeas pillar at old Cairo, it is true, is calculated to measure 2. 
24 cubits, but this number merely implies " completion;" and it has 
been ascertained by M. Coste that the 24 Cairene cubits are only 
equal to about 16 or 16^ real cubits. The height of the inundation 
varies of course, as it always did, in dilEerent parts of Egypt, being 
about 40 feet at Asouan, 86 at Thebes, 25 at Cairo, and 4 at the 
Bosetta and Damietta mouths ; and Plutarch gives 28 cubits as the 
highest rise at Elephantine, 15 at Memphis, and 7 at Xois and 
Hendes, in the Delta (de Isid. s. 43). The Nilometer at Ele- 
phantine is the one seen by Strabo, and used under the Empire, as 
the rise of the Nile is recorded there in the 35th year of Augustus 
and in the reigns of other Emperors. The highest remaining scale 
is 27 cubits ; but it has no record of the inundation at that height, 


tbougli Plntarcb speaks of 28 ; and the higliest recorded there is of 
26 cubits, 4 palms, and 1 digit. Tbis, at the ratio stated by Plntarcb, 
wonld give little more than 14 at Memphis ; but Pliny (v. 9) says 
the proper rise of the Nile is 16 cnbits, and the highest known was 
of 18 in the reign of Clandins, which was extraordinary and cala- 
mitous. Ammianns Marcellinus (22), in the time of Julian, also 
says, " no landed proprietor wishes for more than 16 cubits." The 
same is stated by El Edrisi and other Arab writers. (See M6ni. 
de TAcad., vol. xvi p. 333 to 377; M. Eg. W., p. 279 to 284; and 
At. Eg. W., vol. iv. p. 27 to 31.) The great staircase of Elephantine 
extends far above the highest scale, and measures 59 feet, and with 
the 9 steps of the lower one, the total from the base is nearly 69 feet, 
while the total of the scales that remain measures only about 21 
feet; but the cubits, 27 (ke) marked on the highest, answer to a 
height of 46 feet lOf inches, which shows that this was reckoned 
from a lower level than the base of the lowest staircase. 

From all that has been said it is evident that the change irom the 
time of Moeris to Herodotus could not have been what he sup- 
poses ; and that the full rise of the Kile about Memphis was always 
reckoned at 16 cubits. The 8 cubits in the time of MoBris were 
either calculated from a different level, or were the rise of the river 
at some place in the Delta far below Memphis. 

3. The oldest Nilometer, according to Diodorus, was erected at 
Memphis ; and on the rocks at Semneh, above the second cataract, 
are some curious records of the rise of the Nile during the reigns of 
Amun-in-he III. and other kings of the 12 th dynasty, which show 
that the river does not now rise there within 26 feet of the height 
indicated in those inscriptions. But this was only a local change, 
confined to Ethiopia, and the small tract between the first cataract 

4. and Silsilis; and it was owing to a giving way of the rocks at 
Silsilis, which till then had kept up the water of the Nile to a much 
higher level south of that xK)int. For though the plains of Ethiopia 
were left without the benefit of the annual inundation, no effect 
was produced by it in Egypt north of Silsilis, except the passing 
injury done to the land just below that place by the sudden rush of 
water at the moment the barrier was burst through. The channel 
is still very narrow there, being only 1095 feet broad ; and tradition 
pretends that the navigation was in old times impeded by a chain 
thrown across it by a king of the country, from which the name of 
Silsil is thought to be derived. But though silsUi signifies a "chain" 

Chap. IV. KILOMETERS. 299 

ia Arabic, tlie name of Silsilis was known long before tbe Arabs 
occupied Egypt; and it is not impossible that its Coptic appellation, 
Ck>lg6l, may haye been borrowed from the catastrophe that occurred 
there, and point to an earthquake as its cause ; or from a similar 
word, Golgol, alluding apparently to the many channels worn by 
the cataracts there, or to the breaking away of the rocks at the time 
of the fall of the barrier. 

The change in the level of the Nile was disastrous for Ethiopia, 5. 
since it left the plains of that hitherto well-irrigated country far 
above the reach of the annual inundation ; and, as it is shown, by 
the position of caves in the rocks near the Nile, and by the founda- 
tion of buildings on the deposit, to have happened only a short time 
before the accession of the 18th dynasty, it is singular that no men- 
tion should have been made of so remarkable an occurrence either 
by Manetho or any other historian. The narrow strip of land in 
Nubia and Southern Ethiopia, as well as the broad plains of Dongola, 
and even some valleys at the edge of the eastern desert, are covered 
with this ancient deposit. I have seen water- worn rocks that prove 
the former extent of the annual inundation in spots often very dis- 
tant from the banks ; and even now this soil is capable of culti- 
vation, if watered by artificial irrigation. Though this change did 
not afEect Egypt below Silsilis, it is not impossible that the measure- 
ments of Moeris may apply to other observations made in his reign 
in Egypt also ; and the discovery of the name of Amun-iiL-he III. at 
the Labyrinth by Dr. Lepsius, shows that this was at least cue of 
the kings to whom the name of Moeris was ascribed. (See note* 
on ch. 13, B. ii.) Other measurements are mentioned at different ^*» 
times besides those under Moeris and in the days of Herodotus. 
A Nilometer stood at Eileithyias in the age of the Ptolemies ; there 
was one at Memphis, the site of which is still pointed out by tradi- 
tion ; that of Elephantine remains with its scales and inscriptions 
recording the rise of the Nile in the reigns of the Roman Emperors; 
a movable one was preserved in the temple of Sarapis at Alex- 
andria till the time of Constantino, and was afterwards transferred 
to a Christian church; the Arabs in a.d. 700 erected one at Helwan, 
which gave place to that made, about 715, by the caliph Suley- 
man in the Isle of Boda, and this again was succeeded by the 
" Mekeeas " of Mamoon, a.d. 815, finished in 860 by Motawukkel- 
al- Allah, which has continued to be the government Nilometer to 
the present day. 


7. The lengtli of the ancient Egyptian cubit and its parts may be 
stated as follows : — 

Of the NUometer Of Memphii, 

of Elephantine, acoording to Jonuzd. 

1 digit or dactylus . = English inchea 07366 . . 0^3115 

4 „ Ipalm . . = „ 2-9464 .. 2 9247 

28 „ 7 „ 1 cubit = „ 20-6260 . . 20-47291 

The lengths of different Egyptian cubits are : — 

MillimHret. Eng.iDdMS. 
The onbit in the Turin Mnsenm, according to my measnze- 

ment , 522^ or 20-5730 

.. 622T^or 20 6786 

.. 623 or 20-6180 

.. 624 or 20*6684 

.. 620 or 20*4729 

.. 627 or 20-7484 

The same, according to Jomard 

Ano voer ••• ••< ••• ••• ••• ••• 

wuLno uier ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

Jomard's onbit of Memphis, mentioned above 

Cnbit of Elephantine Nilometer, according to Jomard 

The same, according to mj measurement 20*6260 

Fftrt of a cnbit foxmd by me on a stone at Asonan about 21*0000 

The cubit,.acoording to Mr. Ferring's calculation at the PTramids, do. 20-6280(?) 
Mr. Harris* cubit from Thebes ;; 20*6600 

From all which it is evident that they are the same measure, and 
not two different cubits; and there is nothing to show that the 
Egyptians used cubits of 24, 28, and 32 digits.^— [G. W.] 

^ See Ancient Egyptians, W., vol. iv. p. 81« 

chap.v. hieratic and demotic weitino. 301 



L Hieratio and DemoUo, the two sorts of letters written from right to left. 
2. Hieroglyphioe. 8. Three kinds of writing. 4. Hieratic. 5. Demotic, ur 
enchoriaL 6. The three characters. 7. First nse of demotic. 8. Of sjm. 
bolic hieroglyphics : The ikonographio. 9. The tropical. 10. The enigmatic. 
11. Symbolic also put with phonetic hieroglyphics. 12. Detenmnatives after 
the word, or name of an object. 13. Initial letters for the whole words, to 
be called limited initidl signs. 14. Distinct from other " mixed signs." 15. 
Syllabio signs. 16. Medial vowel placed at the end of a word. 17. Earliest 
use of hieroglyphics. 18. Mode of placing hieroglyphics. 19. First letter 
of a word taken as a character. 20. Determinative signs. 21. They began 
with T^resentative signs. 22. The plural number. 23. Abstract ideas. 
24. Phonetic system fonnd necessary. 25. Some parts of the verb. 26. 
Negative sign. 27. Invention of the real alphabetio writing Phcsnician. 
28. Greek letters. 29. Digamma originally written. 80. Sinalitic inscrip. 
tions not of the Israelites. 81. Tan used for the cross. 82. Materials nsed 
for writing npon. 83. The papyrus. 

These two kinds of writing, written, as he says, from right to left, 1. 
evidently apply to the hieratic and demotic (or enchorial) ; for 
though the hieratic was derived from an abbreviated mode of writ- 
ing hieroglyphics, it was a different character ; as the demotic was 
distinct from the hieroglyphic and the hieratic. The same is stated 
by Diodoms (i. 81), who says "the children of the priests were 
taught two different kinds of writing ;"...." bnt the generality 
of the people learn only from their parents, or relations, what is 
required for the exercise of their pecnHar professions, a few only 
bemg tanght anything of literature, and those principally the better 
class of artificers." Herodotus and Diodorus consider the hiero- 2* 
glyphics merely monumental; but they were not confined to 
monwments, nor to sacred purposes. Clemens (Strom, v. p. 555) 
more correctly reckons three kinds of writing: 1, the epistolo- 3. 
graphic ; 2, the hieratic, or sacerdotal ; 3, the hieroglyphic, which 
was an ordinary written character like the other two, and originally 
the only one. He then divides the hieroglyphic into, 1, kyriologic 

302 KATUBE OF THE DEMOTia App. Boox H. 

(directly expressed by the first letter or initial of the name of the 
hieroglyphic object), and 2, symbolic, which was either directly ex- 
pressed by imitation, or written by tropes, or altogether aUegoricaUif 
by certain enigmas. As an example of the kyriolog^c, he says they 
make a circle to represent the "san,*' and '*a crescent for the 
moon/* " according to their direct form ; " in the tropical method 
they substitute one thing for another which has a certain resem- 
blance to it. It is therefore suited to express the praises of their 
kings in theological myths. Of the third or enigmatic an example 
may be given in their representing the planets from their motion 
by serpents, and the sun by a beetle (or more properly by a hawk). 
The scheme of Clemens may be thus represented : — 

E^ptUn writing. 

I 1 

Eplstolographlo. Hieroglyphic. 

i _^_^ 

Kyriologic (phonetic, by tbo initial letters). Symootku 

I i ^^, 

By direct imitAtion, or representation Siy Tropes, or anaglyphio. AUegonc, 

ikonographio, or idoc^apliic. Enignuuic. or 


*• The hieratic, which was derived from the hieroglyphic, was in- 

. Tented at least as early as the 9th dynasty, and fell into disuse when 

the demotic had been introduced. It consisted of phonetic, and also 

of symbolic signs. It was written from right to left, and was the 

character used by the priests and sacred scribes, whence its name. 

^* The demotic or encliorial, the epistolographio of Clemens, was a 
simplified form of the hieratic, and a nearer approach towards the 
alphabetic system ; though we find in it syllabic and some ikono- 
graphic or ideographic signs, as the palm-branch and sun for *'a 
year," with others (see the following woodcut, which reads " the 
year 6, the month Mesor^, the 20th day," or " the 6th year, the 20th 
day of the fourth month of the waters, of King Ptolemy ") ; and the 
several characters still amounted, according to Bmgsch, to 275, 
including ligatures and numerals, or perhaps even exceeded that 
number. Plutarch is therefore wrong in limiting the numb^ of 
letters in the Egyptian alphabet to twenty-five (de Is. s. 56). One 
great peculiarity pointed out by Brugsch is that demotic was used 
for the vulgar dialect, and is therefore more correctly called d&moiie 
than enchorial ; but it was also used in historical papyri. It was 
also invariably written, like the hieratic, from right to left. 

6. The form of the hieroglyphic, the hieratic, and the demotic, dif* 

Chap.V. imitative HIEROGLYPHICa 303 

fered more in some characters than in others, as may be seen in the 
woodcnt; where the transition from the first (sometimes through 
tiie second) to the demotic may be perceived. It is not quite cer- 

tain when the demotic first came into nse, hnt it was at least as 7. 
early as the reign of Psammetichus IT., of the 26th dynasty ; and it 
had therefore long been employed when Herodotus visited Egypt. 
Soon after its invention it was adopted for all ordinary purposes ; it 
was taught as part of an Egyptian education ; and after it, accord- 
ing to Clemens, they learnt the hieratic, and lastly the hieroglyphic. 
But this gradation, if ever observed, could only have been in later 
times; for in the early period, before the epistolographic,, or 
demotic, was invented, the educated Egyptians must either have 
learnt the hieroglyphic, or the hieratic character, or have been left 
without any knowledge of reading and writing, which would have 
been tantamount to no education at all ; whereas we know on the 
contrary that hieroglyphics were commonly understood by all 
educated persons. Many too learnt hieroglyphics to whom the 
hieratic was not taught ; nor could the hieroglyphic have been at 
any time the last they learnt, since the invention of the hieratic was 
intended to enable the priest to possess a written character not 
generally known to the rest of the Egyptians. 

In symbolic hieroglyphics, 1, The ikonographic, representational, 8. 
or imiiative hieroglyphics, are those that present the object itself, as 

the suTh's disc, to signify the " sun " ^ ; the crescent 4 to signify 

the "iwooti;" a male and female figure apply to man and wcrnian 
when separate, and signify mankind when together, as in this group 

^A J , with or without the word " rot " (** marJcimd "). 

2. The tropical hieroglyphics substitute one object for another, • • 
to which it bears an analogy, as heaven and a star ^ H for " night;" 


a leg in a trap ■ J ■ for " deceit; " a pen and inkstand (or writer's 
pallette) [n for ^^ writing f** ^^to vorite^^ or a " scribe; " and a man 

hrealcing his owti head with an axe, or a club, for the " wickedy** — 
suicide being considered the most wicked action of a man. Again, 
the sun is put for a " day; " and the moon for a " month; ** a jouth 

with his finger to his mouth \1\ for a " child; " a man armed vnth 
bow and quiver, a *^ soldier" r;J^ ; a mB,n pouring out a libation from 

a vase, or merely the vase itself / 1, a ^^ priest; *' a man with 
his hands bound behind his back, " a captive " mjk ; the groundr 

plan of a house, a " temple " or a " house,** C^ 5 ^ ^ valve signified 
a " door; " the firmament, or the ceiling of a room, studded with stars, 
*^the heaven** phh^; and a man raising his hand, and calling to 
another, was the exclamation " oh,** and the vocative " o " (below, 
p. 312). An eg^ ^ signified a " child,** or " son ; ** a face " before,** 
or a " chief; ** and a lion's fore part " the beginning,** and the hind- 
quarter " the end,** as in this sentence, C^^ (^ ^/*— * ^^ r " In 
the beginning of the year, (and) in the ^3^ |0 jj^y^ 1^ end 

of the year." 
10. 3. The enigmatic put an emblematic figure, or object, in lieu of 

the one intended to be represented, as a hawh for the " sun " ^ > 
a seated figure with a curved beard J for a " god.** It is sometimes 
difficult to distinguish between tropical and enigmatic hieroglyphics; 
as when the two water-plants I I are put for the. " upper and lower 

country,** being emblems of the two districts where they princi- 
pally grew. Upper and Lower Egypt. But it will be evident that 
the tropical is the nearest of the three to the phonetic, in compass 
and power of expression, from its being able more readily to expx^eas 
abstract ideas and facts. 


Tliese three kinds of what Glemens calls symbolic (or more pro- 11. 
ipetlj figttre-hieroglyphics, in contradistinction to kyriologic, phonetic, 
OP leUer-hieroglyphies), were either nsed cdone, or in company with 
tiie phonetically-written word they represented. Thns, 1. the word 
Be, " snn," might be written in letters only, or be also followed by 
tbe ikonograph the solar disc (which if alone would still have the 
same meaning Be, "snn*'); and as we might write the word 
"horse," and place after it a figure of that animal, they did the 

flame after their word Mr^ or MhoTf "horse" ■ •— ' ^^llMk. So too 
the word "moon," Aah, or loh^ was followed by the crescent, ■■r^^.^ 

and rot Kjt.% **manhmd** by the figure of a man and woman. 

Again, a man in the action of heating was placed either alone or 
aftar the verb to beat, " hei,** to have that meaning. In these cases 
the sign so following the phonetic word has been called a determif 12. 
native, from its serving to determine the meaning of what preceded 
it. 2. In the same manner the tropical hieroglyphics might be alone, 
or in company with the word written phonetically ; and the expres- 
sion " to write," slchai, might be followed, or not, by its tropical 
hieroglyphic, the " pen and inkstand," as its determinative sign ; as 
the ma/n hilling himself might be preceded by the word sheft^ 
" wicked." 3. The emblematic figure — a havok signifying the " sun " 
— ^might also be alone, or after the name "^" written phonetically, 
as a determinative sign ; and as a general rule the determinative 
followed instead of preceding the names, in which it differed from 
the Chinese and Assyrian systems. Determinatives are therefore 
of three kinds, — ^ikonographic, tropical, and enigmatic. 

This union of both phonetic and symbolic hieroglyphics is com- . 
monly adopted, and may be considered the remains of the original 
pictorial writing combined with the phonetic system. 

Some hieroglyphics again are used as pure ikonographs, and 
phonetically also ; as the plan of a house, which with a line added 
to it answers for the letter e, in et L J I '' house,** though alone it 
also represented a "house," or "abode." 

Some which are tropical when alone are phonetic in combination, 
as the sign for " gold " novh also stands for the letter n. 

Some too, which are emblematic, are phonetic in words, as the 

YOU n, X 

306 OTHER YABIETIEa App. Book. II. 

crocodile's tail, the symbol of "Egypt," wHen combined with an 

owl " m," answers to " kh " of the word khemi " Egypt," as well as 

of khame or home "black." In these cases they are the initial 

13. letters of the words they represent ; so the gtdta/r (or nahl) signifies 

** goodf** whether standing alone I , or as the initial of the word nofr 

" good " L ^^^ ; and the tau^ or crux ansata^ signifies " life " (or 

" living "}, whether it stands alone Hr or as the initial of the word 

written phonetically in fall JS. ^^^^ onkh^ or ankh. Bat these are 

only osed, each for its own particular word, and do not stand for % 
or in any other. Moreover, they cannot be called ikonokraphio ; 
otherwise the guitar woold sometimes signify what it represents — 
a " guitar ; " nor can they be called determinatives, not being used 
to follow and determine the sense of the wox^ but forming part of 
it when written phonetically. Nor can they be classed among the 
simple phonetic characters, as they are only used in their own 
words of which they are the first letter, and not in any others where 
the same letter occurs. Of the same kind is the " stuid," or barred 
emblem of stability, which with a hand signifies ^ ^ "to establish," 
and which is not employed for i in other words. These may be 
called limited vaibial signs. 

14 They may also be distinguished as specific signs, while others em* 
ployed for any words are generic. They have been called " mixed 
signs " together with many others, some of which, however, are of 
a different kind, and ought to be placed in a distinct order ; as tiie 
human head with the mat and two lines reading dpS, "head," or 
" upon ; " for this is both ikonographic and phonetic. It stands for 
a "head " as well as for the letter a, and differs therefore from the 
guitar and others of limited force. This remark applies also to 
others that have been ranked among " mixed signs." 

15. Besides the employment of one or more single signs for a letter, 
there were some which stood for words of one syllable, in this 
manner: a sign which was followed by one particular Towel, or 
consonant, forming the word, was frequently placed alone (without 
its complement) for the whole monosyllable : thus the hoe " M " 
often stood for mer (or mar), without the motUh representing the r; 

Chap.T. antiquity OF HIEBOGLYPHICa 307 

and the spiked Hand " M " stood for the whole or monosyllabic word 
men, without the zigzag " n," that sometiines follows to complete it ; 
and in mes *' bom " the first sign answering to " m " was put alone 
for the whole word without the complementary " s.*' 

The Egyptians had also a singular mode of placing a sign, repre- IG 
sen&g a medial Towel, after the consonant it preceded in the 
word ; thus, for Aan they wrote a/na ; for Khons, Khnso ; Ca/nana for 
Canaan. It must, however, be observed that the exact vowel is 
larely certain, as we are obliged to supply those that are unex- 
pressed ; and in Coptic they are so changeable as to give us little 
help. Sometimes, too, the consonant beginning a word was doubled, 
as Ssa, for So, or Sais. (Perhaps also in Ssiris for Osiris.) 

In hieroglyphics of the earliest periods there were fewer phonetio 
characters than in after ages, being nearer to the original picture- 
writing. The number of signs also varied at dilEerent times; but 
they may be reckoned at from 900 to 1000. 

The period when hieroglyphics, the oldest Egyptian characters, 17 
were first used, is uncertain. They are found in the Qreat Pyramid 
of the time of the 4th dynasty, and had evidently been invented 
long before, having already assumed a cursive style. This shows 
them to be far older than any other known writing; and the 
written documents of the ancient languages of Asia, tiie Sanscrit 
and the 2iend, are of a recent time compared with those of Egypt, 
even if the date of the Big Veda in the 15th century B.C. be proved. 
Hanetho implies that the invention of writing was known in the 
reign of Ath6this (the son and successor of Menes), the second king 
of Egypt, when he ascribes to him the writing of the anatomical 
books; and tradition assigned to it a still earlier origin. At all 
events hieroglyphics, and the use of the papyrus, with the usual 
reed pen, are shown to have been common when the pyramids 
were built ; and their style in the sculptures proves that they were 
then a very old invention. 

Various new characters were added at subsequent periods, and a 
still greater number were introduced under the Ptolemies and 
Cffisars, which are not found on the early monuments ; some, again, 
of the older times fell into disuse. 

All hieroglyphics, including the linear kind, or running hand -i g 
above mentioned, were written from right to left, from left to right, 
or in vertical columns (like Chinese), according to the space that was 
to he filled ; and the mode of reading was towards the faces of the 


animals, or figures. Thus ^ ^HR) *^ PHrab, the migbtj," asd 


^his son who loves him," read from left to right; 

but if they faced the other way they would read from right to left; 
as in the previous woodcut of section 6. This is a general rolei^ to 
which there are very few exceptions. 
10. The mode of forming the characters or phonetic signs was by 
taking the first letter of the name of those objects selected to be the 
representatives of each sound, thus : the name of an eagle, Akhdm^ 
began with the sound A, and that bird was taken as the sign for that 
letter ; an owl was chosen to represent an h, because it was the 
initial of MouLagy the name of that bird ; and others in like manner; 
which may possibly explain the expression of Clemens, rh wpSra 
<rroix*7ay *Hhe first letters," in opposition to symbolic signs. This 
use of the first letters of words naturally led to the adoption of 
many signs for the same character, and the hieroglyphic alphabet 
was consequently very large. It is not, however, to be supposed 
that all the signs for one letter were employed indiscriminately: 
the Egyptians confined themselves to particular hieroglyphics in 

writing certain words ; thus Amun was written I "" though J[^ 

would stand equally well for the mere letters a, h, k. Again, 6nkh^ 
"life," and many others, are always written with the same characters, 

so that the initial *| alone stands for the entire word; and if 

are both used for mat, or merij "loved," and other 


letters have their synonyms, these variations are very limited, and 
are adopted with great discretion, though greater latitude is allowed 
in the names of foreign people. Each sign has even been thought 
to have its own inherent vowel. 
20. Besides the restricted use of synonymous signs, another very izn* 
portant index was adopted for separating words, and for pointing 
out their sense. This was the determinative sign already mentioned, 
which was a figure of the object itself following the phonetic word. 
A particular determinative of kind was also given to objects belong* 

ing to a collective genus, as the skin and tail A of an <^tn'Tw%1^ 


Cbap, Y. PLUBALa 309 

" ^j" folio wing a word, denoted some " beast;" thns I ™^ 1 1 ^ 

dna^ signified an ^'ape." But the skin, ^^has^^^ also stood for the 
word " shin" and it was therefore a' specific as well as a generic de- 
terminatiye ; and it was also a determinative of the Qod ^^Besa." 
Thej also occasionallj accompanied a word by another determi- 
natiye sign having the same sonnd ; as the goose after the name of 
Apis; or the stone^ "st^** that followed the name of the god Bet or 
Beth; Ac. 

Agronp accompanied by a sign signifying ''land" ^^, pointed 
out some district or tovm of Egypt ; as another indicative of a hilly 
country v a ^ stood for ^^ foreign, land; " and a line or toothy ^ was 
the determinative of a " region," Several expletives were also nsed 
for varions purposes ; some as tacit signs being placed after snb- 
stantives, adjectives, and verbs, as the papyrus roll, mmmaf^gmm , and 
otliers denoting verbs of action, <&k). 

In the formation of this written language the Egyptians began 21. 
with what is the oldest form of writing, representational signs. 
The alphabetic system was a later invention, which grew out of 
picture-writing ; for, as drawing is older than writing, so picture- 
writing is older than alphabetic characters, and, as Bacon justly 
chserves, ** hieroglyphics preceded letters." But the Egyptians in 
their representational signs, did not confine themselves to the simple 
delineation of the object, merely in order to signify itself; this 
would not have given them a written language; they went further, 
and represented ideas also, for two legs not only signified what they 
represented, but implied the notion of " walking," or " motion ; " 
and the former meaning might be pointed out by a particular mark, 
which showed that the object was to be taken in a positive sense : 

<^us .A signified " walking," but -3^^ was read " legs," which, 
in older times, was made by two separate legs ; and a hull signified 
** strong," but when followed by a half -circle and a line, it read 
simply " a bnll." 
The plnral number was marked by the same object thrice re- 22. 

peated, as T " God," |^ ** Grods," or by three lines following 

it, Tl ; but the Egyptians had no dual. (On their mode of writing 
nombers, see n. * on ch. 36, B. ii.) A circle or sieve^ with two short 


lines witliin or below it, signified ^^tioiee,** ^. The female ngu 

was a small half-circle ^^ after the word (whether singular or 
plural); thus an egg or a goosey signifying a ^^san," when followed 
by a half -circle, read " daughter" 
23 By certain combinations they portrayed an abstract idea, and a 
yerb of action was indicated by the phonetic characters that formed 
it being followed by an object representing the action: as 

"nwit," with an eye and tears flowing from it, 
signified "(<o) weep,'* as well as ^^weeping" or "Zamenio^ikw;" the 

word mounJch, followed by a mallet, ^2^^, implied " (to) work** or 

** huildy* or any " work \** otion,"J5^> followed by the valve of a 

door, was " (fo) open,^ though this hare and zigzag line without the 
valve would be a tense of the verb " to be." 

Sometimes the phonetic word was omitted, and the determinative 
sign alone portrayed the idea, as a pair of eyes signified "to see "^ 
(without the word meio) ; a cerastes snake going into a hole signified 
** to enter** as its reversed position meant " to come out ; ** and many 
others of a similar kind. It sometimes happened (as in other lan- 
guages) that the same name applied to two different objects, and 
then the same hieroglyphic stood for both, as ^^^^ neb for "lord," 
and nxbeuy "all;" iri signified an "eye "and "to make;" and, as 
Dr. Young says, however much Warburton's indignation might be 
excited by this child's system, it is, after all, only one of the simple 
processes through which a written language may very naturally be 
supposed to advance towards a more perfect development. Emblems 
were also extensively employed : as the asp signified a Gt)ddes8 ; the 
crowns of upper and lower Egypt the dominion of those two dis- 
tricts ; and several of the Qods were known by the peculiar emblems 
chosen to represent them, — the ibis or the cynocephalus being put 
for the God Thoth; a square- eared &bulous animal for Seth or 
Typhon ; the hawk for BiO and Horns ; the jackal for Anubis ; and 
24 But however ingeniously numerous signs were introduced to 
complete the sense, their mode of expressing abstract ideas was very 

chap.v. origin op alphabetic writikg. 311 

imperfect; and anotHer step was required beyond the nse of homo- 
pbonons words, emblems, and positive representations of objects. 
This was the invention of the phonetic system already noticed 
(p. 307), which was evidentiy allied to the adoption of words of the 
same sonnd, the initial being taken instead of the whole word. Thus, 
when the names of objects began with a similar sonnd, either of 

them stood for the same letter: as ^k and / for if ; a hoe and 


a tiknk of water ioru;/^ siou, " a star ;" and sen, " a goose," for s, Ac. 

Here, as already shown, is the germ of alphabetic writing ; and that 
a similar pictnre-writing was the origin of the PhoBnician and the 
Hebrew, is proved by the latter having retained the names of the 
objects after their form conld no longer be traced ; aleph, beth, and 
gimel, signifying the " buU " (" chief," or " head "), the " honse," and 
the "cameL" The names of these are also traced in the alpha, 
beta, gamma of the Qreeks, who borrowed their letters from the 

It is not possible in so short a space to give even a summary of 5. 
the grammar of hieroglyphics ; for this I must refer to Champol- 
lion's *' Grammaire Egyptienne ; " and I shall merely observe that, 1st, 
in combining the pronoxms with a verb, a sitting figure of a man 
(or of a woman, or of a king) for " I " (or a small vertical line, or 
a reed-head, before the verb), a basket with a ring for "thon," a 
cerastes for "he," the bolt, or broken line ("«") for "she," and 

others, followed the verb, in this manner : — V f \ "I say ;" or 

« I give ; " ^^1 " thou sayest ; " ^— ^ I " he 

says;" ^2^1 "®*^® Bays;** ^ "the king says;" 



yon say;** «^^l "they say;" 

■ i I ... , , , 

and these same signs are also put for the various cases of the per- 
sonal and possessive pronouns wherever they are required. 

2nd. The perfect tense is marked by « after the verb, and before 

the pronouns : thus ^^"*^ " ho makes " becomes >vv>aa/\ «« he 

made,'* or " he has made ; " and the mode of express ng the passive 

is by adding tou: thus /T\ || mes* "bom," becomes 

mesiou-f, or mesotd-f, " he was bom " (natus est). 
We also find mew^(m-/(natns erat, or fuerat). 
3rd. The future is formed by the auxihary verb ao (or at*), "to 

be," followed by the motUh .<— ^ r M mV{^ "^^^^ " for ; " 

M " I am for to make," or " I wiU make." M. de Roug6 also shows 
that the future is formed by prefixing tu to the root. 

4,th. The imperative mood is marked by the interjection " Oh," 

a figure holding forth one arm in the act of calling, jkl or by 

the word"&,£" jjj\. llMi ,orby the JL word ma. 

5th. In the subjunctive the verb immediately follows a tense of 
the verb "to give," as (Osiris) "give thou that I may see" 

; or the verb is preceded by n, " for," 
"that," as ^^^> " that thou mayest see." 

• Mas is « son " in Berber i and perhaps in Nnmidian, as in Maanisn. 

Chap.V. invention OP LETTERS, 313 

6tL In the optative the verb is preceded by the word 

• j II mai. 
'^WC I I 7th. The infinitive is formed by prefixing er to 
-^%1 1 the root. 

8tli. The participle present is generally determined by a cerastes 
foUowing it, or by a bolt, or broken line (" s "), for a female ; and 

t the same is expressed by nt^ " who : " as ^m '* who 

saves," or "saving** (savionr); the plnral by "w" ^ or ^| 

III -^1 

instead of " sen.** The participle past is formed by adding " ovi 
or « fou •' (3) .^ : as T ■ " established." 


9ih. The negative sign is a pair of extended arms with the palms 2G. 
of the hands downwards s j ^ g i preceding the verb. 

From this may also be seen how the phonetic letters were nsed ; 
but even after their introdnction the old representational picture- 
writing was not abandoned ; the names of objects, thongh written 
phonetically, were often followed, as already shown, by the object 
itself ; and thongh they had made the first step towards alphabetic 
writing, they never adopted that system which requires each letter 
to have only one sign to represent it ; and it was not till Christianity 
introduced the Coptic, which was a compound of Egyptian and 
Greek, that pure alphabetic writing became practised in Egypt. 

It has long been a question what people first invented alphabetic 27. 
writing. Pliny says, " Ipsa gens Phoenicum in gloril^ magn& litera- 
rom inventionis " (v. 12) ; and Quintus Curtius gives the honour to 
the Tyrians ; Diodoms to the Syrians ; and Berosus, according to 
Polyldstor, makes Cannes teach it, with every kind of art and 
science, to the Babylonians (Eusebius, Chron. Can. v. 8) ; all of which 
point to the same Phoanician origin. And if the Egyptians called 
themselves the inventors (Tacitus, Ann, xi. 14), and ascribed them 
to Menon (as PHny says, fifteen years before Phoroneus, the oldest 
king of Greece, vii. 56), the claim to real dlphahetie writing is cer- 
tainly in favour of the Phoenicians, to whom also so many people 
are indebted for it, including the Greeks and Romans, and through 
them the nations of modem Europe. For while the Egyptians, in 
the hieroglyphic and hieratic, had (upwards of 2500 years before 
our era) the first germ of the alphabetic system, the Phoenicians, a 


liiglily practical people, first struck out tlie idea of a simple and 
regular aljohahet It was to tlie old Egyptian mixed plan wliat 
printing was to the previons restricted nse of signets and occasional 
combinations of letters employed for stamping some documents ; it 
was a new and perfect process ; and if Phoenicia, under the fabled 
name of Cadmus (^' the East "), imparted letters to Greece (Herod« 
Y. 58), this was long before Egypt adopted (about the 7th century 
B.C.) the more perfect mode of using one character for a letter in the 
demotic writing. It is singular, too, that the Greeks imitated the 
Phoenicians in writing from right to left (a Semitic custom differing 
from the Sanscrit and some others in Asia), and afterwards changed 
it to a contrary direction, as in modem Europe ; and it is possible 
that the Egyptians decided at last to confine themselves to that mode 
of writing from right to left from their constant intercourse with 
their Semitic neighbours. The transition from the Phoenician to 
the Greek may be readily perceived in the old archaic writing. 
(See next page, and on Cadmus see note ^ on ch. 44.) 

28. Pliny (viL 56) says, ** Cadmus brought sixteen letters from Phoa- 
nicia into Qreece, to which Palamedes, in the time of the Trojan 
war, added four more — 9, S, ^, X ; and Simonides afterwards inbt)- 
duced four — Z, H, *, O. Aristotle thinks there were of old eighteen 
—A, B, r, A, E, Z, I, K, A, M, N, O, n, P, 2, T, V, *, and that O, X 
were added by Epicharmus rather than by Palamedes ; but his ^ 
should rather be the Q or Q of ancient Gh?eek. Anticlides states 
that *' fifteen years before Phoroneus, the first king of Ghreece, a 
certain Menon, in Egypt, invented letters, . « . . but it appears that 
they were always used. The first who brought them into Latium 
were the Pelasgi." Eusebius (Chron. Can. i. 13) says, " Palamedes in- 
vented the first sixteen letters — A, B, P, A, E, I, K, A, M, N, 0, 11, P, 
2, T, Y, to which Cadmus of Miletus added three others — 9, ♦, X ; 
Simonides of Cos two — H, O ; and Epicharmus of Syracuse three 
more — Z, B, % which completed the twenty-four." But they all 
forget that the aspirate and digamma H and F, were among the 
original letters ; and the double letters and long vowels were indi- 
cated (as at Aboosimbel) long before the age of Simonides. The 
Etruscans had Z, O, *, X, and no E or i^ ; and they never added 
H, Q. (See note • on ch. 30.) 

29. It is still uncertain when the Greeks first used letters ; but the 
absence of the written ^olic digamma in Homer is no proof that it 
ceased to be employed when the Iliad was first written, sioce 














A /<;^ A 

A A 





^ ifi^ 


















E e 





^ A 





s 2 -r 





B ^ 










z i t 






A A K 
























% > 





oo n 






1 r 











4 ^ ?/^y^p 












T t 1 T 








(See note ' on oh. 30, and note * ch. 36, B. ii ; and on cb. 59, B. v ) 



App. Book n. 

numerous inscriptions dating long after this introduce tlie rjigft-TtiTWA. 
The style varied slightly in different parts of Greece and Asia Minor, 
at the same time. Even if letters were used so soon by the Assy- 
rians, as Pliny thinks ("literas semper arbitror Assyrias fuisse," 
viL 56), they could not have been the origin of those in Greece. 

Indeed he adds, " alii apud -^gyptios, alii apud Syrios, 

repertas volunt ; " and it was the " Syrians" (i.e. Phoenicians) who 
had a reaZ diphahet.* Nor is there any evidence of the characters 
so much like Hebrew found in Assyria having been used at a very 
remote period. Warburton (Div. Leg. vol. ii b. iv. s. 4) thinks 
**that Moses brought letters with the rest of his learning from 
Egypt ; " but the old Hebrew character was the Samaritan, which 
was closely allied to the Phcenician, and evidently borrowed from it; 
and that too before the Egyptians had purely alphabetic writing. 

30. It would be interesting if the so-called Sinaitic inscriptions were 
written by the Israelities, and were the earliest existing instance of 
alphabetic writing ; but we are not on that account justified in coming 
to such a conclusion ; and to show how unwarranted it is, I need 
only say that I have found them (beginning too with the same word 
so common in those at Mount Smai) on the western, or Egyptian, 
side of the Bed Sea, near the watering-place of Aboo-Durrag ; and 
they appear also at W. Umthummerdna (in the Wady Arraba), at 
Wady Dth4hal (in lat. 28° 40'), and at the port of E'Gimsheh (near 
(Jebel E'Zayt, opposite Bas Mohammed). They must therefore 
have belonged to a people who navigated the Bed Sea, and who fre- 
quented the wells on the coast. This was long after the era of the 

31. Exodus ; and the presence of crosses, and of the Egyptian Tau^ 
in some of the inscriptions at Mount Sinai, argues that they were of a 

- Christian age ; for the adoption of the Tcm as a cross is shown, 
by its heading the numerous Christian inscriptions at the Great 
Oasis, to have been at onetime very general in this part of the East. 

32. Various materials were employed for writing upon, at different 
times, and in different countries. Among them were leaves, pith. 

* Thq writiiiga of Hoses date at 
latest in the end of the 15th centniy 
B.C., and the Phcenician letters were 
probably mnch older; so that alpha- 
betio characters were used upwards 
of 1500 years B.C. The Arian writings 
are later than this ; and Sanscrit, from 
its letters facing to the left, while the 
words are written from left to right, 

gives an evidence of its having bor- 
rowed letters from a Semitic source. 
They are not turned, as in the later 
Greek, to suit the direction of the 
words. In Zend the letters face to 
the left, as the words do; and some 
of them appear to bear a reeemblanoe 
to Phoenician characters. 

Chap.V. materials FOB WRITINa 317 

and bark of trees, used also at the present day, (whence Itb&r and 
eharia,) papyros or bjUns (whence Bible), cloth, bones, skins, leather^ 
stones, pottery, metal, wax-tablets, and other snbstances. 

The Greek name 9ui>e4pa applied to skins nsed for writing npon, 
which were adopted by the Persians also (Diod. ii. 82), has been, as 
Major Bennell ingenionsly supposes, the origin of the Persian and 
Arabic word " defter," applied to an " account," or " memorandum- 
book." Parchment was invented about 250 B.C. by Eumenes, king 
of Pergamus (whence its name), who, wishing to emulate the Alex- 
andrian library, was unable to obtain papyrus paper through the 
jealousy of the Ptolemies. These Pergamena, the Roman mem- 
brana, were either skins of sheep, or of calves (vitulina, vellum). 
Pliny is wrong in supposing the papyrus was not used till the age 
of AJexander ; being common (together with the reed pen, palette, 33. 
and other implements of later Egyptian scribes) in the time of the 
oldest Pharaohs, at least as early as the 3rd and 4th dynasty ; he is 
equally so in saying that when Homer wrote, Egypt was not all 
firm land ; that the papyrus was confined to the Sebennytic nome ; 
and that the land was afterwards raised ; making the usual mistake 
about Pharos (see note ^ on ch. 5, Book ii.). Of old, he says, " men 
wrote on leaves of palms and other trees " (as now in Birmah, and 
other countries), "afterwards public recotds were on lead, and private 
on linen and wax ; " but all thisi was long after the papyrus was used 
in Egypt. He also describes the process of making paper from the 
papyrus (xiiL 11), and adds (xiii. 12), " the largest in old times was 
the Hieratic (for holy purposes); afterwards the best was called 
Augustan, the second Livian, the Hieratic being the third ; and the 
next was the Amphitheatric (from the place where made). Fan- 
nius at Home made an improved kind, called Fannian, that not 
passing through his hands being still siyled Amphitheatric ; and 
next was the Saitic, a common kind from inferior stalks. The 
Teniotic, from the part nearest the rind, sold for weight, not for 
goodness ; and the Emporetic of shops, for packing, not for writing 
upon. The outside was only fit for ropes, and that only if kept wet, 
. , . The breadth of the best is now 13 fingers (about 9J inches) 
broad ; the Hieratic two less, the Fannian 10, the Amphitheatric 9, 
the Saitic less, and the Emporetic (used for business) not above 6. 
In paper, four things must be looked to, fineness, compactness, 
whiteness, and smoothness. Claudius Caesar altered the Augustan, 
being thin and not bearing the pen, the ink too appearing through 


ifc. He added a second layer in thickness, and made tlie breadtH & 
foot and 1| foot, or a cnbit. ... It is made smooth or polished 
with a (boar's) tooth, or a shell." Bnt some sheets of papyros were 
mnch larger than the best of Roman time ; the Tnrin papyms of 
kings was at least 14| inches in breadth ; this was of the early age 
of the great Bicmeses ; and I have seen one of 17 and another of 18 
inches, of the time of the 19th dynasty. (See At. Eg. W., vol. iii. 
61, and 146 to 151, 185 ; see n. « ch. 36, and n. ^ ch. 92, Book iL) 
— [G. W.] 




1. GjnmftBido oonteets. 2. Game of balL 8. Thimble-rig and other games. 
4b Mora and draughts. 6. Pieces for draughts. 6. Dice. 7. Other games. 

Gtmkastic contests were not confined to the people of Chemmis : 1. 

and contests of varioas kinds, as wrestling (No. I.), single-stick, and 

feats of strength, were common tluronghoat the conntrj, at least as 

earlj as the 12th dynasty. Among their amusements was the game 2. 

of ball (so much esteemed by the Greeks and Romans also), which 

they sometimes played by throwing up and catching several balls 

successively, and often mounted on the back of those who had 

missed the ball (the tfroi, " asses," as the riders were the /Soo-iAcir, of 

the Greeks). (No. II). They had also the sky-ball (obpwia) which 

they sometimes canght while jumping ofE the ground (as in Homer, 

Od. O. 374). (No. in.) Other games were, swin^g each other 

round by the arms ; two men sitting on the ground back to back 

striving who should rise first (No. Y.) ; throwing knives into a block 

of wood, nearest to its centre, or to the edge ; snatching a hoop 

from each other with hooked sticks (No. lY.) ; a man guessing a 

number, or which of two persons struck him on the back as he 

knelt, perhaps like the Gbeek ico?iXa0ia'fi6t (Jul. Pol. Onom. ix. 7) ; 

women tumbling and turning over '' like a wheel," described in the 

Bajiquet of Xenophon (see At. Eg. W., vol. ii p. 415 and to the 

«id), for which necklaces and other rewards were given (Nos. VI., 

VULL) ; thimble-rig (No. IX.) ; raising bags of sand (No. VII.), and 3. 

other pastimes ; among which were contests in boats ; fighting with 

bolls ; and bull-fights for prizes, which last are mentioned by Strabo 

at Memphis (No. XI.) Still more common were the old game of 

Mora; comp. "micare digitis," the modem Italian Tnora (No. X., 4. 

Fig. 1 ; No. Xin., Fig. 2) ; odd and even (No. X, Fig. 2) ; and 

draughts, miscalled chess, which is *' JJa&," a word now used by the 

Arabs for " men," or " counters " (Nos. XIL, Xlll.) This last was 

also a game in Greece, where they often threw for the move; 

whence Achilles and Ajaz are represented on a Greek vase calling 



App. Book IL 



Chak VL 



T/Ho, riffjopOf as they plaj. This was done by the Bomans also in 
their Duodecim Soripta, and Terence says : — 

** si India tesseris, 

Si iDnd, quod Tnaximft opns est jaotn, non oadit, 
Iliad qnod oecidit forte, id arte at corrigas." 

AdeHph, iy. 7, 22-24. 





lUMBBlttBi of Bud. 

a. 3. F*4H of TnmUlBg. 


Chap. VI, 



323 ' 

Mo. IX. 


Ho X. ng^ 1. Urn, and 

Fig. 3. Odd and Even. 


Now XL 

No. ZIL 



Otme of Dnagbts. 


Pleca Rh the Qtma of Dnngfala. 

Va. XT. PIMN IM Dnu^ti. 




Phto saya it was inrented b; Thotb, tlie Kgyptiaii Uercoiy (Fhcedr., 
ToL iiL p. 361 tr. : T.), aa well as games ot hazard. In Egypt 
ilraaghts was a favourite amcmg all ranks ; in his palace at Medee- 
uet Haboo, BemeaeB TTT, anuues himself by playing it with the 

Another BonnL 

women of his household ; and its antiqnitj is shown hj its being 
repreeented in the tombs of Beni Hassan, dating abont 2000 years 
B.C. The pieces were nearly similar in form on the SEune board ; 5. 

one set black, the oUior white, of ivory, bone, or wood, and some 
We been fonnd with homan heads, difiering for each side of the 
board. The lai^est pieces are 1^ inch high, and 1^ diameter. 

1? i 



3. Unkoown Oimta. 

326 OTHER GAMES. App. BooiH 

6. Dice are also met with, bnt of uncertain date, probablj Roman. 

7. There are two other games, of which the boards have been dis- 
covered in Egypt, with the men. The former are 11 inches long 
by 3| ; and one has 10 spaces in 3 rows, or 30 squares ; the other 12 
spaces in the upper part (or 4 spaces in 3 rows) with a long line of 
8 spaces below, as an approach to it, resembling the arrangement of 
German tactics. The men, found in the drawer of the board itself 
are in two sets, and of two different shapes (one like our dice-boxes, 
the other conical, but both solid) ; and one set is 10, the other 9 in 
number ; but the latter may be imperfect. 

There were also other games, not easily understood; though 
doubtless very intelHgible to the Egyptians who saw them so repre> 
sented in the sculptures. (For the principal Egyptian games, see 
At Eg. W., and P. A. At. Eg. W., vol. i. p. 189 to 211.)— [G. W.] 





1. Greeks indebted to Egypt for early lessons in science. 2. Inyention of geo- 
metry, 3. Surveying, geography. 4. Early advancement of the Egyptians 
in sdenoe. 5. Thales and others went to stndy in Egypt. 6. Pythagoras 
borrowed much from Egypt. 7. Heliocentric system. 8. Beyived by Coper, 
nicns. 9. Pythagoras and Solon in Eg^t. 10. Great genins of the Greeks. 
11. Herodotns nnprerjadiced. 12. The dial. 18. The twelve honrs. 14u The 
diTision of the day by the Jews, Greeks, and Bomans. 15. The Egyptians 
htd 12 honrs of day and of night. 16. The week of seven days in Egypt. 
17. The Aztec week of nine days. 18. The seven-day division in Egypt. 
19. The number seven. 20. Division by ten. 21. Greek and EgypG^ 
month and year of three parts. 

That tbe Ghreeks should have been indebted to Egypt for their early i 
lessons in science is not surprising, since it is known that, in those 
days, Egypt took the lead in all philosophical pursuits. Thales, the 
first Ghreek who arrived at any proficiency in geometry, went to 
stady there ; and his example was afterwards followed by others, 
who sought the best school of science and philosophy. Pliny's story 
of Thales (who was only bom about 640 b.o.) teaching his instruc- 
tors to measure the height of a pyramid by its shadow is sufficiently 
improbable; but that it should be repeated and believed at the 
present day is surprising ; and some appear to think the Egyptians 
incapable of making canals until taught by the Greeks. Equally 
inconsistent is the story of Pythagoras* theory of musical sound ; 
not only because he had visited countries where music had long been 
a profound study, but because the anvil (like a bell) gives the same 
sonnd when struck by difEerent hanuners, at least when struck on 
the same part. 

If Plato ascribes the invention of geometry to Thoth ; if lam- 0. 
blichus says it was known in Egypt during the reign of the gods ; 
and if Manetho attributes a knowledge of science and literature to 
the earhest kings ; these &cts merely argue that such pursuits were 
reputed to be of very remote date there. The monuments, however, 
prove the truth of the reports of ancient authors respecting the early 
knowledge of geometry, astronomy, and other sciences among the 
Egyptians. Mensuration and surveying were the first steps that 3. 

328 ASTRONOMY. App. Boot IL 

led to geograpliy ; and the Egyptians were not satisfied with the 
bare enumeration of conquered provinoes and towns ; for, if we may 
believe Eustathius, 'Hhey recorded their march in mapsy which 
were not only given to their own people, but to the Scythians also 
to their great astonishment." 
^* The practical results of their knowledge had sufficiently proved 
the g^reat advancement made by them, ages before the Greeks were 
in a condition to study, or search after science. It was in Sgypt 
that the Israelites obtained that knowledge which enabled them to 
measure and " divide the land; " and it was the known progpress made 
by the Egyptians in the various branches of philosophical research 

5. that induced the Greeks to study in Egypt. Those too who followed 
Thales only varied the theories he had propounded ; and the subse- 
quent visits of others, as Pythagoras, Eudoxus, and Plato, intro- 
duced fresh views, and advanced the study of philosophy and posi- 
tive science on the same grounds, but with greater knowledge, in 
proportion as they went deeper into the views of their teachers. It 
was doubtless from Egypt that " Thales and his followers " derived 
the &ct of " the moon receiving its light from the sun '* (Plut. de 
Placit. Philos. ii. 28; Cic. de N. Deor. i., and Diog. Laert 8), 
which Anacreon has introduced into a drinking Ode (19),-*> 

(Jltrti) i S* 'HXiof Bi\offC9»^ 

The same was the belief of Aristarchus at a later time (Yitruv. 
ix. 4) ; and Macrobius (on Cicero's Sonm. Scip. i p. 4A) says " lonam, 
qu8B luce propria caret, et de sole mutuatur." 

6. No one will for a moment imagine that the wisest of the Greeks 
went to study in Egypt for any other reason than because it was 
there that the greatest discoveries were to be learnt ; or that Pytha- 
goras, or his followers (Plut. de P. Phil. iii. 11), suggested, from no 

7. previous experience, the theory (we now call Copemican) of the 
sun being the centre of our system (Aristot. de Coelo, iL 13) ; or the 
obliquity of the ecliptic (see note * on ch. 51), or the moon's bor- 
rowed Hght, or the proof of the milky way being a collection of 
stars (Plut. PI. Phil. iii. 1) derived from the fact that the earth 
would otherwise intercept the light if derived from the sun, taught 
by Democritus and by Anaxagoras, according to Aristotle (Arist. 
Met. i. 8), the former of whom studied astronomy for five years in 

• Egypt (Diodor. i. 98), and mentions himself as a disciple of the 
priests of Egypt, and of the Magi, having also been in Persia mnd 


at Babylon (Clem. Str. i. p. 304). The same may be said of tbe 
principle by which the heavenly bodies were attracted to a centre, 
and impelled in their order (Arist. de CoeL ii. 13), the theory of 
eclipses and the proofs of the earth being round (ii. 14). These 
and many other notions were doubtless borrowed from Egypt, to 
which the Greeks chiefly resorted, or from the current opinions of 
the "Egyptians and Babylonians," the astronomers of those days ; 
from whose early discoveries so much had been derived concerning 
the heavenly bodies (Arist. de Coel. ii 12). Cicero, on the authority 
of Theophrastus, speaks of Hycetas of Syracuse, a Pythagorean, 
having the same idea respecting the earth revolving in a circle 
round its own axis (Acad. Quasst. ii 39), which Diogenes Laertius 
says another Pythagorean, Philolaus, had propounded before him 
(life of Philolaus) ; and Aristotle (de Coelo, iL 13) observes, tt^t 
though the greater part of philosophers say the earth is the centre 
of the system, the Pythagoreans who Kve in Italy maintain that fire 
is the centre, and the earth being one of the planets rotates about 
the centre and makes day and night. And if Plato mentions the 
same, as Cicero says " rather more obscurely," yrjp . ... %lkovfi4yri¥ W 
»fpl Tir 9iiL warrhs wSkor rtrofUyor (in Tim. 80, p. 530), it IS probably 
owing to his having heard of it while in Egypt, without giving the 
flame attention to the subject as his predecessor Pythagoras. This 
heHocentrio system was finally revived in Europe by Copernicus 8. 
after having been for ages lost to the world ; though Nicolas of Cus 
long before his time, and perhaps some others, were acquainted with 
it ; and when Peru was conquered by the Spaniards it was found 
tiiat the Bun had there long been considered the centre of our 

lamblichus says Pythagoras derived his information upon different 9. 
sciences from Egypt; he learnt philosophy from the priests; and 
his theories of comets, numbers, and music, were doubtless from the 
same source ; but the great repugnance evinced by the Egyptian 
priests to receive Pythagoras, will account for their withholding 
from him much that they knew, though his g^reat patience, and his 
readiness to comply with their reg^ulations even to the rite of cir- 
cumcision (Clem. Strom, i. p. 302), obtained for him more informa- 
tion than was imparted to any other Gbeek (Plut. de Is. s. 10). 
Clemens says (Strom, i. p. 303) " Pythagoras was the disciple of 
Sonchds the Egyptian arch-prophet (Plutarch says of Onuphis, and 
Solon of Sonchis the Saite) ; Plato of Sechnuphis of Heliopolis ; 


and Endoxns tlie Cnidian of Conttplus ; '* and he repeats the storj 
of Plato (Tim. p. 466, tr. T.), of the Egyptian priest, saying, " Solon, 
Solon, yon Greeks are always children " . • • . which shows what 
the general helief was among the Egyptians and Greeks, respecting 
the sonrce of knowledge in early times. Strabo indeed (zvii. p. 554) 
affirms that " the Greeks did not even know the (length of the) year 
till Endoxns and Plato went to Egypt " at the late period of 370 B.o* 
(See also Diodor. i. 28, and 81, and what is cited by Ensebins, Pr»pu 
Evang. z. p. 480, respecting the visits of several Greeks ; also Clem. 
Strom, i. 300, and Diog. Laert. Life of Thales, 15 ; and Cicero, Somn. 
Scip., who says " Plato ^gyptios omninm philosophisB discipHnanun 

10. parentes secatns est.") The development given, in after times, ^ 
the Ghreek mind to what they learnt originally from Egypt, is what 
showed their genins, and conferred an obligation on mankind ; and 
it is by keeping this in view, and by perceiving how the Qreeka 
applied what they learnt, that we shall do them justice, not by 
erroneously attributing to them the discovery of what was already 
old when they were in their infancy. (See n« ^ eh. 35, n. ^ eh. 51, 
n. « ch. 123.) 

11. Herodotus, on this as on other occasions, is far above the pre- 
judices of his countrymen ; he claims no inventions borrowed from 
other people; and his reputation has not suffered from the in- 
judicious accusation of Plutarch "of malevolence towards the 

12. " The yp^futp and the »rfAof,** says Herodotus, " were received by 
the Greeks from the Babylonians ; " but they attributed the inven- 
tion of the gnomon to Anazimander, and that of various dials to 
Eudoxus and others ; some again ascribing them to Berosus ( Yitmv* 
iz. 9). That the dial was of very early date is evident, since in the 
days of Hezekiah, between three and four hundred years before 
Eudoxus, and about one hundred years before Anaximander, it was 
known to the Jews, as is shovm in Isaiah xxxviii. 8, and 2 Kings 
zx. 16, where the shadow is said to have been brought '* ten degrees 
(mdluth) backward, by which it had gone down on the dial {m&luth) 
of Ahaz." The Hebrew word, ** step," " d^ree," n^ mftlh or 
m&leh, is the same as the Arabic ddraga^ ** step " or " degree," and 
the Latin gradus ; and is taken from ^Ih^ " to go up." Mr. Bosan- 
quet has explained the manner in which the sun during an annnlar 
eclipse caused the shadow to go back in what he supposes to have 
been really a flight of steps, and fixes the date of it in January 689. 


At all events tlie use of the dial was known in Jndmh as early as 
seven centuries before onr era, and it is not mentioned as a novelty. 
All that Anaximander conld have done was to introdnce it into 
Greece, and adoption shonld frequently be substituted for " invent 
Uon** in the claims set up by the Greeks. Indeed they often 
claimed inventions centuries after they had been known to other 
people ; and we are not surprised at the statement of Plato, that 
"when Solon inquired of the priests of Egypt about ancient 
matters, he perceived that neither he nor any one of the Greeks (as 
he himself declared) had any knowledge of very remote antiquity." 
(Plat, in Tim. p. 4^7.) And when Thales is shown by Laertius 
to have been the first who was acquainted with geometry, some 
notion may be had of the very modem date of science in Greece, 
since he was a contemporary of Croesus (Herod, i. 75), and lived at 
a time when Egypt had already declined from its greatness, and 
more than seven centuries after astronomical calculations had been 
recorded on the monuments of Thebes. Clemens (Strom, i. p. 300} 
says Thales is thought by some to be a Phcenician, and quotes 
Leander and Herodotus; but the latter only says his ancestors 
were Phoanician (i. 170). 

Vitruvius attributes the invention of the semicircular (concave) 
di^, or hemicyclinm, to Berosus, the Chaldsean historian, who was 
bom in the reign of Alexander, which is reducing the date of it to a 
very recent period. This was a simple kind of «'^Aof (for, as before 
observed, the v^xoi is the dial, and yp^yMv merely a perpendicular rod 
which showed the time by the length of its shadow — see note • on 
ch. 109), and it was very generally used till a late period, judging 
from the many that have been found of Boman times. It consisted 
of a basin, xcjcoWf , with a horizontal yv^iMv in the centre of one end, 
and eleven converging lines in the concave part divided it into the 
twelve hours of the day ; the older dials having been marked by 
degrees, probably like that of Ahaz. The Greeks marked the divi- 
sions by the first twelve letters of the alphabet, and four of these 
reading znei, "Enjoy yourself," are alluded to in this epigram, 
ascribed to Lucian (Epigr. 17) : — 

TpdfAfutai Seifcr^ficreu, (rjBi k^ovtri fip^otf, 

"Endoxus," according to Vitruvius, "invented the Arachne (spider^s 
web), or, as some say, Apollonius ; and Aristarchus of Samos the 
scaph6 or hemisphere, as well as the disk on a plane ; " which (if he 


meaxLS a dial on a plane snrface) was a still further improvement, 
and required greater knowledge for its construction. The most 
perfect hjdraulic-clock was invented by Ctesibins, at Alexandria, in 
the time of Ptolemy Euergetes U. ; but the more simple clepsydra 
was known long before, being mentioned by Aristophanes, and de- 
scribed by Aristotle (Probl. sec. 16, p. 933), and not being then a 
novelty. (See Athen. Deipn. iv. p. 174, and xL p. 497; Vitmv. 
ix. 9 ; Plin. vii. 37, and ii. 76, on the Horologinm.) Herodotus 

13. says the Greeks received the twelve hours from the Babylonians, 
and the Jews are supposed not to have adopted them till after the 
captivity. The first mention of an hour is certainly in Daniel 
(iv. 19), where the name sdh is the same as now used in Arabic ; for 
though even there (as in iii. 6) the sense might require it to mean 
only " moment," the use of the word " time " immediately before, 
shows that sah was a division of tim», which is still employed by 
the Arabs in the same sense of *' hour " and " moment." 

14. The Jews at first divided the day into four parts, and their night 
into three watches, and the mention of the dial of Ahaz proves that 
they had also recourse to a more minute division of time ; but no 
hours are specified ; and afterwards, when they adopted them, the 
numbering of their hours was irregular, as with the Arabs, being 
reckoned from sunrise to sunset. The Greek word 4Spa was used 
long before hours were introduced into Greece. Homer divides the 
day into three parts (XL xxL 111 ; see note^ on ch. 173) ; and at 
Rome it consisted of two, sunrise and sunset, meridies or noon sepa- 
rating the two ; and the twelve equal parts were adopted B.C. 291. 

The natural division of the circle by its radius of 60^ 
into six parts, and into six more by the half of those 
parts, or by the same radius starting from the second 
diameter, CD, which crosses the first, ab, at right angles, 
may have been the origin of this conventional division 
into twelve parts ; as that into three parts may have been the divi- 
sion of the circle by the length of its diameter, or 120^. 

15. The Egyptians had twelve hours of day and twelve of night ai ^ 
very early period ; but there is nothing to show whether this divi- 
sion was first used in Egypt or ChaldsBa. The Greeks,^however» 
who frequented Egypt from the time of Thales, ought to have beeix 
acquainted with the twelve hours there ; and their intercourse bein^ 
far greater, both for study and for trade, with Egypt than witH 
Babylon, we might suppose them more likely to receive them frozzx 


the former than from that inland ciiy ; but an interconrse tlirongli 
Asia Minor may haye brought them to Greece from the Babylonians. 

It has been a question whether the Egyptians had a week of 16. 
Seven days. Dio Gassins (writing in 222 a.d.) evidently shows that 
this was the case when he says: — tAi &pas riis 4ifi4pas Kci rvicrht hrh 

T^^nff iip^dftMwos iipiBfi€aff iroi iMln)9 ft^y r^ Kp6p^ 9/9ovf , r^r 8i $wtna ry Ait^ 
«ol rphiiw ^Af>f I, Twrdprjiw 'HXiy, wiyamiv 'A^tpoSlTp, eirriir 'Epfi^, xal 4/38<^f)y ^tk-firp, 
Kterh ripf r^tr r«y K^tcXttv icaSt l^if ol Alylirrtoi cdn^p rofii(owrij koX tovto icat Mis 
ror^as wdtras yitp olhws rks r^ffffapas icat i^Kinnw &pas W€pu\$ii9, t^p^atis r^y wp^orfKif 
rfr iwio6<nfs ^fi4pas &pcaf is rhif *flXu» i^ucofihniir ica^ tovto ircU in' iK%l¥»9 twjf 
TWffipmp Kok ftUofrtw &pnw itetr^ rbr tdnhir toU wp6<r$§w \6yo» wpd^asy rp ScA^^^ rj^r 
rp^trriy t^s TpiTfis ^/lipas &piUf iyoBiia'tiSf ne* &y offxM koH 9ii^ tmv Xonrw woptiirpy r^r 
«po<Hifforra iam^ Othp licdffTTi rjfjJpa X^tf^rrai. (Hist. Bom. ZXXviL 19.) 

This agrees with what Herodotns says (ch. 82) of days being con- 
secrated to certain Deities, though the fact of the Egyptians having 
reckoned by ten days may argue against it. It must, however, be 
ohserved that the division of the month into decads must date after 
the adoption of a solar year, and that weeks were the approximate 
result of the lunar division of time, which is the older of the two. 
Weeks were certainly used at a very early period, as we find from 
G^esis and the account of the creation ; and the importance of the 
number seven is sufficiently obvious from its frequent occurrence 
throughout the Bible. It was common to all the Semitic nations 
and to those of India ; but in Ghina it was only used by the Budd- 
hists, who introduced it there ; and the Ghinese as well as all the 
Mongolian races always had five-day divisions, and cycles of sixty 
yefu^ instead of centuries. The Aztecs of Mexico had also weeks 17. 
of five days, four of which made a month, and the year contained 
eighteen months of twenty days, with five days added at the end, 
which were unlucky, as one of them was in Egypt. They had also 
their astronomical computation by months of thirteen days, 1461 of 
which made their cycle of fifty-two years, the same number as that 
of the vague years composing the Egyptian Sothic period. 

That the seven-day division was known to the Egyptians seems 18. 
to be proved by the seven-days* f ^te of Ajpis (a fourth part of the 
numb^ twenty-eight assigned to the years of Osiris^ life) as well as 
by their seventy days' mourning for the dead, or ten weeks of seven 
days (Gen. 1. 3) ; and the seven days that the head took annually 
to float to Byblus from Egypt (Lucian. de Dei Syr.), the fourteen 
pieces into which the body of Osiris was divided, and his twenty- 
eighty years, evidently point to the length of a week (4x7). The 


time of xnorfcification imposed on the priests lasted from seren to 
f oriy-two days (one to six weeks) : d /t^ duolr mU r^trtrop^rra^ oi U 
ro^mf wXttovt, ol 8^ ikiffffout, ob^^ort iJmot rmv tvra XttwofUina (Porplljr. de 

Abstin. iv. 7), which shows the entire nnmber to have been based on 
seyen; and the same occnrs again in the forty-two books of Hermes, 
as well as in the forty-two assessors of AinentL Indeed the £re- 

19 qnent occnrrence of seven shows that it was a favourite nnmber 
with the Egyptians as with the Jews ; and the Pythagoreans bor* 
rowed their preference for the hebdomal division from Egypt. 

20. There is no reason to conclnde the Egyptians had not weeks of 
seven days because they divided their solar month into the very 
natural division of three parts of ten each ; it would rather argue 
that the original lunar month was divided into seven-day weeks, 
and that the decad division was a later introduction, when the 
months were made to consist of thirty days. And as the monu- 
ments are all of a time long after the thirty days were adopted, the 
more frequent mention of a decad instead of the hebdomal division, 
is readily accounted for. Moreover these months of thirty days 
still continued to be called ** moons," as at the present day. Dion 
Cassius also distinctly states that the seven days were first referred 
to the seven planets by the Egyptians. (See note ^ on eh. 82, and 
note on ch. 8, B. iiL) 

2]^ The Greeks, like the Egyptians, divided their month into three 
parts, and their year into three decads of months, corresponding to 
the three seasons of the Egyptians: and the Roman month consisted 
of calends, nones, and ides, the periods before each being of different 
lengths ; but they afterwards adopted the division of weeks, giving 
the names of the sun, moon, and five planets to the seven days we 
now use. The Egyptians had both the decimal and duodecimal 
calculation, as the twelve hours of day and night, the twelve kings, 
twelve gods, twelve months : 12 X 30 » 360 days ; and 360 cops at 
Osiris' tomb in Phil» ; 12 X 6 ■- 72 conspirators against Osiris ; 
and 12 X 6 B 72, which some fix as the number of days of the 
embalmed ; and instances of both methods of notation are found on 
the oldest monuments of the 4th dynasty. — [O. W.] 




L IkbnloDB period of history — ^Bale of the Gods — ^Name of Henes ; supposed 
to be Mizraim — Beliered to be a real person by the Egyptians, and to haye 
founded Memphis. 2. This and Memphis — Egyptians from Asia — Memphis 
older than Thebes. 8. Precedenoe of Upper Egypt. 4. Earliest notice of 
Thebes — Absence of early buildings. 6. Contemporary kings — ^Arrange- 
ment of the early dynasties. 6. Uncertainty of the early chronology — Date 
of the Exodus. 7. 1st, 2nd, and drd dynasties — Menes and his saccessors. 
8. In the seoond dynasty sacred animals worshipped ; and women allowed 
to hold the sceptre. 9. 4th and 5th dynasties. 10. Civilised customs in 
the early Pyramid period — Mount Sinai — Shafire built the 2nd pyramid. 
11. 6th dynasty — The prenomen of kings. 12. 7th, 8th, and 9th dynasties — 
The Enentefs. 18. 11th dynasty — Contemporary kings. 14. 12th dynasty 
— Osirtaeen m. treated as a God. 15. The labyrinth. 16. The 13th 
dynasty in Ethiopia. 17. Shepherd dynasties — The Hyk-sos exi>elled. 
18. The 18th dynasty— The horse from Asia. 19. Thothmes I., II., and III., 
and Queen Amun-nou-het. 20. Conquests of Thothmes in. — His monu- 
ments. 21. Amunoph m. and Queen Taia— The Stranger king^s — Con- 
quests of Amunoph III. 22. Country and features of the Stranger kings 
— ^Belated to Amunoph. 28. Expelled from Egypt. 24. King Horns. 

25. The 19th dynasty — Bemeses, Sethos, and Bemeses the Great—Attack 
and defence of fortresses — Pithom and Baamses — Canal to the Bed Sea. 

26. 20th dynasty — ^Bemeses III. — His oonquests and wealth — His sons. 

27. 21st and 22nd dynasties — Priest kings. 28. Bheshonk, or Shishak — 
Cooqnen Judaea — Name of Yuddh Melchi (kingdom of Judah). 29. Kings* 
names on the Apis stelse. 80. The 23rd dynasty — Assyrian names of the 
Sheshonk &mily. 81. The 24th dynasty — Bocohoris the Salte — Power of 
Assyria increasing. 82. The 25th dynasty of the Sabaoos and Tirhaka. 
83. The 26th dynasty — Psammetichus succeeded Tirhaka — Correction of the 
chronology — He married an Ethiopian princess. 84. War of Psanmietichus 
and desertion of his troops. 85. Sncoseded by Neco. 86. Ciroumnayiga- 
tion of Africa — ^Defeat of Josiah. 87. Power and fall of Apries — Probable 
invasion of Eg^ypt and substitution of Amasis for Apries by Nebuchadnez- 
zar. 88. Amasis — Flourishing state of Egypt — Privileges granted to the 
Greeks — ^Treaty with Croesus — Persian invasion. 89. Defeat of the Eg^yp- 
tians — Conduct of Cambyses at first humane. 40. Egypt became a 
Persian proyince — 27th or Persian dynasty — Bevolt of the Egyptians. 
4L 28th and 29th dynasties of Egyptians. 42. 80th dynasty of Egyptians 
^>Nectanebo II. defeated. 48. Ochus reoovered Egypt. 44. Duration of 
the E^^yptian kingdom. 

1. The early liistoiy of Egypt is enveloped in the same obscnrity as 
that of other ancient nations, and begins in like manner with its 
&balons period. The oldest dynasty therefore given by Manetho is 
said to have been of the " gods and demigods; " and the list of kings 



in tHe Turin papyms commences also with tHe rale of the gods, the 
last of whom was Horns the son of Isis and Osiris. And if in the 
seven last names that remain of that veiy imperfect papyms the 
order of the gods does not exactly agree with ^netho, still there is 
sufficient to show that both accounts were derived from the same 
source, universally acknowledged by the Egyptian priests. 

The rule of the gods has been supposed to be that of the priests 
of those deities, who governed the country before the election 
of a king, like the Judges in Israel ; but all accounts agree in con- 
sidering Menes the first king of Egypt. His name is mentioned ia 
the sculptures of the temple of Bemeses II. at Thebes, and in the 
Turin papyrus, as well as by Manetho and other authorities ; and 
though the frequent occurrence of a sinailar name (as Manes the 
first king of Lydia, the Phrygian Manis, the Minos of Crete, the 
Indian Menu, the Tibetan Mani, the Siamese Mann, the G^erman 
Mannus, the Welsh Menw, and others) may seem to assign him % 
place among mythical beings ; and though he has been thought to 
be Mizraim, a personificatiofi of the " two Misrs," or provinces of 
Upper and Lower Egypt ; yet he was believed to be a real person- 
age by the Egyptians themselves, and the events of his reign were 
accepted as undoubted facts. He was represented as having changed 
the course of the Nile, and founded Memphis' on the site thus 
artificially made for it^ where he began the famous temple of Pthah 
(Vulcan) ; and the change he made in the habits of the E^yptaans 
was recorded by a stela put up by Tnephachthus, the father of 
Bocchoris, in the temple of Amun at Thebes ; which pronounced a 
curse against Menes for having induced the Egyptians to abandon 
their hitherto simple mode of life. 

Some might be dispos6d to doubt whether This, or any city in 2. 
Upper Egypt, was older than Memphis ; and, as the Egyptians were 
a people who immigrated from Asia into the valley of the Nile, 
might conclude that they founded their first capital in Lower rather 
than in Upper Egypt. The whole valley indeed was peopled from 
Asia ; and to this day the inhabitants bear the evident marks of an 
Asiatic and Caucasian origin. Nor is it necessary to notice the long- 
exploded notion of civilisation having descended, together ^th 
hieroglyphic writing, from Ethiopia — a country always socially and 
intellectually inferior to Egypt, and where hieroglyphics were onlj 
properly written when directly copied from it. 

The colour and features, as well as the conformation of tlxeir 



skull, show tliat tlie immigration was one of those where a new 
race took entire possession of the land, scarcely if at all amalga- 
mating with the aboriginal population ; and in this the difference 
between the later invasion bj the Arabs is evident; for the old 
%yptian character is still preserved, and the foreign Arab element 
Las, after a lapse of many centuries, been mostly absorbed into that 
of the native race. There is always this marked difEerence between 
immigration and conquest, that in the latter the invaders are only a 
powerful minority, marrying the native women, and leaving the 
whole working population in the land ; though at the same time 
it is evident that the foreign admixture has the effect of changing 
the features, and even the colour, of the succeeding generations, 
which are retained long after aU the other elements are absorbed ; 
and this explains the resemblance of character in the ancient and 
modem Egyptians, and the fact of the varied features of the latter 
differing so much from those both of the ancient Egyptians and the 

3. The monuments at Memphis are undoubtedly much older than 
those of Thebes ; but the precedence always given to Upper Egypt 
seems to prove that some other capital there was older than 
Memphis ; and though no monuments remain at This, still, from 
its being the reputed birth-place of Menes, and the chief city of the 
Thinite nome, as well as the royal residence of the first or Thinite 
dynasty, it claims the honour of having been the oldest capital of 

4. Both Abydus and Hermonthis, as well as other cities, were older 
than Thebes, which is not even mentioned on the altar of King 
Papi;* and the earliest evidences of the existence of Thebes are 
the tombs of the Enentefs of the 9th dynasty, and the vestiges of 
temples built by Amun-jn-he L and Osirtasen, It is probable that 
Thebes succeeded to the smaller city of Hermonthis, as Tliis gave 
place to Abydus ; and the absence of early monuments of the 3rd 
and 4th dynasties in Upper Egypt may be explained by Memphis 
having been the royal residence of the then great ruling dynasties ; 
while the monuments which preceded that age, from their insignifi- 
cance, and the transfer of the capital of Upper Egypt to a new 
site, have not been preserved, or were destroyed at the period of the 
Shepherd invasion. Nor can any argument be safely derived from 
tiie absence of monuments of a particular era ; for at the pyramids 

• In the Turin Mageiun. 
VOL.11. Z 



there are no records of kings between tHe 5tli and 26t1i djnasties, 
except the name of Bemeses II. on the rock scarped to form the 
area half encircling the 2nd pyramid ; and jet several hundred 
Pharaohs ruled daring that interval, many of whose names are 
found in Upper Egypt. Again, no bnilding remains of any early 
Memphite king, even about Memphis and the pyramids, except 
those monuments themselves and the neighbouring tombs; and 
with the exception of these, and the Labyrinth, some fragments and 
small objects, some stelae, and the obelisks of Osirtasen I. at Helio- 
polis and in the Fy6om, nothing is met with of old times before the 
I8th dynasty. This may be reasonably ascribed to the invasion 
of the Shepherds, as the preservation of the early tombs may be ez- 
plained by the feeling, common at all times, of respect for the dead. 

The names of kings and the number of years given by Manetho r 
are not all to be taken as of consecutive reigns ; for not only do we 
know, from the authority of Manetho, that there were contemporary 
"kings of Thebais and of the other provinces of Egypt," but the 
monuments themselves decide this point by the mention of the 
years of one king's reign corresponding with those of another; and 
by the representation of one king meeting another, generally as hia 
superior; as well as by various statements in papyri and other 
documents. The manner in which the dynasties succeeded, and 
were reckoned, has been very ingeniously explained by Mr. Stuart 
Poole (suggested as he states by Mr. Lane) ; and by this scheme 
the difficulty of the great lapse of time required for so many con- 
secutive Pharaohs, and the occurrence of synchronous reigns, have 
been reconciled. According to it the £u:st nineteen dynasties weie 
thus arranged : 



III. Memphites. 





V. Elephantines. 

IX. HeracIeopollteB. 








XIV. Ioit««. 

^y J j Shepherds. 

XVU. Shepherds. 

With regard to the age of Menes and the chronology of the ^ 
Egyptian kings, all is of course very uncertain. No era is given by 


the monninents ; wliicli merely record some events tHat happened 
under particnlar kings ; and any calculation, based on the duration 
of their reigns given by Manetho, must be even more uncertain 
tiian that of genealogies. Any endeavour to make the chronology 
of Bgypt conform to the date of the Exodus, or any other very early 
event mentioned in the Bible, would also lead to unsatisfactory 
lesnlts, since the Bible chronology is itself uncertain — the different 
versions of it assigning different dates to the same events. If 
therefore we wish to examine any portion of Egyptian chronology 
with a desire to ascertain the truth, we must look for i&cta rather 
than depend on what are merely accepted as established opinions ; 
and be satisfied to wait for further information from such monu- 
mental records as may furnish us with astronomical data. Again, 
it is difi&cult to ascertain what periods accord exactly with those of 
other people ; nor indeed, if we knew the very reign in which the 
Exodus took place, could we determine for certain its date; and 
even the time of Shishak who invaded Judeaa cannot be fixed with 
precision. If therefore I abstain from assigning dates to all the 
reigns of the Pharaohs it is owing to the uncertainty of Egyptian 
chronology; though I am inclined to think that the arguments 
used by the Duke of Northumberland for placing the Exodus after 
the reign of Hemeses II. have greater weight than my own in favour 
of the reign of Thothmes III.* 

It would certainly be more agreeable to the writer, as well as to 
the reader of Egyptian history, if the dates of the accession of each 
king and the events of his reign could be described as established 
facts, without the necessity of qualifying them by a doubt ; but this 
cannot be done : and if it is necessary to break the thread of the 
history by conjectures, the tmcertain nature of our authorities must 
plead an excuse. Indeed we may be well contented to have any 
approach towards the determination of events that happened in so 
remote an age. 

[First, Second, and Third Dynasties,'] — ^Menes, having rendered his 
name illustrious by improving the coantry, and even (according to 
Eusebius) by conquests beyond the frontier of Egypt, was killed by 
a hippopotamus, and was succeeded by his son Ath6this. The long 
reign of Menes, 62 years according to Africanus (or 30 according to 
Eusebius), and that of Kenkenes, 31 (or 39), seem to argue that 
even in the time of Menes, his son Ath6this ruled conjointly with 

* Mentioned in Chapter ii. of my At. £g. vol. i. p. 77-81. 




App. Book IL 

him daring tHe last 30 years of His reign ; and the snm of the two, 
30 of Menes and 27 of At}i6this, accord exactly with the 57 given 
by Africanus to Ath6this : from which we may infer that Menes 
reigned 32 years alone, and 30 conjointly with his son, completing 
the 62 years of Africanns ; and that Ath6this having ruled 27 after 
his father's death, his reign was calcnlated by Africanus at (30 + 27) 
57 years. At the same time that Ath6this shared the Thinite 
throne with his father, Nekherophis (or Nekher6khis) was probably 
appointed to rule the new city Memphis and the lower country, and 
having reigned 28 years (or two less than Athdthis with his father 
Menes), Ath6thia then succeeded to both thrones; and the two 
additional years of his Memphite rule, added to the 27 of his 
Thinite, coincide with his computed reign of 29 at Memphis. For 
the 3rd dynasty ruled contemporaneously with the first, being an 
offset from it ; and it is evident that its second king, Tosorthms or 
Sesorthus, was the same as Athdthis : — the latter being '* the builder 
of the palace at Memphis, and a physician who wrote the books on 
anatomy;" and Tosorthrus being " called Asclepius, from his medical 
knowledge, the first who built with hewn stone, and a great patron 
of literature." This will be more clearly nnderstood by the follow- 
ing contemporaneous arrangement of the Ist and 3rd dynasties : — 

1st Dynasty 



82 years alone, 

«nd30 with 



27 more 


(31 or) 39 yean. 








28 years 









29 years at 





1st Dynasty 


Venephes, . 

20 years. 

26 years. 



Sfd Dynasty 


19 years. 

42 years. 







The montimeiits afford ns no information respecting the snccessors* 
of Menes in the Ist dynasty ; but if the account in Manetho of the 
learning of Ath6this be tme ; if " the Libyans revolted in the reign 
of Nekherophis, and submitted again through fear on a sudden 
increase of the moon ; " and if Menes changed the course of the Nile 
(as Herodotus states), their power, and the advancement already 
made by the Egyptians in science, must have been considerable at 
that period; and this is farther confirmed by Manetho's account of 
Yenephes, who lived little more fchan half a century after Menes, 
being the builder of the pyramids near Kokh6md. 

8. According to Manetho, it was during the reign of the second 
king of the 2nd dynasty, Kh»ekhds, or Cech6us, that *' the bull Apis 
at Memphis, Mnevis at Heliopolis, and the Mendesian goat, were 
appointed to be gods ; " and under his successor Bin6thru8 " it was 
decreed that women might hold the sceptre ; " f which right led in 
after times to many troubles and changes of dynasties, from the 
claims of foreign princes, both in Asia and Ethiopia, to the throne 
of Egypt, through their marriage with daughters of the Pharaohs. 

9, [Fcnirth and Fifth Dynasties.'] — ^The names of the kings of the 2nd b«c- 2450. 
Thinite dynasty are supposed by Mr. Stuart Poole to be given in 

the uppermost line of the Abydus tablet ; and there is evidence of 
some of them having ruled contemporaneously with those of the 4tli 
(Memphite) dynasty : the fourth king, Useskef, being found together 
with Sons or ShurS, and Menkheres of the 4th dynasty, and with 
OsifkefBJid Shafre of the 5th ; while some of these, again, occur with 
Shufu, and others of the 4th and 5th dynasties. For the 5th, said to 
be of 9 (or according to Eusebius of 31) Elephantine kings, ruled 
at the same time as the 4th Memphites, and 2nd Thinites ; though, 
from their being so frequently found mentioned with the Memphite 
kings, it may be questioned whether they were really from Ele- 
phantine, and the name of this island was perhaps erroneously sub- 
stituted for that of some other place in Lower Egypt. 

It is not till we come to the kings of the 4th dynasty that we find 
any important records of persons who lived under the Pharaohs ; or 

* Dr. Lepsins makes Senofro the 
third king after Menes; bat he did 
not live till after Shnfii, as the tomb 
where his name occnrs was erected 
some time later than the Great 

t This onstom, and the influence of 
women, may have been derived from 

Africa, where women have so often 
held the sceptre ; and in Upper Eth- 
iopia, as in Western Africa, women still 
form the bodyg^oard of a king. The 
respect paid them, and their privi- 
leges, are shown by Pharaoh's conduct 
to Sarah, by the sonlptorefl, and by 



scnlptiires illastrating tlie maimers and cnstoms of the Egyptians ; 
and tkongh some names of early kings occur in detached places, on 
scarabsei, and other objects, the monuments do not afford any clue 
to their arrangement. 

ShtirS was the leader of the 4th dynasty ; and his name, found 
by Mr. Perring on the blocks built into the northern pyramid of 
Abooseer, shows him to have been the founder of that monument. 
There are also other names of kings at Sakk&ra of a very early date, 
some of whom, as the first Tat-kere and Osir-h-re (Sisires), appear to 
be of the 2nd and 5th dynasties; and one of them in the great 
pyramid of Sakklira is not unlike the Chnubus-Gneurus of Erato- 
sthenes. Indeed it is reasonable to suppose, from their greater 
vicinity to Memphis, that some of the oldest pyramids would be at 
that spot. 

This may be called the Memphite, or the Pyramid,* period. And IC. 
not only does the construction of the pyramids, but the scenes 
depicted in the sculptured tombs of this epoch, show that the 
Egyptians had already the same habits and lurts as in after times ; 
and the hieroglyphics in the great pyramid, written in the cursive 
character on the stones before they were taken from the quarry, 
prove that writing had been long in use. The position too of each 
pyramid, corresponding as it does with the four cardinal points, and 
the evident object they had in view of ascertaining by the long line 
of one of its faces the return of a certain period of the year, prove 
the advancement made by the Egyptians in mathematical science ; 
and all these evidences, being obtained from the oldest monuments 
that exist, introduce them to us as a people already possessing the 
same settled habits as in later times. We see no primitive mode of 
life; no barbarous customs; not even the habit, so slowly abandoned 
by all people, of wearing arms when not on military service; nor 
any archaic art. And if some clumsy figures have been found in 
the neighbourhood of Memphis, probably of the 3rd dynasty, their 
imperfections are rather attributable to the inferior skill of the 
workmen, than to the habitual style of the period ; and rude figures 
were sometimes made long after the 4th dynasty. 

Whatever may have been the style of construction in the pyra- 
mids of Yencphes, certain it is that in the 4th dynasty, about two 

• Dr. Lepsiua mentions 67 Pyra. 
mids, which necessarily represent a 
large number of kings ; but it is un- 

f ortnnate that the 67 Egyptian 
mids cannot now be traced. 


centuries after Menes, tlie blocks in the pyramids (of GFeezeb), 
many of which were brought from the Cataracts of "Syene, were put 
together with a precision nnsnrpassed by any masonry of ancient or 
modem times ; and all these facts lead to the conclnsion that the 
Egyptians had already made yery great progress in the arts of civilisa- 
tion before the age of Menes, and perhaps before they immigrated 
into the Valley of the Nile. In the tombs of the Pyramid-period 
are repr^ented the same fowling and fishing scenes as occur later ; the 
rearing of cattle, and wild animals of the desert ; the scribes using 
the same kind of reed, for writing on the papyrus an inventory of 
the estate which was to be presented to the owner ; the same boats, 
though rigged with a double mast instead of the single one of later 
times; the same mode of preparing for the entertainment of guests; 
the same introduction of music and dancing ; the same trades, as 
glass-blowers, cabinet-makers, and others ; as well as similar agricul- 
tural scenes, implements, and granaries. We also see the same 
costume of the priests ; and the prophet, or 8am, with his leopard's 
skin dress; and the painted sculptures are both in relief and 
intaglio. And if some changes took place, they were only such as 
necessarily happen in all ages, and were far less marked than in 
other countries. 

The greatest difference observable is in the form, and in some of 
the ornamental decorations, of the tombs ; though these are not 
owing to any inferiority in taste, or masonic skill, but rather to a 
local style, which differed in certain peculiarities from that of Upper 
Egypt. They are sometimes attributable to the period to which 
they belong ; for the peculiar doorways, and the round lintels, of 
the Memphite necropolis, are also met with in the Theba'id ; and at 
Raaineh, some tombs exhibit these and other features common to 
their contemporaries at the pyramids. 

In the Pyramid-period one remarkable fact may also be noticed, 
viz. that the Egyptian sculptors were not bound so rigidly to con- 
ventional forms in the human figure, as in after times ; for not only 
do their statues then bear a closer resemblance to nature, but the 
delineation of the muscles, as in the arms and legs, was more 
decided ; and the sitting figure of a scribe brought from Memphis 
(and now in the Louvre) shows how much more reality was given 
to the human form, than at a later (which was a more conventional) 
a^. That figure, which has far greater truth and expression than 
any of (what is considered) the best period — ^the 18th and 19th 


dynasties — ^bears testimony to the sHll of the early scnlptors ; and 
the style of the hieroglyphics, and the drawing of the cattle and 
other animals, in the tombs, are often fnlly equal to those in after 
times. Thns then no signs are found, on the earliest monuments, 
of a progress from infancy to the more advanced stages of art ; as 
nothing in the customs they represent shows the social condition of 
the Egyptians to have been very different at that early period. 

At the beginning of the 4th dynasty, the peninfimla of Mount 
Sinai was already in the possession of the Egyptians, and its 
copper-mines were worked by them ; and in the fact of King Sh^nS 
(Soris) being represented at Wady Magh^ra slaying an Asiatic 
enemy of the same race as those afterwards defeated by King 
Senofro (Senofr), we have evidence of early conquests ; though they 
may not then have extended far beyond that peninsula. Of the 
Pharaohs of the 4th dynasty, the best known to us from the monu- 
ments and from ancient writers, are 8hur4 (Soris), Suphis (Cheops), 
and Suphis II. (or Sensuphis, a *' brother of Suphis "), the Shufu 
and NoU' Shufu of the monuments, and Mencheres or (Mycerinus) 
MeTt-ka-rS, The two Shufus were the builders of the Great Pyra- 
mid ; and that they reigned together is shown by the number of 
years ascribed to their reigns; by their names being both found 
among the quarry-marks on the blocks used in that monument ; by 
their being on the sculptured walls of the same tomb behind the 
great pyramid ; and by this pyramid having two funereal chambers, 
one for each king, rather than, as generally supposed, for the king 
and queen. The name of Men-Tcayri was found in the 3rd pyra- 
mid, as his coffin attests, which is now in the British Museum. 

The ovals of the four first kings of the 5th dynasty, Osirhef 
(Usercheres), Shafre (Sephres), Nofr'Vr'Ke-Te (Nephercheres), and 
Osir-h-re (Sisires), have been found with those of the 4th dynasty ; 
and one of them, ShafrSj called in the sculptures " of the litUe 
pyramid," appears to have been the founder of the second pyramid; 
but though he ought really to answer to the Cephren of Herodotna, 
the honour of founding the 2nd pyramid has been ascribed to the 
2nd Suphis. His reign was long ; and the names of more persons 
of rank, who lived under Shafre^ are found in the vicinity of the 
pyramids, than of those who lived tmder the other Elephantine, 
Memphite, and Thinite king^s. 

The names of Pharaohs of the Pyramid-period are not found in 
the Thebaid, and rarely in Central Egypt ; and even where they do 


occur, it is not on any monnments erected by them, bnt only in 
tombs of individaals who liyed in their reigns ; as at Isbayda (nearly 
opposite Hermopolis), where Shufu and Osirkef are found together 
in the tomb of a man who was probably governor of the nome at that 
11. [Sixth Dyncuty.'} — Those of the next, or 6th, dynasty of Mem- ^^ ^*^* 
phites, are more frequently met with in Central, and even in Upper, 
Egypt, as in the Cynopolite nome, and elsewhere ; and in the tombs 
at Chenoboscion Papi (or Maire) is found, together with MereU're 
and Nofr-he-re ; and again with the last of these at Beni Moham« 
med-el-Kofoor. Fapi also occurs at Mount Sinai and on the Kos« 
sayr road, and even at Silsilis, and with TaU on a rock at Eilei- 
thyias ; though in the two last instances his name may have been 
merely inscribed by some visitor who lived at that period. Fapi or 
Maire has been conjectured by Chevalier Bunsen to be the Moeris of 
the Labyrinth ; and it is not impossible that he may have been the 
original king of that name. 

Other names, again, of kings of this dynasty are found at Sio6t 
and elsewhere, but merely on altars and small objects ; and if those 
in the tombs, and on stelaa at Mount Sinai, the Kossayr road and 
Middle Egypt, show their rule to have been extensive, other monu« 
ments prove that the 11th dynasty reigned at the same time in 
the Thebaid; and king of this dynasty is stated on a 
papyrus (according to Brugsch) to have censured Papi^ who ruled 
in Lower Egypt, for having favoured the Shepherd invaders. But 
there appear to have been two kings of this name ; the Papi, how- 
ever, answering to the Apappus of Eratosthenes, Apap* the " giant," 
the Phiops of Manetho's 6th dynasty, who reigned 100 years, is the 
one most nsually mentioned on the monuments. Though no huUdinga 
remain south of Syene of any king before the 18th dynasty, except 
the ruined temples of Amun-in-he and Osirtasen at Thebes, the 
Labyrinth, and the pyramids and other sepulchral monuments 
(owing, as I have stated, to the invasion of the Shepherds) ; there 
are numerous tablets on the rocks, of that early age, which are 
of greater importance for history and chronology even than the 
temples, from their giving the dates of kings' reigns, and sometimes 
from their recording their victories over foreign nations; and 

* The Egyptian transposition of the 1 read Apap, Some think the other 
nrel may require Papi, or Papa, to | Papi to have been a Shepherd King. 

34^ SEVENTH TO App. Boot IL 

throagli tHese we liave obtained muck information respecting tHe 
chronology, and the contemporaneousness of certain kings. 

From these too we learn the change introduced by King Papt, of 
adding a royal prenomen to his phonetic nomen. For before his 
time, each Pharaoh had simply one oval (or cartouche) containing 
his name ; and it was Papi who first added a royal prenomen, calling 
himself Maire-Papi, This innovation was followed by all succeeding 
kings; and the prenomen was preferred for designating them, in 
preference to the name which often belonged to several kings. 
Thus the Thothmes, Amunophs, Remeses, and others, are more 
readily distinguished by their prenomens than by their name. 
Kings are also recognized by their banner, or square-title. The 
custom of adding the prenomen was likewise, as might be expected, 
adopted by the kings of the 9th and 11th dynasties, ruling as they 
did contemporaneously with those of the 6th ; and on a coffin of one 
of the later Enentefs of the 11th dynasty, found at Thebes, this 
second oval was added subsequently to the inscription containing 
his phonetic nomen, as in the case of Papi at Chenoboscion. The 
last Pharaoh of the 6th dynasty was Queen Nitocris ; whose name 
is given by Manetho, and by the Turin papyrus; and with her 
ended the rule of these Memphite kings. For at this period Lower 
Egypt was invaded by the Shepherds ; who, about 700 years after 
Menes, entered the country from the north-east, and at length 
succeeded in depriving the Memphite princes of their throne. 

[Seventh^ Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Dynasties.'] — In the mean time 12. 
** other kings " ruled in various parts of Egypt, who were contem- 
poraries of the 6th, and of part of the 2nd and 5th dynasties ; while 
the 7th and 8th, dispossessed by the Shepherds, merely had a 
nominal rule in Lower Egypt ; and the 9th Hcracleppolite dynasty 
held the Hermonthite district at the samci time that the 11th 
D.c. 2240. reigned at Thebes. Nor is it improbable that the name Heracleo- 
polite has been substituted for Hermonthite ; and the mistake may 
be accounted for by the names of all those kings (except the last) 
beginning with the characters that constitute the title of Hercules, 
or the God of Sebennytus ; while the name of the last, Mandotp, or 
Muntofp IL, is the only one of them derived from Mandoo, or Munt, 
the God of Hermonthis. At all events it is at Hermonthis that the 
records of those kings, the Enentefs or Ntentefs, are found ; and 
their alliance with the kings of the llfth Theban dynasty is shown 
by some Enentefs having been buried at Thebes. 

Chap. Yin. 



Of the lOtli dynasty of Heracleopolites we know nothing, not 
even the names, either from Manetho or the monuments ; but the 
OTals of several kings appear in the Turin papyrus, whose deeds 
not haying been such as to merit a place in history are unnoticed 
on the temples and stelao. 
13. [Eleventh Dynasty.'] — That the kings of the 9th were contem- b.c. 2240. 
poraries of the 11th, or the earliest Theban, dynasty is proved by the 
fact of the last King Muntotp II being mentioned on a stela of the 
Kossayr road, together with the first Amun-m-he^ whom (as Mr. 
Stuart Poole has shown) he established in the kingdom ; and an 
Enenief, one of his predecessors, has been found by Mr. Harris in 
some sculptures near Silsilis with the third king of this 11th 
dynasty, Mtmtoip L* in an inferior position to this Theban king. 
Muntoip L reigned at least forty-five years, as a stela at Turin, 
erected during his lifetime, contains the date of his forty-sixth 
year; and if not the leader of the 11th, or earliest, Theban dynasty, 
this Muntotp I. was evidently the great monarch whom the Dios« 
polite Pharaohs placed at the head of their line ; for the list of kings 
put np by Hemeses II., in his temple at Thebes, has no other inter- 
vening between Menes and Ames, the leader of the 18th Theban 
dynasty. Ames, again* traces from him, as in the tomb at Thebes 
recording the members of his family and of that of Amunoph I. ; 
and Thothmes L and HL, Amunoph. I. and III., and Horns, as well 
as Sethi and his son Bemeses II., all Theban kings, mention bim as 
if he were the founder of their line. 

Several stel® confirm tho contemporaneousness of the kings of 
tUs period ; and the Turin papyrus shows that Amun-m-he J., the 
last king of the 11th dynasty, according to Manetho, was twice 
deposed by other kings. He was also contemporary with Muntop IL 
of the 9th ; and in the last part of his reign with Osirtasen J., tho 
leader of the 12th dynasty,t whose 44th year coincided also with the 
2nd year of Amun-m-he II, as the 35th year of Amun-m-he IL corre- 
sponded with the 8rd of the second Osirtasen, Other synchronisms 
likewise occur, which it is not necessary to notice more fully; it is 
sufficient to show that Egypt at this period was not ruled by one 
sorereign, and that the mention in Manetho of Theban and ** other 
hnga ** is confirmed by the monuments ; and if I have already 

* Whom I have called Manmoph in, 
the HatOTia Hieroglyphica. 
fThe *< Instructions " of Amun-m- 

he I. to his son Osirtasen I. are pub- 
lished in the "Records of the Past," 
VOL i. pp. 11-16.— [G. B. 1876.] 

34^ I^EVENTH TO App.BookIL 

entered into certain details wbicli may appear tedious, I plead as 
my exense the importance of these synchronous reigns, and of eveiy- 
tbing relating to the succession of the early kings ; which will pro- 
bably receive farther elucidation from the interesting papyrus in 
the possession of Dr. Abbott, containing as it does the names of a 
Sken'ti-re, an Enentefy and other kings hitherto unknown to us from 
Manetho and the monuments. 
B.C. 2020 [^Twelfth Dynasty.'] — The Osirtasens and Amun-m-Kes were power- 
f ul kings ; and Osirtasen I. is shown by the remains of temples he 
founded to have ruled the whole of Egypt, from the Delta to the 
second cataract: — an obelisk of his still stands at Heliopolis; a 
&llen one is in the Fy6om; and his name appears in the oldest 
portion of the great temple of Karnak at Thebes, in a ruined tem|de 
opposite Eileithyias, and in another near Wady Half eh. Sepulchral 
stelss bearing his name have also been found in the Necropolis of 
Abydos, and historical ones in other places; and he even ex- 
tended his conquests into Ethiopia. A stela of the 28th year of 
Amun-m-he II, was found at a watering-place in the desert near 
Kossayr, recording his conquests over the people of PoiOi(, and 
another of Odrtasen 17. at the same place, which was probably con- 
nected with the trade of the Bed Sea; and though the third 
Osirtasen has not left the same number of monuments as the first of 
that name, yet many of his stelaa are found at Mount Sinai, the 
Kossayr road, the first cataract, and other places; and it is a 
curious fact, that he is treated as a god by some of the kings of the 
18th dynasty, as by Thothmes III. at Semneh, and by Thothmes 
rV. at Amada in Lower or Egyptian Ethiopia. 

It is difficult to assign a reason for this unusual honour; but 
even though the first Osirtasen was the original Sesostris, there may 
have been some events connected with Ethiopia which led to the 
great respect paid to the memory of the third Osirtasen, and which 
even gave him a claim to the name of that renowned conqueror ; 
and the peculiar sanctity he enjoyed accords with Manetho's account 
of Sesostris, that *' he was considered by the Egyptians the first (or 
greatest) after Osiris." The title "good" introduced into one of 
the variations of his name, may also have reference to this excel- 
lence ; and it is possible that his conquests in Ethiopia in his 8th 
year, and the establishment of the Egyptian frontier at Semneh, 
together with his successes over the Kegroes, may have made him 
conspicuous as a conqueror aa well as a benefactor of his country i 




and it is to this Sesostris that Herodotus appears really to allade, 
when he says he was the first king who ruled in Ethiopia. 
lo. The acts of the next king mentioned by Manetho accord still 
more correctly with what we learn from the monuments ; and his 
Lachares, or Labaris, " who built the Labyrinth as a tomb for him- 

Iself in the Arsinoite nome," is evidently the Amun-m.he III. whose 
mme has been found by Dr. Lepsius in that building. Some have 
thought the name Labaris to be the origin of Labyrinth ; but it is 
more probable that the reading in Manetho, fitff &y Adfiapu, should 
be fi^ u 8i Mdpu ; for he was the Moeris of the Labyrinth, and 
doubtless of the lake abo; and the observations of the annual 
inundations at Semneh, made by Amun^m^he III.^ confirm the belief 
that he was the king whose grand hydraulic works ennobled the 
name of Moeris.* These last show that Amun-m-lie^a dominion 
extended from Ethiopia to the neighbourhood of Memphis. The 
governors of nomes in central Egypt were also appointed at this 
period by the Pharaohs of the 12th dynasty, as we learn from the 
tombs of Beni Hassan and El-Bersheh ; where the names of the two 
first Osirtasens are found. Li a tomb near El-6ersheh is given the 
mode of drawing a colossus on a sledge, with gardening and other 
scenes; and the caves of Beni Hassan are well known for the 
nnmerous paintings that illustrate so fully the manners and customs 
of the Egyptians, and for the character of their early architecture, 
with its fluted columns, — the prototype of the Ghreek Doric. 

The oldest date, on the monuments, of Osirtasen J.f (the Seson- 
chdsis of Manetho), is his 44th year ; of Amun-rit'he IL (Ammene- 
mes), his 35th ; of Osirtasen IL^ his 3rd ; of Osirtasen III,, his 14th ; 
and of Amun-m-he III., his 44th : showing that of Manetho's dates, 
which are 46, 38, 48, 8, and 8 years, the two last are far too little, 
and that no reliance can be placed upon them ; but his order of 
these kings, Ammenemee, or Amun-'rn'he J., being the last of the 
11th, and Sesonch6sis, or Osirtasen J., the 1st of the 12th dynasty, 
is confirmed by the monuments and the Turin papyrus. 
]g [Thirteenth Theban, and Fourteenth XoUe, Dynasties.'] — The sue- b.c. 1860. 

• It was probably from tlie higher 
lerel of the Nile above Silsilis that the 
canal first led the water to the Lake 
Hceris (and to the general tank system 
of Egypt) in the time of this king; 
the river offering a greater fall of 
water before the rocks of Silsilis gave 

way. See n. ' ch. iii. and App. CH« 
iv. 4. 

t The two signs beginning his name^ 
and that of Osiris, may be a doable s ; 
and hence Ssiris, or Sins, would stand 
for s, in Sethu Sals, Sioat, &o., have 
the doable s. 


ceeding Theban dynasiy, tlie 13th, appears to liave been depriyed of 
its authority, even at Thebes ; and the discovery of the ovals of 
these kings in Ethiopia, many of whom had the Ethiopian name 
Sabaco, together with the evidence of the old monnments of Amon- 
m-he I. and Osirtasen I. having been thrown down at Thebes, argue 
that they took refuge in Ethiopia when the Shepherds advanced 
into Upper Egypt, and seized its capital. Manetho indeed relates 
that the Shepherd-kings made long and constant attacks on the 
Egyptians ; which the Pharaohs of the 11th dynasty were still able 
to withstand ; for one of them, Amnn-iii-he III. (as I have just 
stated), retained all middle Egypt, including the modem Fydom; 
and it was probably not till the reign of his second successor, the 
Skemiophris of Manetho, the last of the 11th dynasty, that the 
Thebaid fell into their hands. This, their gradual conquest of the 
country, will account for different periods having been assigned to 
it, and to the duration of their rule. And the flight of the Egyp- 
tian kings into Ethiopia is evidently the origin of the story told by 
Manetho, of a similar event ; though his copyists, to suit their own 
purposes, have attributed to a different cause, and to the later period 
of "Amenophis," what really happened during the Shepherd in- 
vasion. Of the 14th dynasty, of Xo'ites, no names are given either 
by Manetho or the monuments: though they appear to be men- 
tioned in the Turin papyrus. 
B.C. 2031. [Fifteenth^ Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Dynasties — Shepherds,'\ — 17. 
These invaders constituted the 15th, 16th, and 17th dynasties of 
Manetho ; and the statement that the 17th was composed of an equal 
number of Shepherds and Theban kings is evidently erroneous. 
Their occupation of Egypt was probably owing, not to a mere love of 
conquest, but to the desire of maintaining a right they claimed to 
the throne, through marriages with the &mily of the Pharaohs, or 
to an invitation from some one of the inferior Egyptian princes who 
had been dispossessed of his government ; and either of these causes 
would account for their having obtained possession of part of Lower 
Egypt *^ without a battle," and for their having received assistance 
from some of the Egyptians. Nor was their rule like that of 
a people who had entered the country for the sake of conquest ; 
their religion was different, and they treated that of the l^;yptian8 
with disrespect ; but they were at one time on terms of amity with 
some of the kings of other parts of Egypt ; and they so augmented 
the power of the country they governed, that on their expulsion, 

Chap. VIIL 



Egypt, instead of having snffered nnder their rule, rose immediately 
to that floorishing condition it enjoyed under the Pharaohs of the 
18th dynasty. But though the power of Egypt was not diminished, 
the people naturally regretted their native princes ; and even if all 
the cruelties said to have been perpetrated by these foreigners were 
exaggerated, still their usurpation, and the contempt with which 
they treated the religion of Egypt, made their rule odious and 
insupportable ; so that the name of Shepherd continued for ever to 
be " an abomination unto the Egyptians." 

It is not easy to determine what race of people they were ; and 
they have been variously pronounced to be Assyrians, Scythians, 
Cnshites (or Ethiopians) of Asia, Phoenicians, or Arabians. Mane- 
tho calls them "Phoenicians," and shows them not to have been 
&om Assyria, when he says they took precautions against " the 
increasing power of the Assyrians ; " and the character of " Shep- 
herds " accords far better with that of the people of Arabia. Indeed 
the name Hyk-sos may be translated " Shepherd," or " Arab, kings; " 
hyh being the common title " king," or " ruler," given even to the 
Pharaohs on the monuments, and shoSy signifying ** shepherd," or 
answering to Shaao, " Arabs." How any of the Arabians had suffi- 
cient power to invade, and obtain a footing in, Egypt, it is difficult 
to explain ; but it is well known that a people from Arabia, called 
PhosnicicmSj* or the red race, who were originally settled on the 
Persian Gkdf , invaded Syria, and took possession of the coast ; and 
similar snecesses may have afterwards attended their invasion of 
Egypt, especially if aided by the alliance of some of its princes. 
The statement too of Amos (ix. 7), that the Philistines of Syria 
came from Caphtor t (which was a name applied to Egypt), may 
relate to this subsequent passage of another body of Phoenicians 
into Syria, after their expidsion from Egypt. 

Having held possession of Egypt 511 (or, according to the 
longest date, 625) years, the Shepherds were driven out by AmSs, 
or Amofiis, the first king of the 18th dynasty ; and the whole of the 
country was then xmited under one king, who justly claimed the 
title of Lord of " the two regions," or " Upper and Lower Egypt." 

*If the FhcBniciazis are HamiteB 
aad CuBhites, their ooming from Arabia 
will accord with their being thought 
Arabians, and with the "second" 
infasion of Egypt by a Coshite race 

(infra, § 23). 

t Copthor, or Kebt Hor, was the old 
name of Coptos. (See ch. 15, &• <^ 
Book iL) 


From that time the events mentioned by Manetho, and his sncces- 
sion of kings, freed from the confusion of contemporary reigns, 
might have been clear and satisfactory, had it not been for the 
errors (often purposely) introduced by his copyists, who endea- 
voured to mix up the account of the sojourn of the Israelites, and 
their Exodus, with the history of the Shepherds ; and the similarity 
of the names Amosis and Tethmosis (Aahmes,* or Am^s, and 
Thothmes), added to the confusion. 
B.C. 1620. [^Eighteenth Dynasty,'] — ^With the eighteenth dynasty commences 18. 
a more continuous monumental history of Egypt ; but there is no 
authority from Manetho or the monuments for dividing the history 
of Egypt into the " old, middle, and new kingdoms : " nor was the 
whole of the country ruled by each king of the different dynasties 
in succession, during the period that elapsed from Menea to Amosis. 
Egypt had long been preparing to free itself from the yoke of the 
Shepherds; and weakened by successive defeats, and opposed to 
the united forces of the Thebaid and Ethiopia, under the energeiac 
guidance of Amosis, these foreigners were unable to maintain their 
authority in the country ; and an inscription of the 22nd year of 
Amosis, in the quarries of Mdsarah, saying that stones had been 
cut there by his order for the temple of Pthah at Memphis, as weU 
as for that of Amun at Thebes, proves that Lower Egypt had 
already been recovered from them. In the tomb at Eileithyiaa, of a 
captain of the fleet of the same name as the king (Aahmes), that 
officer is said to have gone to Tanis during his reign ; so that the 
Shepherds must then have been expelled from the whole of the 
country ; and Apion (according to Clemens) shows the Hyksos were 
driven from Avaris, their last stronghold, by AmSs. This appears 
to be confirmed by the inscription at Eileithyias, and by Manetho's 
stating that Tethmosis (improperly put for Amosis) reigned 25 years 
after their departure. 

During his reign mention is first made of the horse on the monu- 
ments ; from which fact, and from its being often designated by the 
Semitic name 8u8, showing that it came from Asia, it has been sup- 
posed that it was first introduced by the Shepherd-kings. If so, 
they may have been in a great degree indebted for their succeasfol 
invasion of Egypt to their horses and chariots ; and if they conferred 
this boon on the Egyptians, they may be looked upon as their bene- 

* Aahmes, lohmes, or Am^s, from which were made the names of 
and Amasis. 

CflAP.Vm. AMUNOPH I. 353 

factors and tlie causes of their future power. Certain it is that 
neither at the tombs about the pyramids, nor at Beni Hassan, is 
there any indication of the horse,* though the animals of the 
country are so numerous in their paintings ; and it is singular that 
ia after times Egypt should be the country whence horses were im- 
ported into Syria by Solomon's traders; and at the time of the 
invasion by Sennacherib it was in Egypt that the Jews were said to 
pat their trust " for chariots and for horsemen." 

Ames apparently claimed his right to the Theban throne from 
Muntotjp L (as already stated),t tis his successor Amunoph I. did 
from Bken-n-re^ a later king of the 11th dynasty ; and Amunoph I. 
i3 frequently represented with a black queen, AmSs-nofrua/re, who 
appears to have been the wife of Ames, and one of the holy women 
devoted to the service of the God of Thebes. J She even had the 
office, held only by priests, of pouring out libations to Amun ; and 
a tablet found by Mr. Harris represents Amunoph I. as the foster- 
child of this queen, at whose court Mr. Birch supposes that Atiiis 
took refuge, while preparing to expel the Shepherds. Indeed it is 
the marriage of Ames with her which is thought to have united the 
two ^onilies of the 13th and 18th dynasties. There was also 
another queen of Amisy called AahSip, a white woman and an Egyp- 
tian, who is represented with the black Ames-tyofri-are on the same 
monuments, at Thebes, and in the British Museum, but in an infe- 
rior position ; and this is readily explained by the greater import- 
ance of the Ethiopian princess. 

The perfect freedom of the country from all further attempts of b*^- 1498. 
the Shepherds enabled Amunoph L to extend his dominions beyond 
the frontier ; and succeeding kings of this dynasty added to his con- 
quests both in Africa and Asia. It is also evident § that in his 
reign the Egyptians had already adopted the five intercalary days 
to complete the year of 365 days || ; as well as the 12 hours of day 
and night % ; and arches of crude brick are found at Thebes bearing 
his name, which proves that they were in cotnmon use in tombs at 
that period ; though all these three were doubtless of much earlier 

• See note' on eh. 108, Book ii. 

t Snpra, § 13. 

X Qneena seem to have taken this 
o&ce after the death of their hnsbandfl. 
Am^-nofri-ar^ is styled "Gtoddess- 
wife of Amun." 

§FrQin a sepulchral box from 

VOL. n. 2 a 

Thebes, now in the Moseum at Tnrin, 
bearing his name. 

II See Appendix to Book ii. CH. ii. 
on the use of the year of 365 days. 

^ On a mnmmy case at Leyden^ 
haying his name. 

3 54 THOTHMES L AND IL Afp. Book IL 

date than tlie era of Amnno^li. He also added some new cliambers 
to the great temple of Kamak ; and his name frequently occnrs at 
Thebes, especiallj in tombs belonging to individuals who livcfd in 
his reign. 

The names of the kings of the 18th dynasty agree pretty well 
with those in Manetho ; but not sufficiently to show that we can 
rely implicitly on him for those in other dynasties, where the mona- 
ments fail us as guides ; for his second king, Chebron, is not found 
on the monuments, and there is some uncertainty about others even 
in this dynasty. 

B.C. 1478. Thothmes I., the successor of Amunoph, has left an inscription 19. 
at Tombos, in Ethiopia, recording his conquests over the NaJist 
(negroes) in his 2nd year ; and the captain of the fleet already men- 
tioned, who was in the service of the Pharaohs from Amis to 
Thothmes II., records his having captured 21 men, a horse, and a 
chariot, in the land of NaharayUy or Mesopotamia; so that tbe 
Egyptians must now have extended their arms far beyond their own 
frontier. And when we find that Thothmes I. ruled over the land 
of the nine bows, or Libya, we are not surprised that it should form 
part of his dominions, since Manetho shows that the Libyans Were 
already under the rule of Egypt as early as the 3rd dynasty. At 
Thebes he made additions to the great temple of Kamak, where one 
of lus obelisks is still standing ; and other monuments at Thebes 
bear his name, as well as that of Thothmes II., who made some 
small additions to the temple of Elamak. But little notice is given 
of the warlike deeds of the second Thothmes, beyond his main- 
tenance of the Egyptian rule in Ethiopia. 

B.C. 1463. His successor, Thothmes III., made himself far more conspicuous 
by the numerous buildings he erected in Thebes, and throughout 
Egypt, and by his foreign conquests. But in the early part of 
their reigns, both these princes (the second and third Thothmes) 
were associated on the throne with Queen Amun-tum-het, who 
appears to have enjoyed far greater consideration than either of 
them, probably owing to her having the office of regent For not 
only are monuments raised in her own name, but she is represented 
dressed as a man, and alone presenting offerings to the gods. Snch 
indeed was her importance, that she has been supposed to be a 
princess who conquered the country, perhaps even Semiramis, — 
who is said by Clemens (Strom, p. 397) to have governed Egypt ; or, 
at least, to have had a more direct right to the throne than tbe 




Thothmes ; and her title " Uben-f in the foreign land," ♦ is singn- 
larly in accordance with the expression Uben-re, or Ubn-re, " the 
shinisg sun," discovered by I^yard on a fragment at Nineveh, 
bearing that title of the snn in hieroglyphics. She was however an 
Egyptian princess ; and probably the Amensis of Manetho, who is 
represented to have been the sister of Amenophis, and to have 
ragned nearly 22 years. 

Thothmes III. having attained the requisite age for mounting the 
throne, enjoyed a greater share of the royal power, and his name 
was admitted, together with that of Amun-nou-het, on some of her 
later monuments ; still he only held an inferior position, and ho 
never obtained the chief authority as king during her lifetime. 
On a statue of this period she is called his " sister ; " f l>^t she was 
probably only so by an earlier marriage of his father ; and such 
was the hatred borne by Thothmes against her, that after her death 
he ordered her name to be erased from her monuments, and his own 
to be sculptured in its stead. But this was not always done witli 
the care required to conceal the alterations ; and sentences of this 
kind frequently occur : " King Thothmes, she has made this work 
for her father Amun." He succeeded, however, in having her name 
omitted from the list of kings ; and she is not mentioned even in 
those put up at a later time by Bemeses U. at Thebes and Abydus. 
The most remarkable of her monuments were the great obelisks at 
Kamak, the largest erected at Thebes, one of which is still stand- 
ing ; and on the opposite side of the Nile she embellished the tomb, 
or rock-temple, of Thothmes I., beneath the cliffs of the Assaseef, 
erecting before it a granite gateway, and making many other exter- 
nal additions to its courts ; and numerous monuments were put up 
hj her in other parts of Egypt. She ruled at least 15 or 16 years, J 
and alone apparently during some portion of that time ; but there is 
a difficulty in determining the duration of these reigns, and the 
relationship of the two Thothmes. The Third ruled for a short 
time after her death ; and though he commenced his reign after she 
had mounted the throne, he probably included the reign of Amun- 
nou-het in his own. 

* On a Bcarabsens in my possession, 
foond at Thebes. (For that of Nim- 
Toiid, tee the Transactions of the 
R. 8. of Literature, 2nd series, vol. 
iu. p. 176.) 

"f Kow in the British Hnseum; 

fonnd at Thebes. 

t Her 16th year is fonnd on a 
tablet in W. Magh^bra, given by 
Laborde, and on the g^eat obelisk at 



App. Book IL 

The reign of Thothmes III. is one of the most remarkable in the ^^' 
history of the Pharaohs.* He extended his arms far into Asia^ 
from which he received a large tribute, brought to Egypt by the 
chiefs of the nations he had triumphed over ; and who, as was the 
custom of those days, often agreed to make this acknowledgment of 
their defeat without yielding up their country to the victorious 
enemy as a conquered province ; f and the successes obtained by 
Thothmes over the Fount X (a nation of Arabia), the Kufa (supposed 
to be the people of Cyprus), the Eot-h-no, and the Southern Ethio- 
pians, are commemorated on the monuments of Thebes. The exact 
position of these countries cannot be easily determined, but they 
are evidently far from the confines of Egypt ; and the elephant and 
bear, horses, rare woods, bitumen, and the rich gold and silver 
vases, brought by the Rot-^i^no; the ebony, ivory, and precious 
metals, by those of Fount ; the gold and silver vases of the Kufa ; 
and the cameleopards, apes, ostrich feathers, ebony, ivory, and gold 
in dust, ingots and rings, from Ethiopia, show the distance from 
which they were brought, as well as the richness of the tribute. 
The tight dresses, the long gloves, the red hair and blue eyes of the 
Bot-^no § also proclaim them to be of a colder climate than Syria ; 
though the jars of bitumen (or " sift^^^ answering to the Arabic zift) 
appear to place them in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates or the 
Tigris. II The beauty of their silver, gold, and porcelain vases, at all 
events point them out as a people far advanced in luxury and taste. 

Other victories are also recorded, in the great temple of Elarnak, 
over the people of Asia ; and besides the Roi-n-no, the neighbouring 
Naharayn (Mesopotamia), Singar, and other countries are mentioned 
as having paid him tribute ; and he is represented to have " stopped 
at Ninieu (Nineveh), when he set up his stela in Naharayn, having 
enlarged the confines of Egypt." % 

* Several most important ioscrip- 
tions belonging to the time of this 
king have been recently published in 
the " Becords of the Fast/' vol. ii. pp. 
19.64— [G. B. 1876.] 

t In some cases a eowniry may have 
been called conquered (by the Egyp- 
tians, Assyrians, or others), when in 
fact a victory had only been gained over 
its army s perhaps even when that 
army was beyond its own frontier. 

X There appears to be a Ponnt of 
Soatherny and another of Northern 

Arabia. See note^, ch. 102, and 
note ', ch. 108, Book ii. 

§ See the costumes of these and 
other people in woodoats in note on 
ch. 61, Book vii. 

II See below, p. 358. 

% For an acconnt of the oonqnesta 
of Thothmes III. see Birch's annals of 
that king in. the Archssologia, vol. 
zxxv. pp. 116-166. Sir H. Bawlinson 
believes that the places here men. 
tioned were all in Western Mesopo- 
tamia, not far from the Euphrates. 


Misled by the similarity of the names Aahmes and Thoihmes (and 
perhaps still more by Aah, "the moon," being a character of Thoth), 
Josephns makes Manetho say that Tethmosis, or *'*' Thnmmosis, the 
son of Misphragmnthosis," drove ont the Shepherds ; bnt in 
another quotation from the same historian, he shows that Teth- 
mosis was no other than the first king of the 18th dynasty ; and 
we hare already seen from the acts of Ames, and his immediate 
successors, that Egypt was already freed from those enemies long 
before the accession of Thothmes III. and his Asiatic conqnests.* 

The great additions he made to Kamak, and other temples in 
Thebes, and the remains of monuments bearing his name at Mem- 
phis, Heliopolis, Coptos, Ombos, and other cities in difEerent parts 
of Egypt, show how much was done by Thothmes III. to beautify 
them, and to commemorate the glories of his reign ; and the style, 
as well as the high finish of his sculptures, were not much surpassed 
at any subsequent period. Indeed he seems to have taken a delight 
in architecture, like Adrian in later times ; and he has left more 
monuments than any Pharaoh except the second Kemeses. And 
though, in the reversed capitals and cornices of the columnar hall 
behind his granite sanctuary at Karnak,t he displayed a caprice 
consistent neither with elegance nor utility, the pure style of his 
other monuments shows that (like the imperial architect), though 
occasionally whimsical, he was not deficient in good taste. 

It was during his reign that the two obelisks were made, which 
at a later period were transported to Alexandria ; two others are 
mentioned at Thebes, dedicated to the Sun, which no longer remain ; 
that now standing at Constantinople was also made by him; and 
the handsome one which is now at S. Giovanni Laterano, in Rome, 
bears his name in the central, and that of Thothmes lY. in the 
lateral, lined. Of his other monuments a very remarkable one is 
the chamber called " of the Kings " at Kamak, where he is repre- 
sented making offerings to sixty of his predecessors ; and not only do 
stone fragments, but the remains of crude brick enclosures, bear 
witness to the number of his buildings that once stood at Thebes. 
There are indeed more bricks bearing his name than that of any 
other king ; and it is in the tomb, where the tribute before men- 
tioned is recorded, that the curious process of brick-making is 

• Above, § 18. I Ptolemy, in the name of Philip 

f This sanotnarj was rebuilt by | AridsBUB. 



represented, whieli tallies so exactly with that described in Exodus.* 
His ovals also appear far more commonly on the smaller scaraben 
than that of any other Pharaoh ; and he is remarkable for the great 
variety in the mode of writing his name, of which I have more than 
thirty variations. 

In Ethiopia his principal temples were those of Semneh and 
Amada ; to the latter of which Thothmes lY. made some additions ; 
and at both places their predecessor, Osirtasen III., of the I2Ui 
dynasty, received divine hononrs.f The two temples of Semneh 
were bnilt at the beginning of his reign ; and as offerings to the 
temple made in his second year are there recorded, withont the 
name of Amun-non-het, Thothmes III. must have been reigning 
alone ; which shows that his regnal years were reckoned from her 
death, and were not included in their joint reign ; and this would 
be consistent with the fact of his having been very young when 
first associated with her on the throne. His first campaign, how- 
ever, not occurring till his 22nd regnal year, would argue gainst it, 
at least on other occasions, and would require him to have reckoned 
also the years of his divided rule ; and his conquests in Asia, men- 
tioned in the great tablet at Kamak, date in his 29th, 30th, and 
33rd years ; though the first of them is siyled his 5th expedition. 
His 6th, in his 30th year, was against the Eot-h-no. In his 33rd 
year he appears to have defeated the people of Lemanon also, who 
continued the same war ; and this fact, and the name of Ninieu 
(Nineveh), occurring with that of Naharai/n